Academic literature on the topic 'Christianism'

The murder of the German politician Walter Lübcke in 2019 by a far-right extremist with links to Neo-Nazi groups exposes the need to address European ethnonationalist extremism from a wider array of approaches, one of them, the religious one. European ethno-nationalists have found profitable the distortion of elements of Western Christianity and its use to reject individuals they consider undesirable, especially Muslims and non-European immigrants. By doing this, far-right extremists have managed to consolidate an ideological basis known as Christianism. This work examines the characteristics of the extremist ideology Christianism and its relation to white supremacism, as well as the historical bias of the Crusades they use and that is a central part of their ideology. This work analyses the manifesto written by white supremacist terrorist Brenton Tarrant with the aim to expose the relation between white supremacism and Christianism, as well as the influence on terrorist acts against non-Europeans in the West, and the main propositions of such extremist ideology. The conclusion proposes the need of better education in history and critical thinking skills in societies affected by white supremacism, as well as the participation of followers of traditional Christianity in counter extremism efforts

Este artigo é uma reflexão sobre a visão não-sacrificial do cristianismo, confrontando duas interpretações sobre o acontecimento da encarnação, vida, paixão e morte de Jesus de Nazaré. É, também, uma apresentação do cristianismo trágico como legitimador de uma postura dualista no interior da instituição eclesial e do contexto social que sustentam uma prática dominadora e, muitas vezes, opressora das relações humanas. A proposta é contrapor o cristianismo trágico ao cristianismo secularizado, entendendo a este como referência para reassumir o projeto cristão. Pretende-se, com a referida interpretação do cristianismo, resgatar a prática do amor como principal critério evangélico e como ação concreta para enfrentar os desafios da sociedade pós-moderna. A temática valoriza a interpretação secularizada do cristianismo, mostrando as implicações ao se assumir tal contraposição diante do cristianismo trágico e apocalíptico, de características marcadamente sacrificiais.Abstract: This article is a reflection about the non-sacrificial view of the Christianism, confronting two interpretations about the episode of incarnation, life, passion and death of Jesus of Nazareth. It is also a presentation of the tragic christianism as a legitimator of a dualist attitude inside the ecclesial institution and the social context, which supports a dominating practice and, many times, oppressive practice towards human affairs. The purpose of this work is to contrast the tragic christianism with the secularized christianism considering the last one as a reference for the resume to the Christian project. This work also intends, with the previously cited interpretation of Christianism, to rescue the practice of love as the main gospel principle and as a concrete action to face the challenges of the post-modern society. The theme values the secularized interpretation of Christianism showing the consequences when such opposition is taken over to the tragic and apocalyptical Christianism which has noticeable sacrificial features.

This article reviews the writing of Ismail Al-Faruqi entitled “Christian Ethics: A Historical and Systematic Analysis of Its Dominant Ideas.” It thoroughly evaluates the origins of Judeo-Christian’s relationship and its relation with Islam. The method used is library-based research and deductive method of analyzing. This evaluation is crucial because there were distorted historical facts and certain misunderstandings in the idea of ethics and self-transformation and to the extent, Al-Faruqi introduced a new name to the Christians today which is Christianism and he also introduced a new approach to the study of religions i.e., Epochè. The distortions should be analyzed to avoid any confusion of the real and not real teachings of Jesus. Hence, this paper will identify the existing distortions and examine it with the original concept derived from the Islamic perspective which eventually harmonizes the ultimate reason of God sending down all His messengers to the earth.

Persecution of Christians in the Roman Empire: Elements of an imperial declineThe following seminar-paper aims to examine how the persecution of Christians in the early centuries of the Christian era relates to the decline to the Roman Empire. It gives an overview of the period from Nero’s persecutions in 64 AD to the legalization of Christianism in 313 AD, or the end of the civil wars between Constantine and his rivals Maxentius, Maximinus Daia and Licinius around 324 AD respectively. It puts a special emphasis on the essential characteristics of what is called an “empire”.

Thomas More’s Utopia and the subsequent literary creations that belong to the same literary genre represent the affirmation of human initiative and its exclusive responsibility for the laws that rule the destiny of the City. This political autarchy points at an organisation of the society, so zealous of autonomy, that it seems to exclude from itself any divinity or religion. This is not, however, what we see in most of the utopic narratives, starting with the one by More that deals extensively with the religious issue. What statute and significance does religion have in the utopias? The answer can be attempted at three principal levels, which correspond to the same amount of ways of presence and articulation of the religious element in the described societies. There is, firstly, the consecration of Christianism as supreme religion in More’s Utopia. However, this consecration does not prevent the dimension of social criticism, characteristic of the utopic imagination, from applying also to the religious phenomenon. We have, then, the Christian reference to narratives in which the Christianism of origins appears as inspiration and model. Let us remember, for example, the «New Christianism» by Saint-Simon. Lastly, in the last two centuries, the horizon of Christianism tends to dissipate itself in narratives that advocate the implantation of a new social ethics. In this communication, we deal solely with the «Utopias of the Renaissance», the utopias of Thomas More, Tommaso Campanella and Francis Bacon.

