To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Christian Turks.
Journal articles on the topic 'Christian Turks'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Christian Turks.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Umud oğlu Əliyev, Əli. "Our monuments belonging to Christian Turks." SCIENTIFIC WORK 75, no. 2 (2022): 38–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/75/38-49.
Full textAbstract:
Ermənilər Azərbaycan ərazilərində məskunlaşdırıldığı gündən bu günə kimi xristian bayrağı altında gizlənərək, min illik qədim tarixə malik Alban mədəniyyətinə sahib çıxmaqla Alban dövlətini inkar edirlər. Xristian türk mədəniyyəti ermənilər tərəfindən ya yox edilmiş, ya da saxtalaşdıraraq özününküləşdirmişlər. Həmçinin türklərin nəinki xristianlıq dvründəki, hətta xristianlıqdan qabaq inam və inanclarına əsasən tikdikləri, öz düşüncələrinə uyğun adlandırdıqları məbədləri də erməni və gürcülər saxtalaşdırmışlar. Amaras-Ağoğlan məbədi, Aten monastırı, Ana kilsəsi, Obalı məbədi, Tutu monastırı, Tive məbədi, Kaçı məbədi, Koçkar kilsəsi, Çanaxçı məbədi, Çarek monastırı və s. qədim türk səcdəgahlarını erməni və gürcülər utanmadan, çəkinmədən saxta adlarla özününküləşdirirlər. Axı o adlar formalaşanda erməni və gürcü qəbiləsi belə yox idi. Sual olunur, bəs onda, bu adlar necə erməni və gürcü adı ola bilər?! Açar sözlər: Azərbaycan, xristianlıq, Cərcis peyğəmbər, xaç simvolu, Zümürxaç, Kiş dağı, Qarakeş kəndi, Zorkeş kəndi Ali Umud Aliyev Our monuments belonging to Christian Turks Summary Armenians have been hiding under the Christian banner since the day they settled in Azerbaijan, denying the Albanian state by claiming to have an Albanian culture with a thousand-year-old history. Christian Turkish culture was either destroyed or falsified by Armenians. Armenians and Georgians also falsified not only the temples built by the Turks in the Christian era, but also in pre-Christian beliefs and beliefs. Amaras — Agoghlan Temple, Aten Monastery, Mother Church, Obali Temple, Tutu Monastery, Tive Temple, Kachi Temple, Kochkar Church, Chanakhchi Temple, Charek Monastery, etc. Armenians and Georgians shamelessly and appropriately adopt ancient Turkish shrines under false names. After all, when those names were formed, there were no Armenian or Georgian tribes. The question is, how can these names be Armenian and Georgian ?! Key words: Azerbaijan, Christianity, Georgian prophet, symbol of the cross, Zumurkhach, Kish mountain, Garakesh village, Zorkesh village
2
Methuen, Charlotte. "‘And our Muhammad goes with the Archangel Gabriel to Choir’: Sixteenth-Century German Accounts of Life under the Turks." Studies in Church History 51 (January 2015): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050178.
Full textAbstract:
In the German lands of the sixteenth century, the threat of Turkish invasion coloured perceptions of religious diversity. As the Turkish threat became more real to Western Europeans, the experiences of Christians under the Turks, and the responses of the Turks - who were of course Muslims - to encounters with the Christian faith became topics of considerable concern. In 1539, a pamphlet purporting to offer a German translation of a letter from Constantinople was printed in Augsburg, Magdeburg and possibly Nuremberg.
3
Smeeton, Donald Dean. "William Tyndale's Suggestions for a Protestant Missiology." Missiology: An International Review 14, no. 2 (1986): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968601400204.
Full textAbstract:
Without challenging the commonly held conclusion that the reformers generally did not stress the importance of missions, this article outlines the missiology suggested in the writings of William Tyndale. His references to the Turks make it clear that he was aware of non-Christians and of the Christians' responsibility. In face of the Turks' threat, Tyndale opposed armed resistance and, instead, emphasized love as the essential Christian motive for evangelism. The recovery of the lost art of preaching coupled with holy living constituted a missionary necessity laid on all Christians, men and women. Tyndale's role—and thus his fame—as a translator can thus be understood as a natural corollary of the reformer's missiology.
4
Mamedova, (Suleymanova) E. "THE HISTORY OF THE PAMBAK SULTANATE." Sciences of Europe, no. 98 (August 8, 2022): 25–28. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6973750.
Full textAbstract:
The article on the history of the Pambak Sultanate, which existed in the system of feudal fragmented Azerbaijan in the second half of the 18th century, examines the territory, population, language, ruling dynasties of the Muslim feudal domain. The materials of the analysis indicate that the territory of the sultanate belonged to the Oghuz Turks. The territory of the sultanate covered a number of regions of present-day Armenia: Karakilisa(Kirovokancity, Gugargregion), Jalalogly(Stepanavan), Khamamli(Spitak) and part of Gyumri(Leninakan).The capital of the Sultanate was the city Karakilisa. Ananalysis of historical facts, documentary sources, historical research, as well as the names of toponyms and ethnonyms, made it possible to establish that a mixed Christian-Muslim population lived on the territory of the Pambak Sultanate with an absolute majority of Turks. The language of communication was the Turkic language. The Christian population was represented by the descendants of Albanian Christians.
5
Bielenin-Lenczowska, Karolina. "Praktyka religijna i tożsamość macedońskich muzułmanów / Torbeszów w kontekście islamizacji na Bałkanach." Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 267–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.016.
Full textAbstract:
Religious practice and identity of Macedonian Muslims / Torbeši in the context of islamization in the BalkansThe subject of this paper is the analysis of identity and religious practices of Macedonian Muslims / Torbeši within the context of Islamisation in the Balkan Peninsula. The Torbeši, i.e. Muslims whose mother tongue is Macedonian, themselves are not unanimous in self-identification. In part they declare their affiliation to the Macedonian nation, in part they consider themselves an autonomous ethnic group, while some derive their origin from the Turks or consider to be Albanians.In Macedonian official discourse Macedonian Muslims are those who convert into Islam during the time of Ottoman Empire. By Christians they are perceived to be our Muslims, i.e. not radical or even not true Muslims. It means, Torbeši are told to be in fact Crypto-Christans who only superficially and officially changed faith, but still practice some Christian activities that are referred in scholarship as Crypto-Christianity, bi-confession or non-completed Islamisation. In Macedonian Muslim or mixed Muslim and Orthodox-Muslim villages these practices are visible – they visit Christian temples, light candles and ask for prayers as well as observe some Christian feasts, like the Day of St. George.
6
Detrez, Raymond. "Orthodox Christian Bulgarians Coping with Natural Disasters in the Pre-Modern Ottoman Balkans." Religions 12, no. 5 (2021): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12050367.
Full textAbstract:
Premodern Ottoman society consisted of four major religious communities—Muslims, Orthodox Christians, Armenian Christians, and Jews; the Muslim and Christian communities also included various ethnic groups, as did Muslim Arabs and Turks, Orthodox Christian Bulgarians, Greeks, and Serbs who identified, in the first place, with their religious community and considered ethnic identity of secondary importance. Having lived together, albeit segregated within the borders of the Ottoman Empire, for centuries, Bulgarians and Turks to a large extent shared the same world view and moral value system and tended to react in a like manner to various events. The Bulgarian attitudes to natural disasters, on which this contribution focuses, apparently did not differ essentially from that of their Turkish neighbors. Both proceeded from the basic idea of God’s providence lying behind these disasters. In spite of the (overwhelmingly Western) perception of Muslims being passive and fatalistic, the problem whether it was permitted to attempt to escape “God’s wrath” was coped with in a similar way as well. However, in addition to a comparable religious mental make-up, social circumstances and administrative measures determining equally the life conditions of both religious communities seem to provide a more plausible explanation for these similarities than cross-cultural influences.
