Journal articles on the topic 'Christianisme africain'

L’on ne peut parler de Renaissance africaine qu’après avoir réfléchi à l’avènement de l’homme nouveau africain, sujet libre, imprégné d’idéal, capable d’assumer son histoire et dégagé d’un grégarisme accablant. Cet homme nouveau sera aussi le produit des forces religieuses et spirituelles qui l’entourent et structurent son environnement. En bonne place figurent les Religions Traditionnelles Africaines et le christianisme. Ces deux forces religieuses qui correspondent à une double mystique peuvent grandement contribuer au développement de l’Afrique et à sa sortie de son marasme légendaire si elles évitent respectivement l’écueil de l’utilitarisme, de la non-objectivation de la nature, de la sacralisation du pouvoir, du grégarisme, de l’éclipse de la subjectivité pour les Religions Traditionnelles Africaines, du spiritualisme et de la compromission avec les pouvoirs politiques injustes pour le christianisme.

AbstractIn Translating the Message, Lamin Sanneh contrasted the Christian principle of scriptural translation with the Muslim principle of non-translatability, seeing them as two complementary paradigms referring to specific modes of "missionary" expansion of Christianity and Islam in African contexts. Unlike the course of Islam, which is characterised by the Muslims' orientation towards an ideal past as a model for today, and evinced in Islamic reform movements, "the 'reform' tradition in Christian Africa moved in the opposite direction and espoused greater identification with the African setting", thereby exposing pluralism as "a prerequisite for authentic Christian living" (p. 7).A critical relecture of Sanneh's book seeks to provide alternative views on the relationship between Islam and Christianity on the one hand, and African culture on the other. It addresses the question of pluralism and uniformity in African Islam and Christianity, and considers the understanding of Muslim and Christian "reform" in African contexts. Finally it tackles the conundrum of African Christianity and Islam in view of their "Africanicity". Special attention is given to Sanneh's theological usage of categories like scriptural translation, non-translatability, reform, renewal and revival, mission, and culture. By focussing on "the African factor(s)", it suggests evaluating Muslim and Christian discourses on what constitutes "true" Islam and "real" Christianity in African contexts, not as a result of disparate conceptualizations of "translation", but as a product of "translatory" processes which by themselves are part and parcel of discourses working towards the formation of African Christian and Muslim identities. Dans Translating the Message (La traduction du Message), Lamin Sanneh mettait en contraste le principe chrétien de la traduction des Ecritures avec l'impossibilité de cette traduction pour les musulmans, les considérant comme deux paradigmes complémentaires se rapportant à deux modes spécifiques d'expansion « missionnaire » du christianisme et de l'islam en contexte africain. L'islam se caractérise par l'orientation des musulmans vers un passé idéal comme modèle pour aujourd'hui, ce qui est mis en évidence dans les mouvements réformateurs islamiques. A la différence de ce dernier, « la tradition de 'réforme' en Afrique chrétienne a évolué à l'opposé et s'est davantage identifiée au contexte africain », présentant ainsi le pluralisme comme « nécessité préalable à une vie chrétienne authentique » (p. 7).Une relecture critique du livre de Sanneh tente de présenter des points de vue alternatifs sur la relation entre islam et christianisme d'une part, et sur la culture africaine d'autre part. Il étudie la question du pluralisme et de l'uniformité dans l'islam et le christianisme africains ainsi que la conception de 'réforme' dans les deux religions en contextes africains. Il traite enfin de la difficile question du christianisme et de l'islam africain en termes de leur 'africanité'. L'auteur prête une attention particulière à la façon dont Sanneh utilise théologiquement les catégories telles que la traduction des Ecritures, l'impossibilité de traduire, la réforme, le renouveau et le réveil, la mission, et la culture. En se centrant sur « le(s) facteur(s) africain(s) », il préconise d'évaluer les discours musulmans et chrétiens à partir de ce qui constitue un islam « véritable » et un « vrai » christianisme en contextes africains, non comme le résultat de conceptualisations disparates de « la traduction », mais comme le produit de « processus de traduction » qui en eux-mêmes sont partie intégrante de discours qui oeuvrent à la formation d'identités musulmanes et chrétiennes africaines. In seinem Buch Translating the Message (Die Botschaft übersetzen) stellt Lamin