The aim of this paper is to establish a series of links between some of the main religious formulas that arise in Judaism and Christianism and the romantic and confluent love characteristic of modern societies. To carry it out, firstly, we analyze love in historical Judaism, reflecting on the Ahavah formula, the predominant formula in this religious context. Secondly, to study the Christian drift of love, we first analyze how the emergence of this new religious faith (Christianism) provokes a change in the Jewish way of understanding it (love). Subsequently, we analyze some of the three main formulas in which love materializes in Christianism: Agape, Caritas, and Amor Sui. Regarding modern love, we first carry out a contextualization focused on the processes of secularization and individualization, and their impact on it. Afterwards, we present the main features that define both romantic and confluent love, and finally, we analyze the Judeo-Christian characters inherited for such types of love. The methodology used focused on a literature review and theoretical reflection based on this review. The research carried out allows us to establish sociological continuities between Judeo-Christian religious love and modern secular love in the terms used throughout the paper.

The goal of this paper is to highlight the importance of some of the Alanic glosses in the Greek liturgical manuscript Q12 of the Library of the Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg in portraying some Christian realia which later became incorporated into Ossetian pagan traditions.

S’inscrivant dans un courant majeur de la recherche historique et de la réflexion épistémologique actuelles sur l’étude des phénomènes de construction identitaire dans l’Antiquité, notre recherche s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux processus de construction de discours d’appartenance identitaire dans la littérature judéenne et chrétienne aux Ier et IIe siècles. Il apparaît vain de vouloir circonscrire une définition unique et unilatérale de ces identités durant cette période, car une telle définition s’avérerait plus utopique que réaliste en raison de la pluralité des mouvements qui composent le « judaïsme » et le « christianisme » anciens et des auteurs qui ont tenté, par leurs discours, de définir et de présenter ces identités. Établir une liste de critères pour délimiter ces identités et, par conséquent, pour distinguer ceux qui peuvent ou non se réclamer d’être Judéens ou chrétiens, nous semble inadéquat pour la réalité antique. Par conséquent, la perspective adoptée dans cette recherche est de réfléchir à la manière dont il convient d’aborder les identités anciennes et les processus de construction identitaire dans l’Antiquité à la fois comme objet d’étude et comme approche disciplinaire. Notre recherche consiste en une étude socio-historique des identités judéennes et chrétiennes des Ier et IIe siècles tout en proposant une réflexion méthodologique, épistémologique, terminologique et historiographique des questions et phénomènes identitaires anciens qui sont abordés dans une perspective « – emic » et « – etic » et à partir de divers postes d’observation prenant en considération des points de vue internes (insiders) et externes (outsiders) à ces identités
As part of a major trend of historical research and of current epistemological discussion on the study of the identity building process phenomena in Antiquity, our research focuses specifically on the building process of identity belonging discourses in the Judean and Christian literature of the First and Second centuries. Restricting the Judean and Christian identities of this period to a unique and unilateral definition would be erroneous, since such a definition would be more utopian than realistic because of the plurality of communities that take part in ancient Judaism and ancient Christianity, and because of the plurality of authors that tried to define and elaborate theses identities in their discourses. Establishing a list of criteria to define these identities and, in turn, to distinguish those who may or may not declare themselves Judeans or Christians, seems inadequate for Ancient times. Therefore, the perspective of this research is rather to rethink how the problem of ancient identities as well as the problem of building process of identity in Antiquity should be addressed, by approaching it at the same time as an object study and a disciplinary approach. Our research is therefore a socio-historical study of Judean and Christian identities of the First and Second centuries as well as a discussion on methodological, epistemological, terminological and historiographical approaches of problems relating to ancient identities phenomena; theses are discussed through “– emic” and “– etic” from diverse elements that take into consideration internal point of view (insiders) and external point of view (outsiders) to these identities

L’universitaire bouddhiste japonais Masao Abe attira l’attention dans les années 1980 par des écrits comparants le bouddhisme et le christianisme, notamment les notions de « kénose » du Christ dans le christianisme et de « vacuité » dans le bouddhisme. Dès lors que nous cherchons à évaluer la validité du rapprochement fait par Abe entre « kénose » et « vacuité », il est nécessaire de questionner préalablement la conception qu’il a du concept de « vacuité ». Nous montrons que la compréhension qu’il en a est en relation constante avec la pensée du philosophe bouddhiste indien Nâgârjuna. Cela nous conduit à conclure par la négative quant à cette validité du rapprochement fait par Abe entre « kénose » et « vacuité ». Dans une deuxième partie, nous tentons de relever le défi auquel se mesure Abe de trouver un lieu de rencontre entre christianisme et bouddhisme en continuant à discuter ses écrits sur la question du moi dans la perspective du « pur amour »
The Japanese academic and Buddhist Masao Abe drew the public attention in the 1980s by comparative studies of Buddhism and Christianism, in particular through the notions of "kenosis" of Christ in Christianism and "vacuity" in Buddhism. Since we try to estimate the validity of the link made by Abe between "kenosis" and "vacuity", it is necessary to question beforehand his understanding of the concept of "vacuity". We demonstrate that his understanding of this concept is in constant relation with the thought of the Indian Buddhist philosopher Nâgârjuna. It leads us to consider negatively the validity of the link made by Abe between "kenosis" and "vacuity". In a second part, we try to take up the challenge Abe confronts himself in order to find a meeting place between Christianism and Buddhism by discussing the way he conceives the question of the self from the angle of "pure love"