7
Perigo, Jeremy. "Beyond Translated vs. Indigenous: Turkish Protestant Christian Hymnody as Global and Local Identity." Religions 12, no. 11 (2021): 905. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12110905.
Full textAbstract:
At Turkey’s first national worship conferences in 2011, a passionate debate arose on whether Western music or indigenous Turkish music was most appropriate for worship. Some Turks felt that the Western missionaries were imposing indigenous musics on Turks as a type of “reverse colonization”. They felt that the current Western musical styles were best for worship. One Turk stated, “the saz is being forced down our throats”. Other Turks felt liberated to sing and play songs in traditional Turkish musical styles. The debate at the conference highlights the desire of missionaries and Turks to see renewal in congregational hymnody. Nevertheless, the Western vs. indigenous Turkish music debate reduces complex historical, musical, and liturgical issues into a divisive binarism. Using hymns sung in corporate worship in Turkey as a source, I will analyze here the quantity of musical localization in Turkish Protestant worship seeking to present musical localization as a lens to examine Turkish Christian liturgical identity.
8
Hovhannisyan, N. "THE TRIBAL IMAGE OF TURKS IN HAKOB OSHAKAN'S NOVELS AS A PREREQ-UISITE TO THE ARMENIAN CAUSE AND THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE." Norwegian Journal of development of the International Science, no. 108 (May 12, 2023): 56–61. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7945072.
Full textAbstract:
<strong>Abstract</strong> The article aims at examining the tribal features of Turkishness in the novels of Hakob Oshakan, a Western Armenian writer who survived the Genocide. In our deep conviction,the highest achievement of Oshakan's artistic system, together with it being a novel, cultural studies, ethics, psychoanalysis and ideology, is the novel of the Armenian Cause and the Armenian Genocide. as a collective concentration of national characteristics and a precursor to the Armenian Genocide,Turkishness is brought into action in all of Oshakan's works with multi-level manifestations. The research is carried out to reveal two main issues: the psychology and senses of actions of the Turkish tribal type and the mentality of Turks. The analysis of Turkish tribal biological psychology leads Oshakanto the general idea that Turks are thirsty for blood and violence, and that Turkishness is a terminal cancer spread over the lives of the Armenian people. According to Oshakan, the psychology of extermination and occupation reaches the level of national doctrine in Turkey. The Turks took over the Armenian and Byzantine historical lands through genocide, forcibly Turkified the Christian civilization, and forced the Christian masses to convert. As an unbreakable bigotry the tribal archetype of Turks is passed down from generation to generation, and the chronology of time documents the sad reality that Turks will never change.
9
Hanebrink, Paul. "Islam, Anti-Communism, and Christian Civilization: The Ottoman Menace in Interwar Hungary." Austrian History Yearbook 40 (April 2009): 114–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237809000101.
Full textAbstract:
On 4 October 1948, József Cardinal Mindszenty preached a sermon for the rosary feast in front of 35,000 Catholic faithful. He began by reminding his congregation of the origins of the feast day that they were celebrating: the victory of Europe's Christian states over the Ottoman Turkish fleet at the naval battle of Lepanto in 1571. This great victory in the struggle of universal Christendom against the infidel enemy recalled to Mindszenty a second, more particularly Hungarian parallel: the victory of Habsburg forces over the Ottoman Turkish enemy at the battle of Temesvár in 1716. “Hungarian history recalls too such a rosary victory—the Hungarian Christians won it over the Turks in 1716 at Temesvár.” Both military victories represented moments when Europeans had repelled a force seen at the time, and ever after, as hostile to Christian civilization.
10
Hibbert, Richard Y. "Toward an Understanding of Turkish Worldview." Missiology: An International Review 38, no. 3 (2010): 309–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182961003800306.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes cultural data provided by anthropologists, missionaries, and the author's personal experience in order to identify major themes in the worldview of Turks. Cultural data about Turks provided by anthropologists and missionaries were collected and analyzed to identify key worldview elements, resulting in the identification of the following main themes: male and female, purity and pollution, honour and shame, order and disorder, inside and outside, covered and exposed, and Allah and the spirit world. Among these themes, the theme of purity and pollution was found to be fundamental to most of the other themes. The article closes with a brief exploration of this study's implications for Christian encounter with Turks.
11
van Herwaarden, Jan. "Erasmus and the Non-Christian World." Erasmus Of Rotterdam Society Yearbook 32, no. 1 (2012): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18749275-00000006.
Full textAbstract:
Throughout his writings, Erasmus emphasized the necessity of reform within the Latin Christian world in order to protect Christian community better against Schismatics and Turks on the eastern and south-eastern borders and to bring Christianity to the New World, which was in Erasmus’ eyes a Land of Promise. All this places Erasmus in an oppressive dilemma: the defence of Latin Christianity and the mission to the New World could not be realized without the violence of war, which Eramus abhorred but nevertheless justified.
12
Glashev, Akhmed. "On the translation of the syro-turkic manuscript from Khara-Khoto." St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 73 (December 30, 2022): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202273.29-36.
Full textAbstract:
The article devoted to study of the fragment (so-called third Syro-Turkic fragment) of a Syrian Christian book from Khara-Khoto (the capital of the Tangut kingdom) written in Turkic language in Syriac script, which comes from the Turks who adopted Christianity from the Syrians in the XIII-XIV centuries in the region of the lake Issyk-Kul (Kyrgyzstan).This article analyses the fragment of a Christian manuscript book written in Turkic language in Syriac script from Khara-Khoto (so-called the third Syro-Turkic fragment). The author proposes a clarification of the translation of the text of this manuscript. In particular, the author gives a different translation of the word bitik, relying on the other Christian texts in Turkic languages of the 13th-14th centuries, where this word means Holy Scripture, Gospel, Bible. According to the author, this is confirmed by the data in the Karachay-Balkari language, in which this meaning of bitik has its roots in the early Middle Ages and it is associated probably with the activity of Christian missions among the North Caucasian Huns and Alans and the first translation of the Gospel into the Hunnic language in 534. The article provides a brief history of the Christian community among the Turks of Central Asia, who used the Syriac script for writing books and tombstones in Turkic language. After a careful study of the Syro-Turkic fragment the author concludes that it is part of a Christian Syriac book written in the Turkic language.
13
Shaw, Stanford J. "Halide Edib (Adıvar)'s appeal to the American public for justice for the Turks." Belleten 67, no. 249 (2003): 531–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2003.531.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents an appeal written in 1919-1920 by Turkey's first major woman writer, novelist and newspaper reporter Halide Edib (Adıvar), to the people of the United States, entrusted to Lewis Edgar Browne, who was covering the Turkish War for Independence and the Russian Revolution and Civil War for the Chicago Daily News while the Paris Peace Conference was going on. Halide Edib believed that the people of the United States were without bias in considering the problems of the Ottoman Empire during and after World War I, and, that, as had been stated in President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, they wanted all the peoples of the Empire, including the Turks, to achieve independence in their own lands following the war. In her statement, she condemned the efforts then being made in Paris to blame on the Turks alone all the excesses and abuses that had gone in the war, pointing out that all the peoples of the Empire had sinned and been sinned against, all had suffered terribly from massacre and starvation, not only the Sultan's Christian subjects, and that the Turks, like the others, therefore deserved to achive independence in the areas of Anatolia and Thrace where they constituted large majorities of the population. In the end, this appeal fell on deaf ears. Halide Edib did not understand that the minds of the people of the Christian West had been so poisoned against Muslims by wartime propaganda that the accusations were being used as pretexts to deny to them rights that were being granted to their Christian neighbors. In the end, it was not such appeals for justice and understanding, then, but the force applied by the Turkish national resistance movement led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk that achived an independent existance for the Empire's Turkish subjects as a result of the Lausanne Conference and the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923.