Sanneh das christliche Prinzip der Schriftübersetzung dem muslimischen Prinzip der Unübersetzbarkeit gegenüber und sieht sie als zwei komplementäre Paradigmen, die sich auf die spezifischen Weisen der ,,missionarischen" Ausbreitung des Christentums und des Islams in afrikanischen Kontexten beziehen. Im Unterschied zur Entwicklung des Islams, die durch die Ausrichtung der Muslime auf eine ideale Vergangenheit als Modell für heute gekennzeichnet ist und in den islamischen Reformbewegungen deutlich wird, bewegte sich ,,die « reformierende » Tradition im christlichen Afrika in entgegengesetzte Richtung und trat für eine größere Identifizierung mit den afrikanischen Gegebenheiten ein"; dabei wurde der Pluralismus als ,,Voraussetzung für authentisches christliches Leben" (S. 7) dargestellt.Eine kritische Nachlese des Buchs Sannehs versucht, alternative Perspektiven für die Beziehung zwischen Islam und Christentum einerseits und der afrikanischen Kultur andererseits vorzuschlagen. Es geht um die Frage nach Pluralismus und Uniformität im afrikanischen Islam und Christentum und betrachtet den Begriff der muslimischen und christlichen ,,Reform" in den afrikanischen Kontexten. Schließlich widmet sich der Artikel der Rätselfrage nach dem afrikanischen Christentum und Islam angesichts ihrer ,,Afrikanität". Spezielle Aufmerksamkeit wird Sannehs theologischer Verwendung von Kategorien wie Übersetzung der Schrift, Unübersetzbarkeit, Reform, Erneuerung und Erweckung, Mission und Kultur gewidmet. Durch die Betonung des/der afrikanischer Faktors/Faktoren schlägt der Artikel vor, den muslimischen und christlichen Diskurs darüber, was den ,,wirklichen" Islam und das ,,wahre" Christentum in den afrikanischen Kontexten ausmacht, nicht als das Ergebnis von unvergleichbaren Konzeptual-isierungen der ,,Übersetzung", sondern als Ergebnis von ,,Übersetzungs"-Prozessen zu bewerten, die selbst wieder Teil von Diskursen sind, die auf die Bildung von afrikanisch christlichen und muslimischen Identitäten hinarbeiten. En Traducir el Mensaje, Lamin Sanneh contrastó el principal cristiano de traducción biblica con el principal musulmán de no-traducción, viendo ellos como dos paradigmas complementarios que se refieren a modos específicos de la expansión "misionera" de cristianismo e islam en contextos africanos. A diferencia del trayecto de islam, que es caracterizado por la orientación de la musulmanes hacia un pasado del ideal como un modelo para hoy, y demostró en movimientos de la reforma islámicos, "la tradición 'reforma' en Africa cristiana se movió en la dirección opuesta y desposó una identificación más grande con la situación africana," de tal modo le expone al pluralismo como "un requisito previo para cristianismo auténtico viviente" (pág. 7).Un perspectivo crítico del libro de Sanneh quiere proveer perspectivas alternativas sobre la relación entre islam y cristianismo por una parte, y cultura africana por la otra. Se dirige la cuestión de pluralismo y uniformidad en islam y cristianismo africano, y considera la comprensión de la "reforma" musulmán y cristiana en los contextos africanos. Finalmente aborda el acertijo de cristianismo e islam africano en vista de su "africanicidad." Se da atención particular al uso teológico de Sanneh de categorías como traducción bíblica, no-traducción, reforma, renovación y reanimacion, misión, y cultura. Fijando la vista en "el factor (o los factores) africano(s)," indica evaluar el discurso musulmán y cristiano en lo que constituye "verdadero" islam y "verdadero" cristianismo en contextos africanos, no como un resultado de las conceptualizaciones dispares de "traducción," pero como un producto de procesos "translatory" que para ellos mismos son integrales de los discursos hacia la formación de las identidades africanas de los cristianos y musulmanas.

Dans la perspective de l'histoire du continent africain, le colonialisme européen n'est guère qu'un épisode qui, comme le souligne l'historien nigérien Ajayi, durait dans la plupart des cas moins d'un siècle. Et pourtant, ajoute cette personnalité, la dominance politique européenne et ses prolongements, tels que le christianisme, l'enseignement occidental, les idées politiques et sociales, ont laissé une empreinte durable sur les institutions africaines. De même, la géopolitique a fixé des unités selon lesquelles l'Afrique a été subdivisée, et qui ont en majorité peu changé après la décolonisation. Mais Ajayi rappelle qu'il ne faut sous-estimer les initiatives des Africains, la réaction contre la violation des institutions africaines. La population a souvent su tirer exploiter les conditions nouvelles à son propre profit, soit en collaborant jusqu'à un certain point avec le système, soit en pratiquant une résistance active ou passive couronnée de succès.