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Neste trabalho, propomos uma leitura de interface entre Dostoiévski e Nietzsche à luz de temas como niilismo e cristianismo, tendo em vista uma possível relação entre os dois autores em um contexto de desmoronamento do solo metafísico expresso na formulação nietzschiana da morte de Deus, a qual, antes mesmo de Nietzsche, Dostoiévski já demostrava os sintomas desse acontecimento em seus livros, notadamente Memórias do Subsolo e Crime e Castigo, obras das quais é possível detectar a doença que contaminava a Europa e a Rússia do século XIX. Com estas palavras, nosso trabalho se situa numa zona limítrofe entre filosofia e literatura, com predominância do espírito dostoievskiano em suas páginas, sem menosprezar, contudo, a importância de Nietzsche para a discussão das páginas que se seguem.
In this work, we propose a reading of the interface between Dostoevsky and Nietzsche in the light of themes such as nihilism and Christianity, in view of a possible relationship between the two authors in a context of the collapse of the metaphysical soil expressed in the Nietzschean formulation of the death of God, which , Even before Nietzsche, Dostoevsky already demonstrated the symptoms of this event in his books, notably Memories from the Underground and Crime and Punishment, works of which it is possible to detect the disease that contaminated Europe and Russia of the nineteenth century. With these words, our work lies in a borderline between philosophy and literature, predominantly the Dostoevskian spirit in its pages, without neglecting, however, the importance of Nietzsche for the discussion of the pages that follow.

Comment analyser et tenter de comprendre le fonctionnement et les transformations des économies conventuelles franciscaines généralement constatées à la fin du Moyen Âge dans les testaments conservés par les couvents et les notaires ? Interprétées comme un abandon de l’idéal de pauvreté et comme une trahison du projet originel de François d’Assise, justifiant la contestation et la dissidence des Spirituels puis la réforme de l’Observance, ces mutations de la vie franciscaine sont très vivement mises en lumière par les comptes quotidiens exceptionnels du couvent d’Avignon, les seuls de cet ordre religieux à avoir été non seulement conservés mais probablement aussi produits à partir de 1359. Malgré leurs lacunes, ils autorisent une reconstitution précise et minutieuse du mode de vie des frères, des mécanismes de leur économie, de la nature de leurs échanges avec la société urbaine ainsi que de leurs méhodes de gestion et d’administration pendant 120 ans. Ils permettent de lire l’économie conventuelle et les pratiques à la lumière de la conjoncture, brutalement inversée après le départ des papes, mais aussi à l’aune des normes et des principes élaborés par les théologiens de l’ordre et par les juristes de la fin du Moyen Âge. Ils montrent les efforts des Mineurs pour se soumettre aux aléas du marché local et la virtuosité technique avec laquelle ils s’y emploient. Ils révèlent les liens entre l’activité pastorale franciscaine, les pratiques dévotionnelles des fidèles et l’économie du couvent. Ils permettent de mieux saisir la nature des rapports entre la ville et les Mendiants et de proposer quelques éléments d’explication à leurs transformations, en lien avec les mutations des sociétés urbaines et des rapports à l’au-delà à la fin du Moyen Âge
How analyse and understand the way the Franciscans ruled their houses in the late Middle Ages ? The transformations of conventual economics have been observed in notarial documentation and considered as the abandon of the original ideal of poverty, a betrayal of Francis of Assisi’s original project, that would justify the Spiritual’s protest movement and the Observant reform. These mutations are brought to light by the daily ledgers of the convent of Avignon produced and conserved from 1359 to 1480. It is possible to reconstruct the Friars’ way of life, their economics, the exchanges with the city and their specific methods of managing the convent. It is possible to analyse the conventual economic in the light of the economic crisis, the franciscan rules and norms elaborated by the theologians and jurists. The ledgers show the Friars’ efforts and methods to submit themselves to the local market. It reveals the links between pastoral activities, the faithful’s piety and the conventual economics

Originaire de Tūlā (Liban) le religieux maronite Buṭrus al-Tūlāwī (1657-1746) fut élève du Collège maronite de Rome où il suivit la totalité du cursus scolastique enseigné par les pères jésuites. Après son retour en Orient, il partit pour Alep pour servir son Église et y composa une importante œuvre philosophique et théologique. Il est certes bien connu des historiens pour son rôle dans l’histoire de l’Église maronite et pour la place que ses écrits occupèrent dans les sphères religieuse et intellectuelle au Proche-Orient. Toutefois, son œuvre philosophique n’a été que peu étudiée et n’a jamais fait l’objet d’une édition critique. Dans cette thèse, nous proposons une édition critique accompagnée d’une traduction française commentée des deux premiers examens (baḥṯ-s) du Livre de la Logique (al-Manṭiq), enseigné dès 1693. Cette partie est précédée par un inventaire détaillé des 153 témoins des textes philosophiques d’al-Tūlāwī, Logique y compris, inventaire dont les résultats servent de point de départ pour une réflexion sur la circulation de ce corpus. Nous consacrons le chapitre suivant à une analyse stemmatique des 24 témoins de la Logique, qui, sur les 29 répertoriés, nous sont accessibles pour mettre en évidence l’existence de trois versions distinctes dans lesquelles ce texte a circulé et qui jouent un rôle capital dans les principes de notre édition, qui est synoptique, et dans l’eliminatio codicum. Les références doctrinales employées par al-Tūlāwī dans ses traités sont variées et nombreuses. Nous présentons et référençons, au chapitre suivant, toutes les citations qui, dans la Logique, proviennent de deux grandes figures de la philosophie : Jean Damascène et Avicenne
Born in Tūlā (Lebanon), the Maronite clergyman Buṭrus al-Tūlāwī (1657-1746) was a pupil at the Maronite College of Rome, where he followed the whole scholastic curriculum taught by Jesuit fathers. After his return to the East, he left for Aleppo to serve his Church and there he composed an important series of philosophical and theological works. To be sure, he is well known among historians for his role in the history of the Maronite Church and for the place his writings occupied in the religious and intellectual spheres in the Near-East. Nevertheless, his philosophical works have not been the object of much research so far and were never critically edited. In this dissertation, we offer a critical edition accompanied by a commented French translation of the two first examinations (baḥṯ-s) of the Book of Logic (al-Manṭiq), taught in 1693 onward. That part is preceded by a detailed inventory of the 153 witnesses of al-Tūlāwī’s philosophical texts, Logic included, the results of which constitute the starting point for a reflection on the circulation of this corpus. In the following chapter, we proceed to the stemmatic analysis of the 24 witnesses of the Logic to which we could have access out of the 29 listed, in order to underline the existence of three distinct versions in which this text circulated, and which are of paramount importance for the principles of our edition, which is synoptic, and for the eliminatio codicum. The doctrinal references used by al-Tūlāwī in his treatises are varied and numerous. We present and reference, in the following chapter, all the quotations which are, in the Logic, taken from two major figures of philosophy: John Damascene and Avicenna