14
Nowak, Agata. "Religious and National Identity of the Meskhetian Turks in the Conditions of Changing Statehood." Studia Religiologica 54, no. 4 (2022): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844077sr.21.021.17243.
Full textAbstract:
Meskhetian Turks are a Turkish-speaking ethnic group, which lived in Georgia until 1944. The origins of this ethnic group is a matter of academic dispute. Since their beginnings, they have been under the influence of many cultures due to their location on the borders of the Christian and the Muslim worlds. In 1944, they were forced to leave Georgia and were displaced and dispersed throughout the territory of the Soviet Union, mainly to Central Asia. There are currently around 350–600 thousand Meskhetian Turks scattered all over the world. They are the only ethnic group which did not gain permission from the Soviet authorities to return to their homeland of Georgia. The deportation is the most tragic event in the history and collective memory of Meskhetian Turks which has directly affected their traditions, their religiousness, and their religious and national identity. The aim of this paper is to analyse how these events and the present situation have influenced and reshaped religious and national identity of Meskhetian Turks as well as their traditions in the Soviet and post-Soviet period.
15
Yilmaz, Yonca, and Mine Tanaç Zeren. "The Responses Of Antakya (Antioch) Churches To Cultural Shifts." Resourceedings 2, no. 3 (2019): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.21625/resourceedings.v2i3.636.
Full textAbstract:
Antakya (Antioch), located in the southern region of Turkey, is one of the oldest settlements in the country. Its history dates back to the prehistoric times. It has been through countless invasions throughout its history. It has been dominated by various civilizations and has been the center of many religions. The city, which was founded by Alexander the Great in the Roman period, has many routes to nearly all directions as a result of its geographical location. Due to its context, this makes the city the point of convergence of cultures. After the Roman period, Byzantine and Arab-dominated city (AC 395 — AC 963), were exposed to constant war between the Christian and Muslim communities for the domination right to the city. Today in Antakya, although the majority of the population is Muslim and Christian, the Sunni Arabs, Sunni Turks, Shia Arabs, Assyrians, Catholics, Orthodox Christians, Protestant Arabs, Arabs, Armenians, Jewish people and other minority groups all live together in harmony, thus forming the dynamics of multicultural city structure. The name “Christian” was first coined in this historic city. Antakya also hosts the Church of Saint Peter, which is believed to be one of the earliest Christian houses of worship, making it extremely valuable for Christianism. Indigenous inhabitants of Antakya have lived in the same land since the foundation of Christianity. Today, 90 percent of the Christians are Orthodox, 10 percent are Protestants and other believers, where the population of Christians are decreasing. Bearing in mind the aforementioned history and context, a research was conducted on the Orthodox Church, Antakya Protestant Church and Vakıflı Armenian Church which all still exist to this day in the city. Purpose of the research is to evaluate the structure of the churches in regards to the following parameters;- The responses of the churches to the indigenous inhabitants- Cultural shifts in the ever-changing sociocultural values of the society- The city image they present.The reason behind choosing these three structures for the study is the fact that all three structures boast Christian symbolism and imagery.
16
Safrastyan, R. "COMMITTEE OF UNION AND PROGRESS: OFFICIAL INTERPRETATION OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGY OF OTTOMANISM (1908-1916)." Annali d'Italia 36 (October 24, 2022): 55–58. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7244301.
Full textAbstract:
In 1908, after of a military coup, the party of Committee of Unity and Progress (CUP), also known as the Young Turk Party, came to power in the Ottoman Empire. CUP ruled for ten years and created one of the first systems of totalitarian rule. In her ideology of Young Turks, an important place was occupied by the political concept of Ottomanism, which formed the ideological basis of CUP policy towards the non-Turkish peoples of the Empire. In this article, based on the analysis of the official documents of the Young Turks, the main features of its interpretation by this party are considered. As a result of the analysis of these documents, the author, for the first time in the historical literature, identifies the main stages in the evolution of Ottomanism in interpreting the Unity and Progress Party. He concludes that at the final stage, Ottomanism began to appear as Muslim Ottomanism. This was the result of the fact that, because of the policy of genocide, the Christian Armenian population, which constituted the majority of Christians in the Ottoman Empire, was destroyed physically
17
Häde, Wolfgang. "Strengthening the Identity of Converts from Islam in the Face of Verbal Assaults: A Study with the Background of Turkish Society." Mission Studies 34, no. 3 (2017): 392–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341525.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The study focusses on converts from Islam to the Christian faith in Turkey. Converts are confronted with special challenges. Based on Islamic theology and Turkish nationalism most Turks cannot think of positive reasons to choose Christianity. So verbal assaults with social consequences like ostracism, prejudice, suspicion, and very low esteem are very common. The First Letter of Peter provides advice for strengthening new Christians by defining their identity as chosen und loved people of God. Personal caring for converts from Islam is crucial to provide a new “home” in assuring them of their new identity. They have to learn to evaluate accusations honestly, and from a faith-based position, and to integrate their new faith with their old environment. In the context of modern Turkey a fresh look at history can be meaningful: There were Turkish Christians before Islam, and there are still Christian Turkish people today. More important however is a genuine spiritual approach that understands verbal assaults within the framework of God’s history with his people. Converts should find their identity “in Christ”. At the same time, being in Christ must become practical in finding a new family in the local church and seeing themselves as part of the worldwide multinational body of Christ.
18
Sonyel, Salâhi R. "How The Turks of the Peloponnese were Exterminated During the Greek Rebellion?" Belleten 62, no. 233 (1998): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1998.121.
Full textAbstract:
The peninsula of the Peloponnese (in southern Greece), which is also known as the Morea, was first partly conquered in 1397 CE by die Ottoman Sultan Beyazit I from the Byzantines, and was completely overrun in 1460 by Sultan Mehmet II, who was received as a deliverer by the Greek Orthodox Christian population, then suffering under the rule of the Roman Catholics. In 1698 the Ottomans were complled to cede the Peloponnese to the Venetians, under die Treaty of Carlowitz, but in 1718 it was retroceded to the Ottoman Empire under the Treaty of Passarowitz.
19
Bale, Anthony. "News from the East." Studies in the Age of Chaucer 45, no. 1 (2023): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sac.2023.a913910.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: The first dateable English printed document is an indulgence to raise money against the Turks. In this essay I take this indulgence, printed by William Caxton at Westminster in 1476, as a starting-point for a reconsideration of fifteenth-century English literary and cultural representations of Rhodes and the advancing Ottoman Turks. The 1480 siege of the Hospitaller island of Rhodes was a turning-point in the production and dissemination of writing about the Turkish conquests. John Kay's Siege of Rhodes , printed c. 1482, reflects the interest in current affairs both at Edward IV's court and at the humanist Italian courts where Kay, Edward's self-described laureate, had spent time. I then introduce a letter from John Paston, describing a Turk in his household, and the fifteenth-century poem The Turke and Sir Gawain , to consider how the Turkish male body was represented. I argue that representations of the Turk in later fifteenth-century England reveal admiration, fear, and a sense of proximity and similarity. Such representations show how the Turk was frequently discussed in cultural discourse, and inaugurate the "Turk" as a discursive representation in the English imagination. The recent turn to the "Global Middle Ages" in medieval English studies has not yet fully attended to the specifics of interactions between Latin Christendom and the Ottoman Turks. This requires an acknowledgment of the importance in later fifteenth-century England of mediated news reports concerning the growing Ottoman empire and the parlous state of Christian lands in the eastern Mediterranean.