Résumé Dans le contexte postcolonial africain, les jeunes contribuent activement à l’émergence de nouvelles identités sociales qui s’articulent autour de la pratique religieuse, surtout en ce qui a trait aux nouvelles pratiques du christianisme et de l’islam. Dans un grand nombre de cas, l’émergence de ces nouveaux mouvements religieux s’affirme à travers des notions de modernité et de tradition. Dans un tel contexte, l’objet de cet article est de décrire le rôle des jeunes dans la construction de l’expérience religieuse. À partir d’études de cas réalisées auprès de jeunes musulmans et de membres de nouvelles Églises indépendantes en Côte-d’Ivoire, nous examinons, dans un premier temps, les modalités selon lesquelles la religion définit les pratiques et les enjeux de la modernité. Par la suite, nous explorons dans quelle mesure la religion permet aux jeunes de se négocier un espace de légitimité sociale face aux diverses relations de pouvoir, dont la gérontocratie. La juxtaposition de ces cas permettra de mettre en relief les dynamiques qui sont propres à chaque expérience religieuse, au contexte de leur manifestation, ainsi qu’aux différentes notions de la modernité qui sont renouvelées par ces jeunes.

Résumé RÉSUMÉ Les racines du vaudou. Religion africaine et société hai'tienne dans la Saint-Domingue prérévolutionnaire On conçoit souvent le vaudou comme une religion africaine plus ou moins intacte ayant cours en Haïti, et dont les composantes chrétiennes font partie de l'héritage colonial. La population d'Haïti, et en conséquence sa religion, provient dans une large mesure de deux bassins de populations africaines : la région entourant le Dahomey et son arrière-pays, et celle du Kongo au centre ouest de l'Afrique. Dans ces deux régions, existait un processus de changement religieux dû au fait qu'aucune de ces deux traditions n'avait un sens aigu de l'orthodoxie, de sorte que toutes deux se montraient capables de flexibilité. Ces deux régions, mais surtout celle du Kongo. avaient aussi fait l'expérience d'un long contact avec le christianisme. Dans le cas du Kongo. la population se considérait elle-même comme chrétienne : au Dahomey, elle se montrait intéressée par le christianisme et en avait une certaine connaissance. Parvenues en Haïti, ces populations régionales créèrent des communautés nationales fondées sur l'entraide et le soutien mutuel entre compatriotes, ce qui comprenait la pratique religieuse. Mais la vie dans les plantations forçait aussi les gens originaires de différentes régions à vivre ensemble. Le christianisme sous sa forme vaudouisante procura à ces différentes communautés le moyen de communiquer entre elles. Mots clés : Thornton. religion, vaudou. Haïti. Afrique

The double identity of missionaries acting as both Christian and Western representatives carried a burden for their enterprise, resulting in the continuous inquiries by Africans as to whether an individual is an African Christian or a Christian African. Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o in his novel The River Between depicted these two worlds using Kameno and Makuyu, communities in the mountainous regions of Agikuyu land, as they tried to negotiate their religio-cultural identities amidst the tension between the missionary enterprise and irua practice (the puberty rite of passage among the Gikuyu community). Nevertheless, the river between – the river Honia – acted as a conciliatory agency for the two communities. This article focuses on the inter- and intra-dependence of irua practice and confirmation practice in the Anglican Church of Kenya in their negotiation of religio-cultural identities. Through a historical account of indigenous rites of passage, the development of confirmation practice and their encounters, the article explores the resurgence of irua practice and ‘Christianisation’ to find ‘the river between’. Using examples from three Nairobi Metropolitan Anglican Cathedrals that have adopted the various forms of ‘Christianised’ irua practices, the article will show how they act as recipes for this dual religious identity construction, contestation and negotiation.

En Afrique, continent-Mère de l’homme et source de notre civilisation, vie et mort, depuis plus de 200 000 ans avant notre ère, sont liées. Inséparables. Elles constituent, ensemble, les deux faces de l’existence humaine et, par ce fait, la mort se veut la conséquence de la vie. Dès lors, dans la cosmogonie négro-africaine dont les traces sont visibles dans le judaïsme et le christianisme, l’idéologie de la vie prime sur celle de la thanatologie, car la vie ne finit pas avec la mort. A contrario, elle la dépasse, la transcende et continue dans l’Au-delà. Ainsi, la mort n’est pas le dernier mot de la vie pour l’Africain. Celle-ci est, reste et demeurera une phrase en pointillés qui s’achèvera au village des ancêtres lors du retour final.