Orientador: Flávio Ribeiro de Oliveira
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Neste trabalho é apresentada uma tradução do primeiro livro da obra Adversus Haereses (Contras as Heresias), de autoria do bispo cristão Ireneu de Lyon. Escrito na segunda metade do século II d.C., o livro apresenta o pensamento gnóstico como algo distinto do ensinamento apostólico, algo que o autor se empenha em refutar para fundamentar um dogmatismo ortodoxo para a fé cristã. A motivação desse trabalho não é somente o de trazer à comunidade um livro talvez pouco conhecido, mas também o de contextualizar o complexo processo de formação do pensamento cristão, que pouco após seu início transitou de uma tradição judaica fechada em si mesma para um mundo helenístico de diversas filosofias concorrentes, dentre as quais se destaca os primórdios do neo-platonismo. A escolha do primeiro dentre os cinco tomos da obra completa foi feita por ser o único que pôde ser quase totalmente restaurado em sua escrita grega original, através de longas citações feitas pelos heresiógrafos que o seguiram. Não apenas isso, mas o corpo da filosofia gnóstica é exposta somente neste primeiro livro, centrando-se no comentário do sistema valentiniano. Um breve ensaio introduz os temas do cristianismo, do judaísmo e do helenismo para melhor compreensão dessa obra de Ireneu de Lyon
Abstract: This work presents a translation of the first book of Irenaeus's Adversus Haereses (Against the Heresies). Bishop Irenaeus of Lyon wrote his work on the second half of the second century A. D., and through it he exposed the flourishing gnostic thought as being in opposition to the apostolic teaching. He endeavored to refute these new ideas in order to support the dogmatic orthodoxy of Christian faith. This present translation is not only an effort to bring into Portuguese language a book hardly known to the community but also an attempt to discuss the complex formation of the early Christian thought, which passed from a hermetic Jewish tradition to a Hellenistic world of philosophies, including notably that of Neo-Platonism. The choice of translating the first book out of the five tomes written by Irenaeus is not without reason: it is the only book which can almost completely be rendered in its original Greek language through the juxtaposition of copious quotations made by early theologists, while the remaining books are existent only in a barbarous version of Latin. Not only that, but also the gnostic philosophy which is discussed in this work is exposed only in the first book, which devotes itself to denounce the ideas of the Valentine's gnostic school and those of his disciples'
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Esta pesquisa apresenta a primeira tradução do opúsculo Aduersus Valentinianos para a língua portuguesa, a partir do qual desenvolve uma análise de certos mecanismos persuasivos empregados por Tertuliano, o primeiro autor cristão latino, na legitimação e na consequente defesa da corrente proto-ortodoxa no seio do cristianismo, diante da expansão do valentinianismo no século III EC. Desta maneira, partindo do estudo de alguns preceitos retóricos clássicos, sobretudo de autores romanos, demonstra-se que o tratado analisado possui uma importância relevante no seio da literatura proto-ortodoxa, assim como, reflete a apropriação e adaptação das diretrizes discursivas clássicas pelos autores proto-ortodoxos do movimento cristão, dentre os quais se encontra Tertuliano.
This research presents the first translation of the booklet Aduersus Valentinianos into Portuguese, from which develops a analysis of certain persuasive mechanisms employed by Tertullian, the first Christian Latin author, in the legitimation and the subsequent defense of the proto-orthodox group within the Christianity, up against of the expansion of valentinianism in the third century CE. Thus, based on the study of some classical rhetoric precepts, particularly from Roman authors, demonstrates that the analyzed treatise has a great importance within the proto-orthodox literature, as well as reflects the appropriation and adaptation of classical discursive guidelines by the proto-orthodox authors of the Christian movement, among which we find Tertullian.