20
WOESTHOFF, JULIA. "‘When I Marry a Mohammedan’: Migration and the Challenges of Interethnic Marriages in Post-War Germany." Contemporary European History 22, no. 2 (2013): 199–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000052.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractDiscussions about intermarriage between foreign Muslim men and German Christian women from the 1950s to the 1970s shaped concepts of Islam, gender and difference found in more recent integration debates. Those insisting on inherent incompatibilities between Germans and Turks since the 1970s have drawn on these tropes developed decades earlier. Yet the post-war context differed from the later period in three important ways: the Muslim foreigners were students and interns, not guestworkers; it was German Christian women (not foreign Muslim women in Germany) who were the presumed victims of Muslim men; and it was principally national church institutions that formulated the language about difference.
21
MacMillan, Catherine. "Narrating the Nation? National Identity and the Uncanny in De Bernières’ Birds without Wings." Literature & History 30, no. 2 (2021): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03061973211041268.
Full textAbstract:
Informed primarily by Bhabha and Kristeva's theories of national identity and the uncanny, the article examines the themes of nation building, migration and the uncanny in Louis de Bernières’ Birds Without Wings. It also explores the cosmopolitan nature of the late Ottoman Empire, as portrayed by de Bernières, from the perspective of critical cosmopolitan theory and Bhabha's concept of vernacular cosmopolitanism. The novel depicts the fortunes of a South-West Anatolian village, populated primarily by monoglot Turkish-speaking Greek Orthodox Christians and Muslims, through a turbulent historical period, from the First World War to the 1923 declaration of the Republic of Turkey and the subsequent population exchange between Greece and the new Turkish state. Despite the Christian and Muslim villagers’ arguably hybrid identities, forged in the context of a cosmopolitan Ottoman Empire, and their largely shared culture and harmonious co-existence, they are eventually forced to redefine themselves as ‘Greeks’ and ‘Turks’. The Turkish-speaking Christian villagers, exiled to Greece, have an uncanny, unsettling effect on a Greek national identity largely constructed with Turkey as its principal Other; the experience of the new Turkish citizens left behind in the decaying, half-deserted village is an equally unhomely one.
22
Malcolm, Noel. "Comenius, the Conversion of the Turks, and the Muslim-Christian Debate on the Corruption of Scripture." Church History and Religious Culture 87, no. 4 (2007): 477–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124107x258400.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn 1666 Comenius wrote a dedicatory epistle, addressed to the Ottoman Sultan, which he intended to be printed with a translation of the Bible into Turkish: in it, he expressed an unusually conciliatory attitude towards Islam, while also defending the Christian Bible against the Muslim accusation that it was a corrupted text. This article prints the text of the epistle and discusses the background to it. Comenius's attitude towards Islam is examined, across the range of his other writings. His belief that the Turks could and would be converted to Christianity is also connected with the apocalyptic anti-Habsburg prophecies of Mikuláš Drabík, which Comenius promoted. And his defence against the charge of textual corruption is located in a tradition of argument which can be traced back, via the Calvinist Johannes Hoornbeeck, to the response made by a Roman Catholic, Filippo Guadagnoli, to an anti-Christian text written by a Persian scholar in 1622.
23
Maasing, Madis. "Livonia and depiction of Russians at Imperial diets before the Livonian Warr." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 29, no. 1 (2021): 36–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2021.103.
Full textAbstract:
The paper observes depictions of the Russians and the Grand Duchy of Moscow at the Imperial Diets from the beginning of the 15th century to the 1550s. The Russians could be presented as schismatics or even infidels that threaten (Western) Christendom just like Ottoman Turks; or as fellow Christians with whom church union or at least a political alliance might be possible. Russian-related topics were usually presented by central branch of the Teutonic Order, the King of Poland or Livonian territories, who used negative depiction as a rhetorical tool to achieve certain political goals. Both the Order and Poland used the Russians in Teutonic-Polish conflict over Prussia, in which case they were described and compared with non-Christian enemies: the Tatars and the Turks. Additionally, the Order often claimed that in order to help Livonia, it should be exempted from taxes, or that possessions and lands should be reinstated to it. The Livonians used Russian threat rhetoric also to get exempted of some Imperial obligations, especially taxes, and with a clear success. Sometimes, the Livonians asked direct help against Moscow, but without success even during the war times. Partially, it might be connected with the competing narrative: since the 1490s, Moscow was then and again proposed as possible ally against Turks. Then, interest towards Moscow also rose in the Empire due to contacts between King Maximilian I with Ivan III and Vasiliy III. In the end, neither of these two narratives became dominant at the Imperial Diets before the Livonian War, and even during the war, when Anti-Russian propaganda was intensified, the positive narrative persisted; perhaps because it already had quite long roots.
24
Aygün, Muhsin, and Meerim Ryspakova. "GAGAVUZ TÜRKLERİNDE DİNİ VE GELENEKSEL YAŞAM: TÜRK MİRASININ ETKİLERİ." Anatolian Journal of Social Sciences adn Education 1, no. 1 (2025): 23–28. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15385287.
Full textAbstract:
Bu makalede geniş bir coğrafyaya yayılmış olan Gagavuz Türklerinin gelenekleri, inançları ve eski Türk adetleri üzerine bir çalışma yapılmıştır. Gagavuzların doğum, ölüm ve öbür dünya ritüelleri, öbür dünya inancı ve doğa ve hayvanlarla ilgili bazı inançları genel bir bakış açısıyla araştırılmıştır. Bu araştırmanın amacı atamız olan bu Türk toplumuyla ortak veya farklı yönlerimizi ortaya çıkarmak ve diğer kültürlerin etkisiyle unuttuğumuz bazı Türk adetlerini gün yüzüne çıkarmaktır. <em>Anahtar Kelimeler </em><strong>:</strong> Gagavuz Türkleri, Hıristiyan Türkler, Türk İnançları ve Kültürleri, Ortak Miras.
25
Roodzant, Dirk. "The Fall of Christian Smyrna Through Dutch Eyes in 1922." International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies 8, no. 1 (2023): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0041.
Full textAbstract:
Besides the Greek majority who populated Smyrna, there were also Turks, Armenians, French, English and Italian minorities in city. Less known was that a mixture of these groups produced a new section of the population: the Levantines. This Dutch colony, comprised of only a few hundred people, was mostly inhabited by Levantines. The acting Dutch consul-general, Arnold Th. Lamping, was an eyewitness of the unfolding catastrophe of the retreat of the Greeks and the carnage inflicted on the Armenian-inhabited neighborhood of Haynots. He witnessed the looting, raping and murder of Christians in Smyrna. Lamping tried to save the Dutch Levantines with the assistance of Captain Wijdekop of the SS Deucalion, who also managed to save Armenian refugees in his ship. Dutch National Archives yield several pictures of the Dutch cemetery currently populated with Dutch Levantines, which was violated and plundered much like the other Christian cemeteries in Smyrna. Finally, Lamping proved with his reports that the film documenting the entry of the Turkish troops was a falsification of history by the Turkish authorities.
26
Walaardt, Tycho. "From heroes to vulnerable victims: labelling Christian Turks as genuine refugees in the 1970s." Ethnic and Racial Studies 36, no. 7 (2013): 1199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2013.783706.
Full text
27
Abulafia, David. "Islam in the History of Early Europe." Itinerario 20, no. 3 (1996): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003958.
Full textAbstract:
Virtually every account of European history after the fall of the Roman Empire identifies ‘Europe’ with Christian civilisation, echoing, consciously or otherwise, the universalist claims of the Byzantine emperors, the popes and the western Roman emperors. Yet it is also the case that Islam possessed a European presence from the eighth century onwards, first of all in Spain and the Mediterranean islands, and later, from the mid-fourteenth century, in the Balkans, where the Turks were able rapidly to establish an empire which directly threatened Hungary and Austria. The lands ruled by Islam on the European land mass have tended to be treated by historians as European only in geographical identity, but in human terms part of a victorious and alien ‘oriental’ civilisation, of which they were provincial dependencies, and from which medieval Spanish Christians or modern Greeks and Slavs had to liberate themselves. Yet this view is fallacious for several reasons. In the first place, there is a valid question about our use of the term ‘civilisation’, which Fred Halliday has expressed as follows:‘Civilisations’ are like nations, traditions, communities – terms that claim a reality and authority which is itself open to question, and appeal to a tradition that turns out, on closer inspection, to be a contemporary creation.