L'histoire sociale et l'histoire des mentalités permettent certainement de mieux évaluer les rapports qui se créent entre des sociétés dont les fondements culturels sont tout à fait différents. Peut-être serait-il utile de réexaminer ces orientations historiques au vu des tendances actuelles de l'historiographie contemporaine, en tenant compte de la spécificité de la conscience des sociétés africaines qui semble poser parfois des problèmes de réflexion et d'ordre méthodologique, tels que l'ethnocentrisme et l'originalité des sources de l'histoire africaine. Notre approche théorique et notre problématique concernent essentiellement le terrain préparé par l'expansion missionnaire à la faveur du mouvement de colonisation dès la fin du XIXe siècle. Cette expansion, perçue dans toutes ses formes, a nécessairement occasionné des répercussions au sein des sociétés colonisées dans un grand nombre de domaines de la vie sociale. Notre propos, ici, est de voir comment l'historien peut arriver à cerner ces effets, surtout à segmenter les divers secteurs où une station missionnaire a sécrété une influence. L'historien doit donc, dans la mesure du possible, percevoir les données historiques qui couvrent tous les domaines de l'évolution d'une société.D'emblée, nous tenons à souligner que nous n'aborderons pas la question de la domination culturelle d'une religion sur une autre, telle qu'on pourrait le faire pour le christianisme au cours de la situation coloniale. Au niveau de la dynamique des groupes en présence, nous serons plutôt porté à essayer de comprendre les mouvements d'interaction culturelle produit par l'installation d'une station missionnaire dans un endroit déterminé et d'en dégager les facteurs qui permettront à l'historien de faire une histoire des mentalités.

The holiness of Kaleb Ǝlla Aṣbǝḥa in Portuguese baroque iconography reveals the trajectory of a major actor of the triumph of Christianity in the south of the Arabic peninsula. This Christian sovereign, who defeated the Jewish king of Ḥimyar, Ḏū Nuwās, in 525 CE, became one of the most popular figures of Catholic devotion in South America. Pedro Páez, a Spanish Jesuit who lived in Ethiopia at the beginning of the seventeenth century, mentions him in his História da Etiópia. Later, benefiting from the progressive recognition of the holiness of African saints, this iconographical subject was popularized by the Catholic Church, thus breaking with the figure of the other, that of Jew or Moor, that of the enemy. This pillar of the Ethiopian church, refashioned according to western criteria, was presented as a unifying element of the devotion of black people in Brazil and Portugal, among whom he acquired an increasing visibility. La sainteté de Kaleb Ǝlla Aṣbǝḥa dans l’iconographie baroque portugaise révèle le parcours d’une des figures du triomphe du christianisme dans le sud de la Péninsule arabique. Ce souverain chrétien, vainqueur en 525 du judaïsme ḥimyarite, représenté par Ḏū Nuwās, devînt une des figures les plus populaires de la dévotion catholique du Nouveau monde. Pedro Páez, un Jésuite espagnol ayant vécu en Éthiopie au début du XVIIème siècle, mentionne le souverain dans sa História da Etiópia. Puis, au-delà du cheminement de la reconnaissance sacrée de saints africains, ce thème iconographique fut popularisé par l’Église catholique, rompant ainsi avec la figure de l’autre, celle du Juif ou du Maure, celle de l’ennemi. Remodelé sur des critères occidentaux, ce pilier de l’Église éthiopienne fut présenté comme un des éléments fédérateurs de la religiosité noire d’Amérique lusophone, au sein de laquelle il tendait à prendre une visibilité de plus en plus importante.

Christianity appealed to writers of African descent from the moment they set foot on New World soil. That attraction, perhaps as a result of the professed mission of slaveholders to “Christianize the heathen African,” held sway in African American letters well into the twentieth century. While African American male writers joined their female counterparts in expressing an attraction to Christianity, black women writers, beginning in the mid-twentieth century, consistently began to express doubts about the assumed altruistic nature of a religion that had been used as justification for enslaving their ancestors. Lorraine Hansberry’s Beneatha Younger in A Raisin in the Sun (1959) initiated a questioning mode in relation to Christianity that continues into the present day. It was especially after 1970 that black women writers turned their attention to other ways of knowing, other kinds of spirituality, other ways of being in the world. Consequently, they enable their characters to find divinity within themselves or within communities of extra-natural individuals of which they are a part, such as vampires. As this questioning and re-conceptualization of spirituality and divinity continue into the twenty-first century, African American women writers make it clear that their characters, in pushing against traditional renderings of religion and spirituality, envision worlds that their contemporary historical counterparts cannot begin to imagine.