Le dialogue culturel méditerranéen connaît aujourd'hui une période difficile. Or, à la fois connexe et indépendante, la dimension religieuse offre un autre canal possible de dialogue dans les relations méditerranéennes. Les transformations du regard chrétien porté sur l'islam amorcées dès l'entre-deux-guerres, puis les pratiques du dialogue entre chrétiens et musulmans, en métropole et outre-Méditerranée, favorisent progressivement l'affirmation du dialogue islamo-chrétien sur le devant de la scène méditerranéenne. Dans les années 1960, le concile Vatican II marque un temps fort dans ce processus. Rattrapé par ses propres ambiguïtés et soumis aux forces de la géopolitique méditerranéenne, le dialogue islamo-chrétien entre cependant, à la fin des années 1970, dans une période plus chaotique rythmée aussi bien par des actes symboliques en faveur de la paix que par des crispations identitaires. En faisant appel à diverses sources de documentation, en particulier le fonds réuni par le Service des Relations avec l'Islam (SRI), ce travail propose un panorama historique des acteurs, des enjeux et des limites du dialogue islamo-chrétien en Méditerranée au XXe siècle. Des retours sur l'histoire et les acteurs marseillais illustrent ces évolutions
Intercultural dialogue in the Mediterranean is undergoing hard times. However the religious dimension, connected and independent at the same time, offers another possible channel of dialogue in the Mediterranean relations. The transformations of the Christian perception of Islam started during the interwar period, then the practices of the dialogue between Christians and Muslims, in mainland France and beyond the Mediterranean Sea, gradually promote the Islamo-Christian dialogue on the Mediterranean forefront. In the 1960s, the Second Vatican Council stands out in this process. Trapped inside its own ambiguities and conditioned by Mediterranean geopolitical settings, the Islamo-Christian dialogue however enters a much more chaotic period punctuated both by symbolic acts for peace and identical tensions at the end of 1970s. Inspiring by multiple documentation sources, in particular by the collection of the Service des Relations avec l'Islam (SRI), the present work offers an historic overview of the actors, the stakes and the limits of the Islamo-Christian dialogue in the Mediterranean Sea throughout the 20th century. Historic reviews and the actors from Marseille illustrate such development

Ami intime de Chateaubriand et de Pauline de Beaumont, témoin de la Révolution française qui a, dit-il, « chassé [s]on esprit du monde réel », Joseph Joubert rédige toute sa vie des notes consignées dans deux-cent cinq cahiers et dans des feuillets épars. Ces notes, qu’il ne publiera pas, sont éditées par André Beaunier dans leur quasi totalité en 1938 sous l’appellation de Carnets. Ce texte protéiforme ressortissant à la poétique du brouillon est envisagé dans cet ouvrage sous l’angle d’une notion héritée d’Yves Bonnefoy. La désécriture englobe l’ensemble des mouvements venant faire obstacle à l’élaboration de l’œuvre : les phénomènes de réticences, d’auto-censure, d’hésitations, de déconstruction, de minage, de pudeur qui viennent manifestement gêner l’expression, et plus encore toute possibilité d’édification d’une « œuvre » achevée. La poétique de Joubert naît de ces mouvements contradictoires entre un idéal littéraire nettement défini par des critères étiquetés comme classiques (clarté, ordre, achèvement) et une pratique littéraire qui tient cet idéal en échec, mais ce faisant trouve dans le fragmentaire et le provisoire une éthique aussi bien qu’une poétique. La désécriture est en effet aussi une expérience de la positivité : contre toutes les impuissances, l’effacement des mots se révèle comme puissance d’affirmation
Joseph Joubert was a close friend of Chateaubriand and Pauline de Beaumont and a witness of the French Revolution, which has « chased away [his] mind from the real world », as he stated. He wrote during his whole life a set of notes in 205 notebooks and loose sheets of papers, but never published them. In 1938, André Beaunier edited most part of them under the name of Carnets. This multifaceted text, belonging to the draft poetry, is here considered through the angle of a notion coming from Yves Bonnefoy. The désécriture includes all the movements that prevent from creating a finished book : reluctance, self-censorship, hesitations, modesty, literary deconstruction and mining which impede the writing, and his achievement as a piece of work. Joubert’s poetry arises from this conflicting movements between a literary ideal characterized by the classical way (clarity, order, achievement) and Joubert’s style compromising this ideal. Nonetheless, the author finds his ethic and poetic way thanks to a fragmented and temporary style. The désécriture is in fact a positive experience : the vanishing words become an affirmative power of saying, opposite to all forms of impotence

Ce travail de doctorat s'inscrit dans le champ d'étude de l'histoire des identités religieuses et culturelles et a pour objectif premier d'analyser comment l'oeuvre poétique et épistolaire de Sidoine Apollinaire éclaire la spécificité de l'identité chrétienne gauloise durant la période tardo-antique ; il s'agit aussi de montrer comment ce corpus contribue à définir une identité sociale et religieuse dans la Gaule chrétienne au Ve siècle, en tenant compte des renoncements et des compromis culturels qu'implique la conversion. Nous nous intéressons notamment aux évolutions de la christianité qui sont perceptibles au cours des années d'activité de Sidoine Apollinaire qui se présente comme une source de premier plan sur ces questions puisqu'il est d'abord apparenté à l'élite sociale laïque, puis au monde clérical gaulois, sphères entre lesquelles il nous permet de mettre en évidence les rapports de continuité ou de rupture. Cette approche adopte une démarche diachronique et inscrit en premier lieu l'auteur dans le contexte historique et géographique d'un christianisme occidental qui trouve son ancrage à Rome, mais qui dispose de centres de rayonnement en Gaule, à une époque qui est encore exposée aux mutations culturelles et religieuses. Deux problématiques de recherches ont orienté notre propos : Quelle christianité se forge en Gaule au Ve siècle, et quels sont les faciès de cette religion d'après Sidoine, son réseau, ses lectures? Quels renoncements et quels compromis implique la conversion chrétienne à l'égard des composantes de l'ancien monde, qu'elles soient d'ordre idéologique, sociale ou esthétiques ?
This dissertation examines how poetic and epistolary works of Sidonius Apollinaris brings light upon christian Gaul identity during late Antiquity, and how this author takes part in defining it. This essay focuses on christian speeches, behaviours and duties towards former culture and especially pagan background, paying peculiar attention to claims of renunciation and actual compromises towards past patterns. This essay firstly tries to paint a picture of fifth-century christianity in Gaul, studying how and how much the religio noua has penetrated gallic provincies, and showing remanence of heterodox and «pagan» believes. It also examines the cultural continuity and discontinuity that occurs during religious transition from laity to conversion and clerical status, for which Sidonius Apollinaris, belonging first to lay social élite, then to thee cleric world, appears like a key-figure. This work especially focuses on the importance of poems-writing to enhance a christian identity but also to express one's nostalgic attachement to the ancient world, its litterature, its culture and its erstwhile pleasures