28
Fóti, Miklós. "Székesfehérvár 16. századi szandzsákbégjei." Belvedere Meridionale 35, no. 4 (2023): 20–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2023.4.2.
Full textAbstract:
After the fall of Székesfehérvár (1543) the Turks immediately established a new sancak, which was of strategic importance on the Ottoman–Habsburg borderland. This study attempts to reconstruct the list of its governors in the sixteenth century, using Ottoman sources, like defters of appointments, sultanic orders, and both Turkish and Christian chronicles. The result of the research is a table containing the basic data of the governors, which will provide an auxiliary tool for historians.
29
Temiztürk, Halil. "Anabaptists and Christian-Muslim Relations from the Perspective of Ottoman, Iranian and Dialogue." Eskiyeni 40 (March 20, 2020): 181–98. https://doi.org/10.37697/eskiyeni.667827.
Full textAbstract:
As Muslims live side by side with Christians in a globalizing world has made it imperative for Muslims to wrestle seriously with the Christian tradition. One of the branches of science investigating this confrontation is the history of religions. Because this discipline examines religious creeds, their historical process as much as the relationships of religous people in the context of their history and theology. It can be said that Muslim-Christian relations have a positive history when taken into account the Christians of Najran, the migration of Abyssinia (Ethiopia) and the Christians living under the rule of Muslim sultans. However, especially after the crusades, Islam has been regarded as the object of fear in the West. On the other hand, factors such as the Crusades, studies of orientalism,the increasing Islamophobia and Zionism in the West after 9/11 have influenced Muslims’ views on Western civilization. The history of Protestant Christians is an important area in Muslim-Christian relations. It is evaluated in this article the approach of Anabaptists, a Protestant sect, towards Muslim Turks in the early period and their relations with Shia and Sunni Muslims in the modern period. Firstly we state that the names of Mennonite and Anabaptist are used interchangeably in the article but in fact, the name of Anabaptist is an umbrella term. Protestantism basically accepts the doctrines and rituals based on the Bible, and by criticizing the religious authority of the papacy, adopts everyone to be clergy. Anabaptism, which means “re-baptizing” (ἀναβαπτισμός) in Greek, has been separated from Protestantism over time and became an independent church. Anabaptists agree with Luther about rejecting the authority of the Papacy and other Roman Catholic leaders and advocating that only the Bible is valid in the religious field. However, at some points, they have dissent towards him. For example, Andreas Karlstadt (d. 1541), who is regarded as the first leader of the Anabaptists, refused religious vows, accepted the eucharist just is a symbol to remember that Jesus’ moments on the cross. Also, he banned to addressing Luther as a “doctor”, since all the people who believed in Jesus would be equal. Anabaptists stated that the teachings of Jesus are the centrepiece and the church and state affairs should be separated since politics is not in line with him. Also, they advocated staying away from violence, just like Jesus. The main difference that distinguishes Anabaptists from other Protestant groups is that they accept adult baptism, not baby baptism. Anabaptists have been subjected to oppression by both the Protestant and Catholic Church because of this kind of believes. Many Anabaptists, like Thomas Müntzer (1489-1525), who is one of the important leaders of the Anabaptists, were executed during the Peasant Wars (1524-1525). The most striking point in the relations of the Anabaptists with the Muslims is that they refused to fight against the Turks. Michael Sattler (1490-1527), one of the first leaders of the Anabaptists, was tried in 1527 because he refused to fight against the Turks. Other examples of Anabaptists did not use weapons against the Turks are the Mohac Square Battle (1526) and the 1st Siege of Vienna (1529). Upon the arrival of the Ottomans to the Moravian region that remained within the boundaries of Austria (now the Czech Republic), Hutterites, an Anabaptist group living in that region, had stated that they would not fight against the Turks even if they had the power. In our opinion, the main reason oppression against the Anabaptists by their co-religionists is that they did not fight against the Turks. Because opposing infant baptism points to a theological separation, while opposing the idea of uniting against Turks supported by even a reformer like Luther is a political revolt against the church. Therefore, Anabaptists were considered by others as traitors who opposed the defence policies of their own countries. Anabaptist migrated to regions such as Ukraine, Central Asia and Russia as a result of the pressures by their co-religionist. It is known that Anabaptists migrated to Russia and Central Asia after the 1880s. The information in the Ottoman archives that some Anabaptists passed from the Danube region to Russia confirms this immigration. Remarkably, the Mennonites today living in the Hive region (Uzbekistan) organize various exhibitions and organizations to keep these memories alive. Anabaptists claim that do not adopt policies based on violence and prejudices unlike Evangelists and believe that it is necessary to interact with Muslims for the solution of problems. For example, it is emphasized that anti-Islamic rhetoric that started after the 9/11 attacks prevented communication between the two religions and that American hegemony and strict national policies do not represent Christianity in the Anabaptist-Muslim Symposium book (2005). Although Anabaptists criticize Evangelical policies and have an indulgence towards Muslims, this does not mean that Anabaptists have abandoned their missionary goals. Because it draws attention to Anabaptists’ activities in different Islamic countries. For example, it is known that they work with Muslims in different parts of Indonesia and Africa on education, agricultural research and technology. It can be said that the dialogue efforts between Anabaptists and Muslims are mostly from America, Canada and Iran. The activities of Anabaptists in Turkey carried out by Rosedale Mennonite Missions. The two groups that outstanding with inter-institutional studies in contacts between anabaptists and Muslims are Iranian Shiites and American and Canadian Mennonites. These relations started after the visits of four Mennonite Central Committee (MCC) members who came to the region after the earthquake occurred in Manjil-Rudbar city of Iran in 1990. These relations have continued with Imam Imam Khomeini Education and Research Institute going to Toronto and North American Mennonite students came to Kum city. Relations between Iranian Shiites and Canadian Mennonites have continued thanks to symposiums until today. Although Anabaptists aim to establish positive relations with Muslims, we think that these contacts have some problems similar to interfaith dialogue. It is a fact that there are similarities between Christian teachings and Islam but it is problematic to express that both traditions are fed from the same source and that a dialogue can be established on Jesus, which is the common point of both religions. It is also standing out that Anabaptists distort some information and deflect the meaning of Islamic terms with the idea of establishing a dialogue between the two religions. Remarkably, they choose the title “The Kingdom of God in Islam and the Gospel” in the first paper of the Anabaptist-Muslim Conference book in 2005 and this affirms our thoughts. It is also another problem to emphasize that the belief of sunnah in Islam and the lifestyle stated in the Bible are similar. Undoubtedly, this attempt to establish similarity carries the danger of the disappearance of meaning and terminology that the religions belong to. Although it is admirable that Anabaptists keep in touch with Muslims, stand against Islamophobia, distance from Evangelism, and help Syrian immigrants, there are some hesitations that if they have pure intentions, because Anabaptists give importance missionary activities and adopt inter-religious dialogue that means to reconcile Islam with Christianity.