AbstractBoth theoretical reflection and empirical research have purported a mutual exchange of benefits for the collaboration between positive psychology (PP) and Christianity. However, the varied belief systems and worldviews held among adherents of distinct Christian traditions may interfere with practical collaborative efforts between PP and Christianity. In this chapter, we explore important considerations for effective collaboration between PP and Christianity. Namely, we argue that Christianity can provide a framework for what individuals should value and what virtues a person should pursue, whereas PP can provide the tools and methodology for how to pursue the goals that are identified by Christianity. We first review the geographic distribution and demographic composition of Christians around the world, emphasizing the value of context when working with Christian populations. Second, we highlight fundamental beliefs and values that may influence how Christians interpret and utilize empirical findings from the field of PP. Third, we discuss how Christian beliefs, traditions, and doctrines influence our understandings of well-being, health, and virtue development. Throughout the chapter, we discuss strategies and implications for positive collaboration between the fields of PP and Christianity.

This chapter introduces Jesus from multiple perspectives. First it tells a minimalist version of his story using only those details broadly accepted by both Christians and Muslims. Then it turns to facets of Jesus particular to one tradition, looking first at Christianity, then Islam, and finally Manichaeism. The chapter concludes surveying christological controversies in Christianity and Islam before the fifteenth century.

Крайняя малочисленность связанных с христианством находок и их неравномерное распределение во времени создает значительные трудности при восстановлении истории Фанагорийской христианской общины. Восполнить лакуны до некоторой степени помогают имеющиеся сведения об истории христианства в других центрах Северо-Восточного Причерноморья, неотъемлемой частью которого являлась Фанагория. Несомненно, новая религия проникает в Фанагорию, как и в другие центры Боспорского царства, в последней четверти 3 в. из Малой Азии, откуда готы, возвращаясь из своих пиратских набегов, привозили пленных христиан. Именно к периоду после морских походов варваров относятся первые зафиксированные на Боспоре признаки христианства: различные вещи с христианскими символами, христианские участки на некрополе в Керчи. Незначительное количество раннехристианских памятников говорит о том, что в этот период распространение религии в регионе происходило, главным образом, благодаря деятельности миссионеров, и число приверженцев христианства было невелико. С включением Боспора в сферу влияния Византийской империи церковь и государство предпринимают совместные усилия по христианизации региона: скорее всего, именно в это время по обе стороны Керченского пролива строятся церкви, в Фанагории учреждается епископская кафедра и строится христианский храм, внутреннему убранству которого, скорее всего, принадлежали два мраморных резервуара для воды, сигмовидный стол и рельеф с изображением Орфея, найденные при раскопках на «Нижнем городе». Форма и материал, из которого изготовлен один из найденных резервуаров, позво ляет интерпретировать его как крещальную купель. Причем небольшая глубина найден ной емкости не означает, что в ней крестили только детей, поскольку в большинстве случаев крещение совершалось без полного погружения: стоявшего в купели крещаемого просто обливали водой. Однако уже с 4 в. при крещении начали использовать стоячую воду, а наполнять купель предписывалось вручную. Поэтому объяснить назначение двух отверстий в фанагорийском резервуаре в случае его использования в качестве купели трудно. Лучше объясняет наличие двух отверстий другой возможный вариант использования резервуара: в качестве реликвария, в котором хранились мощи, их частицы или какие-то другие реликвии. Через верхнее отверстие в реликварий на хранящиеся в нем мощи наливали масло, которое выливалось через отверстие в нижней части. Что касается чаши с ручками-выступами вдоль края, то подобные емкости, как правило, определяют либо как купели для крещения детей, либо, чаще, как чаши для освященной воды, которую в раннехристианское время использовали для ритуального омовения рук перед входом в храм. Известные автору точные аналогии фанагорийскому сосуду происходят исключительно с территории провинций Мезия Секунда и Фракия. Не исключено, что именно оттуда фанагорийская емкость была привезена войсками, присланными на Боспор Юстинианом для подавления восстания против ставленника Византии Грода. Мраморный сигмовидной стол с арочной каймой также мог входить в состав инвентаря христианского храма. В церковном обиходе использование таких столов было вторичным, взятым из светской жизни и идет от раннехристианской традиции совместных поминальных трапез, совершавшихся над могилами мучеников. Позже их использовали в храмах в качестве престолов и столов для приношений, а также в трапезных монастырей. Несмотря на то, что сигмовидные столы, в частности столы с арочной каймой, использовали как в светском, так и христианском обиходе, их находки вне контекста обычно связывают с христианскими храмами. Однако в подобных случаях нельзя исключать возможность их использования и в качестве обычного обеденного стола. Наконец, с христианством может быть связана мраморная плитка с изображением Орфея, образ которого перешел в христианскую иконографию из языческого искусства. Незначительные размеры и сильная потертость фанагорийского фрагмента, к сожалению, не позволяют уверенно определить религиозный статус изображения, который, как правило устанавливают по составу «слушателей» и контексту. Строго говоря, из перечисленных находок только одну, мраморную чашу с вырезанным крестом, можно отнести к предметам интерьера христианского храмового комплекса безусловно. Сигмовидный стол могли использовать и в христианском культе, и по его прямому назначению – в качестве обеденного стола. Образ Орфея одинаково использовался как язычниками, так и христианами. Разным целям мог служить и мраморный резервуар. Но среди аргументов за и против их использования в христианском культе, все же превалируют первые. Кроме того, обнаружение всех предметов на довольно небольшом участке «Нижнего города» позволяет надеяться на то, что в ходе будущих раскопок здесь будет открыт христианский храм, и таким образом подтвердится предложенная интерпретация найденных предметов. Храм, к которому, возможно, относились перечисленные находки, по-видимому, был разрушен в середине 6 в. Тогда же, скорее всего, прекратила существование и Фанагорийская епархия. Какие-либо сведения о фанагорийских христианах более позднего времени полностью отсутствуют, но, судя по информации о христианских общинах, имевшихся в других центрах региона, а также в городах Хазарского каганата, были они и в Фанагории, которая в этот период, скорее всего, входила в состав Зихийской епархии. У нас нет сви детельств о притеснениях христиан в городах Хазарского каганата. Наоборот, согласно сведениям, содержащимся в письменных источниках, жизнь христиан там протекала до вольно спокойно. О благосклонном отношении хазарской элиты к христианству говорят и браки с византийским императорским домом, в частности брак Юстиниана II и сестры кагана Феодоры, после заключения которого он «уехал в Фанагорию и жил там с Феодорой» (Theoph. Chron. 704–705; пер. И.С. Чичурова). 2 Что же касается археологических свидетельств, то число связанных с христианством находок 8–10 вв. чрезвычайно мало, и их невозможно связать непосредственно с христианским населением Фанагории. Extremely low amounts of finds related to Christianity and their uneven distribution over time presents difficulties in reconstructing the history of the Phanagorian Christian community. The information on the history of Christianity in other centres of the North-Eastern Black Sea, a region where Phanagoria played a crucial part, can help fill the blanks to a certain extent. Without any doubt, the new religion arrived to Phanagoria, as well as to the other centres of the Bosporan kingdom, in the last quarter of the third century AD from Asia Minor, when the Goths brought Christians as captives from their pirate raids. The first recorded signs of Christianity in the Bosporos belong to the period after the sea campaigns of the “barbarians”. These include personal possessions with Christian symbols and Christian burial plots in the necropolis in Kerch. A small number of early Christian monuments points to the fact that during this period the spread of Christianity in the region heavily relied on the activities of missionaries, while the number of christians was still small. Later, after the inclusion of the Bosporos in the sphere of influence of the Byzantine Empire, the church and the state were making joint efforts to Christianize the region: most likely, it was at this time that Christian churches were built on both sides of the Kerch Strait, an episcopal chair was established in Phanagoria and a Christian church was built, decorated with two marble water tanks, a sigmoid table and a relief depicting Orpheus. All this was found during the excavations in the “Lower City” trench. 2 Чичуров 1980, 62. Христианство в Фанагории. Археологические свидетельства 71 The shape and material from which one of the found tanks is made allows for its interpreta tion as a baptistery. The small depth of the found container does not necessarily mean that only children were baptised in it, since in most cases baptism was performed without complete immersion. The baptised stood in the font and water was poured over him. However, from the fourth century AD stagnant water was used for baptism, and the font had to be filled manually. It is, therefore, difficult to explain the purpose of the two holes in the Phanagorean reservoir if it was used as a font. Their presence is better explained by another possible use of the tank – as a reliquary. Oil was poured into the reliquary through the upper opening to cover the relics stored in it, and then came out through the opening in the lower part. Regarding the bowls with protruding handles along the edge, such vessels are considered to serve either as fonts for child baptism, or, more often, as bowls for consecrated water, which, during the early Christian times, were used to wash hands before entering the temple. Their exact analogies, known to the author, come exclusively from the provinces of Moesia Secunda and Thrace. It is possible that it was from there that the Phanagorian container was brought by the troops, which were sent to the Bosporos by Justinian to suppress the uprising against the Byzantine ruler named Grod. A marble sigmoid table with an arched border could also be part of the inventory of a Christian church. In church life, the use of such tables was secondary. It comes from secular life, from the early Christian tradition of communal meals served on the graves of martyrs. Later they were used in temples and monasteries as thrones and tables for offerings. Despite the fact that sigmoid tables, particularly those with an arched border, were used both in secular and Christian everyday life, they are usually associated with Christian churches when found out of context. However, one cannot exclude the possibility of them being used as a regular dining table. Finally, a marble tile with the image of Orpheus, which came to the Christian iconography from pagan art, can also be associated with Christianity. Unfortunately, due to its insignificant size and severe damage, this fragment does not allow us to determine the religious status of the image with any degree of certainty. Usually such assumptions can be made based on the amount of depicted listeners and the find’s context. Strictly speaking, only one of the listed finds, a marble bowl with a carved cross, can be attributed to the items from the interior of the Christian temple. The sigmoid table could be used both in the Christian cult and for its original purpose, as a dining table. The image of Orpheus was used by both pagans and Christians. A marble tank could possibly also serve different purposes. However, between the arguments “for” and “against” its use in a Christian context, the former prevail. In addition, the discovery of all the objects together in a rather small area of the “Lower City” excavation site allows us to hope that, during future excavations, a Christian church will be discovered here, confirming our interpretations. The temple to which the finds may have belonged was apparently destroyed in the middle of the sixth century AD. At the same time, most likely, the Phanagorian diocese also ceased to exist. There is no information on Phanagorian Christians during later periods, but, judging by the information about the Christian communities that existed in other centres of the region, as well as in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate, Christians were present in Phanagoria, which, during this period was likely a part of the Zikhia diocese. So far, we have no evidence of the oppression of Christians in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate. On the contrary, according to the information from written sources, the life of Christians there was a rather calm one. The favourable attitude of the Khazar elite towards Christianity is also evidenced by marriages with the Byzantine imperial family. Of particular interest is the marriage of Justinian II and the sister of the Khagan, Theodora, after which he “left for Phanagoria and lived there with Theodora”. As for archaeological evidence, the number of finds associated with Christianity from the 8th to 10th centuries AD is extremely low, and it is impossible to connect them directly with the Christian population of Phanagoria.