30
Dallmayr, Fred. "A War Against the Turks? Erasmus on War and Peace." Asian Journal of Social Science 34, no. 1 (2006): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853106776150225.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn a time dominated by incessant warfare, violence and terrorism, it would do well to remember the great Dutch humanist Erasmus and especially his teachings on war and peace. The essay focuses on three Erasmus texts: "On the War against the Turks"; his comments on the classical adage "War is Sweet to the Inexperienced"; and his "Handbook for a Militant Christian". In the first text, Erasmus champions a slightly modified version of the traditional doctrine of "just war", by stipulating that war can only be conducted in self-defense against aggression, and only as a last resort after all other avenues have been exhausted. Outside these limits, he insists, war is an act of savagery; above all, if it is inspired by such motives as "lust for power, ambition or desire for revenge" it is not war but mere brigandage. The second text expands the critique of unrestricted warfare into a critique of some pretended justifications of war — especially arguments blaming a corrupt "human nature" or invoking the requirements of "public security". The final text opposes power plays and warmongering — the ethical standards of good will and respect for others as guideposts for inter-confessional relations and as antidotes to religiously sanctioned violence.
31
Hulsenboom, Paul. "De Poolse Hercules. Romeyn de Hooghe en de Nederlandse receptie van Jan III Sobieski voorafgaand aan het Ontzet van Wenen." Neerlandica Wratislaviensia 29 (April 15, 2020): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-0716.29.6.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores the Dutch perceptions of the Polish king John III Sobieski before his famous victory over the Turks at the 1683 Battle of Vienna. Sobieski’s military triumphs and rise to power in the 1670s elicited various favourable responses from the Dutch Republic, most notably several prints by the etcher and engraver Romeyn de Hooghe. His prints laid the foundation for Sobieski’s image as a great European and Christian military leader, but also a specifically Polish and Catholic hero. Sobieski’s war efforts and the image formed of him by De Hooghe cohered with the negative Dutch perceptions of the Turks, as well as with Poland-Lithuania’s reputation as a bulwark of Christendom. The countless glorifying prints, poems and other European responses to Sobieski after his victory at Vienna were in many cases inspired by the image of the Polish monarch created in the Northern Netherlands during the 1670s.
32
Ron, Nathan. "Erasmus’ attitude toward Islam in light of Nicholas of Cusa’s De pace fidei and Cribratio Alkorani." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 26, no. 1 (2019): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v26i1.11846.
Full textAbstract:
Reading Nicolas of Cusa’s works on Islam reveals a sharp distinction between his De pace fidei (1453) with its tolerant attitude and his Cribratio Alkorani (1461) with its much less tolerant approach. Some eight years passed from the appearance of De pace fidei until the publication of Cribratio Alkorani. I argue that in the period between the appearances of these books, Cusanus changed his attitude to Islam, and the Turkish threat may have been the reason.Certain historians have pointed to Desiderius Erasmus’ objection to the waging of crusades and to the term semichristiani, which Erasmus occasionally used in reference to Muslims. According to these historians, the term semichristiani echoed Cusanus’ optimistic view according to which the Turks were «half-Christian». However, I found that Cusanus never used this term in any of his writings, and that the term sits in Erasmus’ writings side by side with manifest contempt and degradation expressed toward the Turks. Thus, Erasmus’ rhetoric and hostile attitude toward the Turks and Islam was far from the moderation and toleration which Cusanus presented in his De pace fidei. In its attitude and spirit Erasmus’ De bello Turcico should be compared to Cusanus’ Cribratio Alkorani rather than to De pace fidei.
33
Swinburne, Richard. "Gregory Palamas and our Knowledge of God." Studia Humana 3, no. 1 (2014): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sh-2014-0001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Although Gregory wrote very little about this. he acknowledged that natural reason can lead us from the orderliness of the physical world to the existence of God; in this, he followed the tradition of Athanasius and other Greek fathers. Unlike Aquinas, he did not seek to present the argument a; deductive: in fact his argument is inductive, and of die same kind as - we now realize - scientists and historians use when they argue from phenomena to then explanatory cause. Gregory wrote hardly anything about how one could obtain knowledge of the truths of the Christian revelation by arguments from non-question-beggining premises; but in his conversations with the Turks he showed that he believed that there are good arguments of this kind. Almost all of Gregory's writing about knowledge of God concerned how one could obtain this by direct access in prayer: this access, he held is open especially to monks, but to a considerable degree also to all Christians who follow the divine commandments.
34
Calafat, Guillaume, and Francesca Trivellato. "‘The Shipwreck of the Turks’: Sovereignty, Barbarism and Civilization in the Legal Order of the Eighteenth-Century Mediterranean." Past & Present 265, Supplement_17 (2024): 45–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae030.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article focuses on the consequences of a single major international affair — the shipwreck of a French ship carrying 165 Muslim pilgrims along the southern shores of Sicily in 1716 — to address two pivotal issues in the reordering of eighteenth-century legal and political systems: the limits of domestic sovereignty in absolutist states and the status of non-Christian polities in the theory and practice of the law of nations. Both the time and place of this episode, which had a vast resonance at the time, have broad implications for how we write about the development of modern international law. While much of the debate on the maritime dimension of the eighteenth-century law of nations focuses on the Atlantic and the Indian Oceans, we spotlight the Mediterranean, where endemic corsairing activities coexisted with age-old diplomatic and day-to-day practices of accommodation and mutual recognition between Christian and Muslim polities. Here we draw attention to shipwrecks that occurred in foreign territorial waters and their heuristic potential for better understanding controversial issues of maritime law, such as the status of shorelines, neutrality and the law of the flag. Even after the Peace of Utrecht (1713–15), which is often regarded as a watershed moment in the history of international law, these rules were far from settled and shipwrecks continued to fuel legal and philosophical battles that extended well beyond the confines of the famous controversy between supporters of mare liberum and advocates of mare clausum. The close examination of the 1716 shipwreck leads us to challenge the land/sea divide as constructed by Carl Schmitt and demonstrate that territorial waters were objects of sovereign disputes in much the same way as land territories. We also show how the emerging Eurocentric discourse about the ‘barbarity’ of non-Christian peoples and nations coexisted with intellectual, economic and diplomatic forces interested in establishing formal agreements between Western European nations, the Ottoman Empire and its North African provinces.
35
HARRIS, JONATHAN. "Publicising the Crusade: English Bishops and the Jubilee Indulgence of 1455." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50, no. 1 (1999): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046998008446.
Full textAbstract:
According to the Byzantine scholar Andronicus Callistus, the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks on 29 May 1453 was a cataclysm of such magnitude that it was mourned not only by the Greeks, but by people of every nation. This may sound like the type of rhetorical flourish with which Byzantine authors were fond of adorning their works, yet recent scholarship has tended, if anything, to corroborate Callistus' assertion. Over the past few years, historians of the crusades have been largely successful in showing that the fifteenth century, far from witnessing the decline of the crusading ideal, was a period when it remained as potent as ever, even in a country as far removed from the main theatres of action as England. Consequently, the fall of such an important Christian city was greeted with shock and anger throughout western Europe, and for the rest of the century the burning question for crusading strategists was how the disaster could be reversed.It is of course true that no large-scale expedition was ever launched against the Turks after 1453, the efforts of successive popes ultimately failing to organise a united Christian response. Yet this does not detract from the overwhelming evidence that all sections of western society took the threat posed to Christendom very seriously, and continued to believe that to take up arms against the infidel was one of the highest acts of piety.
36
Şahiner, Mustafa, and Güliz Merve Bayraktar. "Turned Turk, and died a slave: A New Historicist Reading of A Christian Turned Turk by Robert Daborne." Akdeniz İnsani Bilimler Dergisi 14 (June 30, 2024): 193–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.13114/mjh.1459330.
Full textAbstract:
New Historicism provides a critical look for the narrative focusing on its historical background with a claim that a text is not independent from its era. The method emphasises the significance of understanding the power relations and dynamics within the society when interpreting literary works and it argues that literary works nourish from the social and cultural atmosphere to which they belong. Since the texts are the “part of the political, religious and social institutions that form, control and limit them”, they cannot be evaluated as separate units (Berghahn 1992, 145). Therefore, the new historicists seek to reshape a text in historical discourse in order to procure realistic interpretations. From this perspective, this paper states that degrading the motives for conversion to sexual propensity of John Ward, Robert Daborne masks the real causes behind conversion in A Christian Turned Turk like many other Elizabethan playwrights who stimulate hatred towards Turks and Islam in their plays since they saw them as a growing threat to Christianity. Virtually, the play displays the common anxiety resulting from the growing number of English people converting to Islam in the seventeenth century. Being a cleric himself, Daborne’s social status deserves consideration while interpreting the play in order to understand his intentions behind his aim of picturing the convert with a tragic ending. Regarding the new historicist notion of examining the relationship between the author, the text and history, it is argued in the study that the playwright’s justification for Ward’s conversion is not realistic and that he distorted the historical facts intentionally for the purpose of defaming Turks in the public eye.
37
Piirimäe, Pärtel. "Russia, The Turks and Europe: Legitimations of War and the Formation of European Identity in the Early Modern Period." Journal of Early Modern History 11, no. 1-2 (2007): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006507780385017.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAn essential criterion of belonging to a community is the expressed willingness to play by its rules. "Europe" in the Early Modern period can be seen as a moral community of "Christian" and "civilized" states which abided by the principles of ius gentium. The core of this code was the limitation and regulation of warfare. Although moral and legal principles of bellum iustum were often overruled by considerations of interest, there was at least one thing common to all European wars: the states always took pains to prove publicly that they were waging a just war. This essay examines the significance of printed legitimations of war for the formation of European identity. It focuses on the case of Muscovy, which before the end of the seventeenth century had not been concerned with its image in Europe, and was thus left at the mercy of the propaganda of its western neighbors who were instrumental in constructing the image of Muscovites as Asiatic barbarians, more similar to the Turks than to Christians. Tsar Peter the Great, however, took a novel decision to launch a campaign of public legitimation of Muscovy's attack on Sweden in 1700. The legitimations of war published during Peter's reign can be seen as essential components of his quest for the acknowledgement of Russia as a fully-fledged member of the European moral, legal, and political community.
38
ABAYLI, Özcan. "BELIEF RITUALS AND MUSIC PRACTICES IN BEKTASHISM IN THE CONTEXT OF CULTURAL IDENTITY: THE EXAMPLE OF CRETAN BEKTASHIS." SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no. 32 (2022): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.664.
Full textAbstract:
The faith and culture of the Bektashi have contributed to Muslim-Turks gaining experience of coexistence with Christian communities in Anatolia, the Balkans, and the Islands significantly. The variety in the music and rituals of worship of The Bektashies, one of the Cretan Muslim-Turks communities conduces to the formation of the cultural identity, similarly, it presents the non-existing phenomenon in the Bektashi. Even though Turkish is used in the official and rituals of all these regions, the main language Turkish in the Cretan Bektashies, one of the most major elements of the cultural transmissions has been replaced by Romaic. In our study, we determined that the vibrancy of the elements of faith and culture in the rituals of the Cretan Bektasi’s communities currently living in the Western Anatolia and the Mediterranean regions has already been maintained, the hymns have been sung, the manias have been recited, the semah has been worshipped, and we have presented the current data and our findings concerning the Bektashi’s belief and practicing music.
39
El Fida, Brahim. "Exposing Feminist, Orientalist Western Literary Portrayals of Islam and Muslims: From the Monstrous ‘Saracens’ to the Oppressed Muslim Women." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 10, no. 9 (2023): 249–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.109.15253.
Full textAbstract:
Orientalism and its legacies still exercise tremendous influence on how Arabs/Muslims, previously called 'Saracens,' are perceived and represented in different Christian European, then American narratives and contexts. The Prophet Muhammad was targetdd to discredit him as 'false' Prophet and and 'ambitious' leader. The Images of sexual potency and debauchery was first addressed to Muhammad, and then trasferred to 'Turks', Arabs and 'Moors'. The continuity of the very images hinder any sincere attempts at mutual understanding. These conceptions are reiterated and reproduced in political discourses and campaigns. They have a negative influence how Islam and Msulisms are conceived and treated.
40
Haan, Annet den. "Patristic Translations and the Patronage of Pope Nicholas V (r. 1447–55)." Journal of the History of Ideas 86, no. 2 (2025): 325–37. https://doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2025.a959037.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: This paper discusses humanist translations of Greek patristic texts dedicated to Pope Nicholas V. Patristic studies were particularly relevant for his pontificate, which followed the Council of Ferrara-Florence and witnessed the conquest of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks. Nicholas’s patronage was informed by his wish to unite the eastern and the western church, make Rome the ultimate capital of the Christian world, and preserve the literary heritage of the Byzantine empire. To determine the role patristics played in his translation project, this paper situates the patristic translations dedicated to him in the context of his translation patronage and collecting activities.
41
De Grijs, Richard. "All roads lead to (New) Rome: Byzantine astronomy and geography in a rapidly changing world." De Medio Aevo 13, no. 2 (2024): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/dmae.92755.
Full textAbstract:
During the first few centuries CE, the centre of the known world gradually shifted from Alexandria to Constantinople. Combined with a societal shift from pagan beliefs to Christian doctrines, Antiquity gave way to the Byzantine era. While Western Europe entered an extended period of intellectual decline, Constantinople developed into a rich cultural crossroads between East and West. Yet, Byzantine scholarship in astronomy and geography continued to rely heavily on their ancient Greek heritage, and particularly on Ptolemy’s Geography. Unfortunately, Ptolemy’s choices for his geographic coordinate system resulted in inherent and significant distortions of and inaccuracies in maps centred on the Byzantine Empire. This comprehensive review of Byzantine geographic achievements—supported by a review of astronomical developments pertaining to position determination on Earth—aims to demonstrate why and how, when Constantinople fell to the Turks in 1453 and the Ottoman Empire commenced, Byzantine astronomers had become the central axis in an extensive network of Christians, Muslims and Jews. Their influence remained significant well into the Ottoman era, particularly in the context of geographical applications.
42
Zhigalova, Natal’ia Eduardovna. "Ottoman Presence in Thessalonike in 1387–1402: The View of Late Byzantine Intellectuals." Античная древность и средние века 50 (2022): 341–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2022.50.020.
Full textAbstract:
This article addresses the views of Late Byzantine writers on the problem of the Ottoman presence in Thessalonike in 1387–1402. Taking the materials from the works of the archbishops of the city Isidore Glabas (1380–1396) and Symeon (1416/17–1429), as well as Manuel Palaiologos, the governor of Thessalonike in 1382–1387, into account, this study analyses the circumstances that preceded the surrender of the city to the Ottomans, as well as the reasons that led to the transfer of Thessalonike under the rule of the Turks. The author concludes that the lack of assistance from Constantinople, the hardships of the siege (1383–1387), and the flight from the city of Despot Manuel and Archbishop Isidore Glabas led to the voluntary surrender of Thessalonike to the Turks. There were no significant changes in the city administration, and the city council continued working. However, in defiance of the agreement providing the Christian population of Thessalonike with a number of tax benefits and religious immunity, many churches in the city were looted, and the townspeople soon lost the previously promised tax privileges and were obliged to pay the “blood tax,” i. e. to participate in the devşirme system. Trying to turn their flocks away from cooperation with the Ottoman conquerors, the archbishops in their sermons urged the townspeople to avoid contact with the Turks and condemned marriages with Muslims contracted in Thessalonike as these, in their opinion, threatened the Romaioi’s religious identity. However, under the conditions of Thessalonike being under the rule of the Ottomans, the Turkish settlers actively developing the nearby lands, and the Romaioi having to interact with the Turks, the exhortations of church hierarchs did not find a response from the population wanting calm and peaceful life.