In his Deconstruction of Christianity, the contemporary French philosopher Jean-Luc Nancy described Christianity as “the exit from religion and the expansion of the atheist world”. Inspired by this assertion, we will reassess the traces of atheism in Christianity and its secular supplements. We will examine the broad context of Christianity and some seemingly external factors such as the Enlightenment and the development of science. Several features of Christianity, such as the emphasis on spirituality, individual faith, and the deinstitutionalization of religious experience, have prepared the ground for the rise of atheism. First, Christianity, most clearly in the Protestant denominations, places great emphasis on the inner spiritual experience of the believer, the conscience as the inner presence of God. The subjective personal relationship with God and the indwelling of the Holy Spirit are central tenets of Christian theology. However, this emphasis on individual, private spirituality can inadvertently lead to a devaluation of external religious structures and communal rituals and even pave the way for atheistic isolation. Moreover, throughout its history, Christianity has repeatedly produced its own critics, movements that have challenged institutional authority and hierarchical structures within the church. From the Hussites to the Protestant Reformation to today's movements advocating spiritual autonomy, the goal has always been to decentralize religious authority, separate it from worldly powers (secularization) and empower individual believers. While this deinstitutionalization is certainly meant to promote a more authentic and personal faith that is closer to God's will, it can also create room for doubt and scepticism, which in turn can lead to atheism. Furthermore, Christianity has grappled more than other religions with the tension between faith and reason, two completely different areas of our relationship with reality and the world. This relationship has completely changed with advances in science and philosophy, as traditional religious doctrines and supernatural explanations are increasingly challenged and even rendered obsolete. The struggle to reconcile faith and reason has led some people to the practical solution of rejecting religious faith altogether in favour of a purely secular worldview. We should also mention that even the pervasive influence of Christianity on Western culture may have inadvertently facilitated its own decline. Because Christianity is deeply embedded in societal norms, people who have grown up in Christian cultures may take their faith for granted, not as something out of the ordinary, but as something normal, leading to complacency or indifference toward religious beliefs. Over time, this cultural familiarity with Christianity can erode the foundations of religious belief and eventually contribute to the rise of atheism. Given this internal dynamic, it is clear that Christianity itself has played a crucial role in its own atheization. This paper will highlight some of the key features of Christian atheism and one of its most notorious examples, socialist atheization.

In his elegant and insightful book Muqtedar Khan admonishes Muslims to do beautiful things. It is an arresting call in a book itself beautiful in style, clarity, and boldness of vision for a better world. Professor Khan’s quest for beauty in a specific Muslim context: the beauty that arises when actions are done with the inescapable sense that God sees all one does – or, Ihsan. But what exactly do the commands of God require of those who, knowing He is watching, set themselves the task of scrupulously doing His will?

This article addresses an issue of growing political importance: the global rise of civilizational populism. From Western Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists are increasingly linking national belonging with civilizational identity—and at times to the belief that the world is divided into religion-based civilizations, some of which are doomed to clash with one another. As part of this process, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity have all been commandeered by populist parties and movements, each adept at using the power of religion—in different ways and drawing on different aspects of religion—to define the boundary of concepts such as people, nation, and civilization.

This CREID Policy Briefing provides recommendations to address the marginalisation and discrimination faced by Chaldean Catholic Christian women in Iraq. Christian communities in Iraq have faced threats and discrimination throughout their history. Their numbers have declined considerably in recent years as more Christians have been displaced or forced to migrate due to war, occupation and persecution. This research, which focuses on the experiences of Chaldean Catholic and Orthodox women and men in Iraq, demonstrates the commonalities among different groups of Christian women and men. However, it also highlights the specific challenges facing Christian women, interlinked with their identities as women who are part of a religious minority and to their geographic location.