43
Nikolsky, Evgeny Vladimirovich, and Elena Vyacheslavovna Papilova. "“Travel to Egypt and Nubia in 1834-1835” by Abraham S. Norov: Understanding an alien’s culture (imagological aspect)." Philology. Theory & Practice 17, no. 12 (2024): 4839–44. https://doi.org/10.30853/phil20240684.
Full textAbstract:
The research aims to identify the imagological aspects of mid-19th-century travelogues. The article reveals the heritage of a little-known writer of the mid-19th century Abraham S. Norov, who used to write mainly travelogues. His “Travel to Egypt and Nubia in 1834-1835” is analyzed in imagological way. The research is original in that Norov’s works are not studied enough and the poetics of his travelogues is even less studied. Nevertheless, this writer is of interest to the reader because he reveals the multifaceted culture of Egypt, describes the nature, characterizes the main ethnic groups living there (the Arabs, the Turks, the Copts) and pays special attention to their history and religion. As a result, it was found that for Norov (who was a deeply religious Christian), Egypt is of particular interest as a sacred space where the events of the Old and the New Testaments are bound together. Norov’s travelogue is notable also for revealing less-known issues connected with Egypt: the life of Coptic Christians, the social policy of the “father of the new Egypt” Mohammed Ali, the coexistence of Christians and Muslims. The authors of the article also talk about the style of the travelogue, the originality of lyricism of this prose and the writer’s worldview.
44
Kliszek, Noémi. "The Service of Chivalries Throughout History in Relation to Pandemics and Wars." Hadtudományi Szemle 16, no. 2 (2023): 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32563/hsz.2023.2.16.
Full textAbstract:
The first orders of knights were formed in the royal courts in the late Middle Ages. When the ancient eastern Christian centres had all fallen following the conquests of the Seljuk Turks, by the end of the 11th century, Rome and Western Christianity were forced to take action. During the First Crusade, the first ecclesiastical orders were established on the model of monastic orders. Their creation was not a spontaneous process, but a conscious undertaking, for the members of these orders were also capable of performing tasks which an average soldier would not. It was then that the figure of the Christian warrior who fought against the conquering Islam was formed in order to liberate the Holy Land, who later became an example to many.2 The Crusades were consecrated as military campaigns by the Church, in which the ideal of the Christian soldier gained heroic character. The new orders uniquely combined military and monastic virtues.3 In this article, we examine the role of the Hospitallers (Johannites), the Templars, the Order of the German Knights and the Order of the Knights of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem in the light of the circumstances in which they were formed and their role in today’s armed and pandemic conflicts.
45
HUFFMAN, JOSEPH P. "The Donation of Zeno: St Barnabas and the Origins of the Cypriot Archbishops' Regalia Privileges." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no. 2 (2015): 235–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046914002073.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores medieval and Renaissance evidence for the origins and meaning of the imperial regalia privileges exercised by the Greek archbishops of Cyprus, said to have been granted by the Emperor Zeno (c. 425–91), along with autocephaly, upon the discovery of the relics of the Apostle Barnabas. Though claimed to have existed ab antiquo, these imperial privileges in fact have their origin in the late sixteenth century and bear the characteristics of western Latin ecclesial and political thought. With the Donation of Constantine as their prototype, they bolster the case made to the Italians and the French for saving Christian Cyprus from the Turks.
46
Michel, Thomas. "The Risale-i Nur." Hawwa 13, no. 2 (2015): 184–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341280.
Full textAbstract:
In the battle for minds and hearts of young Muslims in Eastern Anatolia, the Risale-i Nur movement inspired by the writings of Said Nursi may prove to be the most effective peace-oriented alternative to the xenophobic teachings of isis. As the most influential Muslim thinker in Turkey in the 20th Century, Nursi still attracts the attention and loyalty of great number of Turks and Kurds. Nursi was one of the earliest to call for Muslim-Christian cooperation in the struggle against ignorance, poverty, and disunity. His message of peace and dialogue offer a sound foundation for both ethnic tolerance and interreligious harmony.
47
Simon, Alexandru. "The Pontic King of Bosnia in Anti-Ottoman Crusading in the Mid-1470s." History in flux 4, no. 4 (2022): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2022.4.3.
Full textAbstract:
The paper focuses on a selection of documents from Italian archives that have not been included in the standard reference source collections from the past two centuries. The documents reveal certain “curiosities” such as the identity/identities of the king of Bosnia in the mid-1470s or papal appeals to support a Greek rite Christian lord against the Ottoman Turks. The newly found or re-found information allows new insights into the complex connections that shaped the growing area of contact between Free Christendom and the Ottoman Empire. The same information also indicates the limitations–recent or not–of different “over-reaching” interpretations of partially known documentary evidence.
48
Michels, Georg B. "Hungarian Hopes for Ottoman Protection and Habsburg Fears: Pál Szepessy’s Mission to Grand Vizier Ahmed Köprülü (July 1671)." Hungarian Studies Review 52, no. 1 (2025): 20–35. https://doi.org/10.5325/hungarianstud.52.1.0020.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Hungarian efforts to solicit Ottoman military help against the Habsburg Empire have not received much scholarly attention. The meeting of Calvinist noble Pál Szepessy with Grand Vizier Ahmed Köprülü, the ruler of the Ottoman Empire, reveals that Hungarian Protestants, faced with the Counter-Reformation and military occupation, opted for the Ottomans as more tolerant and more humane overlords. Szepessy did not share the Turkophobia of Christian Europe—he perceived the Muslim Turks as divinely appointed agents of justice and liberation. The Szepessy-Köprülü encounter and its consequences were closely followed by Habsburg intelligence; Vienna feared that an Ottoman invasion of Hungary was imminent.
49
Almond, Ian. "Terrible Turks, Bedouin Poets, and Prussian Prophets: The Shifting Place of Islam in Herder's Thought." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 1 (2008): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.1.57.
Full textAbstract:
In an examination of the varied responses to the Muslim Orient by the eighteenth-century German thinker Johann Gottfried von Herder, I try to locate the multiple identities he displayed in his treatment of Turks, the Koran, Arab thought, and the doctrines of Islam. What emerges is a series of different voices, employing different registers of language: a Christian response to Islam as a rival revelation-based monotheism (but, at the same time, a more sympathetic Protestant privileging of “Muhammadanism” as a belief system preferable to “papism”); a poetic register, in which “Muhammadans” move from spiritual ignorance to a status of aesthetic desirability; a philological response to the Muslim Orient, one whose emphasis on the Middle Eastern origins of European literature would assist Herder's project of the reprovincialization of Europe; and a nationalist vocabulary, one that would see the rise of Islam as a model for the emergence of Herder's German nation but that would also, paradoxically, express a Turcophobia that demonizes the Ottomans into the other of civilization.
50
Sandi, Susandi, Nandalifia Alfisyah, and Yuhani. "The Crusades: Causes and Impact." JUDIKIS: Jurnal Pendidikan Islam 1, no. 2 (2024): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.70938/judikis.v1i2.44.
Full textAbstract:
The Crusades were triggered by the occupation of several Christian cities and holy sites by Islam in 632 AD. The Christian military used the cross as a symbol to signify that the war had a holy purpose, namely to liberate the holy city of Jerusalem from Islamic rule. To ensure the war was deemed truly sacred, all Western fleets and troops participating in the war were required to wear the cross emblem, such as on sail flags, team and troop banners, shields, armor, and other equipment. This study is a literature review. The approach applied in this research is qualitative. Primary data sources come from supportive references, while secondary data sources involve several journals and books. Data analysis is conducted using the content analysis method. The research findings indicate that the Crusades originated from European expansionism in response to the actions of the Seljuq Turks against the Byzantine Empire. Several factors contribute to the occurrence of the Crusades, including religious, political, social, and economic factors. The Crusades have significant impacts on both the Islamic and Western worlds.