Résumé RÉSUMÉ Les églises africaines pentecôtistes, Satan et la dissociation de « la tradition » Les études sur l'expansion du christianisme en Afrique mettent l'accent sur les églises africaines indépendantes en tant que lieu de revitalisation des visions du monde et des éthiques traditionnelles dans la mesure où elles donnent une forme nouvelle à un contenu déjà existant. Rares sont les études portant sur les églises africaines pentecôtistes, alors que celles-ci deviennent de plus en plus populaires sur tout le continent depuis les années 1980. À partir du cas des Ewe au Ghana, nous montrons que ces églises diffèrent grandement des églises indépendantes qui fascinent les anthropologues depuis les années 1960 et 1970. Alors que ces dernières ont recours aux concepts et aux valeurs traditionnelles de manière positive et synchrétique, les premières s'en prennent à la tradition et s'opposent clairement à elle. Pour ce faire, elles ont recours à l'image du diable qui est considéré comme le maître des dieux traditionnels. L'étude montre que la revitalisation des concepts et des valeurs perdus avec la colonisation n'est pas un processus intrinsèque au mouvement chrétien de l'Afrique postcoloniale. Les églises pentecôtistes offrent plutôt des rituels qui amènent leurs membres à se dissocier symboliquement des préoccupations traditionnelles et à s'engager sur la voie de la modernité. Sur la base de cette étude, nous soulignons l'urgence de développer une nouvelle conceptualisation qui permettrait de situer ces églises en tant qu'agents dans le processus de modernisation et de globalisation. Mots clés : Meyer, église pentecôtiste, Satan, tradition, modernisation, Ghana

AbstractThis article seeks to shed light on a much-debated question in the history of mission and anthropology: What is the nature of religious conversion? rough archive studies of the literature produced by the Norwegian missionaries in northern Cameroon from 1943 to 1960 the author shows how the missionaries interpreted religious conversion. The missionary discourse on conversion was biased in a specific theological and cultural environment, yet it was open for negotiations with the encountered population. The missionaries used biblical images to describe conversion to Christianity that were coherent with the cultural practices of both the missionaries and the groups that accepted the message of the missionaries in order to describe conversion to Christianity. Biblical images that corresponded with the cultural practice of groups that did not accept the missionaries are, however, absent from the material. A Western Protestant discourse presented spiritual and social oppression, ignorance, sickness, and lack of moral behaviour as obstacles the Africans had to be liberated from in order to be converted to Christianity. The missionaries, lacking knowledge about the social and religious organisation of traditional society, interpreted the "spiritual oppression" as "heathendom," and interpreted it according to their own theological paradigm. The reactions of the local population to this civilising mission made the missionaries modify their approach in order for their project to fit the agency of the new Christians in northern Cameroon. Cet article cherche à éclairer une question très débattue en histoire de la mission et en anthropologie : quelle est la nature de la conversion religieuse ? Étudiant les archives de la littérature produite par les missionnaires norvégiens au Nord Cameroun, de 1943 à 1960, l'auteur montre comment les missionnaires ont interprété la conversion religieuse. Le discours missionnaire sur la conversion a été biaisé par un environnement théologique et culturel spécifique, tout en étant ouvert à la négociation avec les populations rencontrées. Pour décrire la conversion au christianisme, les missionnaires ont utilisé des images bibliques cohérentes avec les pratiques culturelles et des missionnaires et des groupes qui acceptèrent leur message. Les images correspondant à la pratique culturelle des groupes n'ayant pas accepté les missionnaires sont cependant absentes du matériel étudié. Un discours occidental protestant présentait l'oppression spirituelle et sociale, l'ignorance, la maladie et le manque de comportement moral comme des obstacles dont les Africains devaient être libérés pour se convertir au christianisme. Manquant de connaissance sur l'organisation sociale et religieuse de la société traditionnelle, les missionnaires interprétèrent l'oppression spirituelle comme « paganisme » et lui donnèrent le sens du paradigme théologique qu'ils comprenaient, celui du christianisme occidental. Les réactions de la population locale à cette mission civilisatrice ont poussé les missionnaires à modifier leur approche de façon à ce que leur projet rentre dans les schémas des nouveaux chrétiens du Nord Cameroun. Dieser Artikel versucht, eine vieldiskutierte Frage in der Geschichte von Mission und Anthropologie zu beleuchten: Welcher Natur ist die religiöse Bekehrung? Durch Archivstudien der Literatur, die norwegische Missionare in Nordkamerun zwischen 1934 und 1960 produzierten, sucht der Autor zu zeigen, wie die Missionare die religiöse Bekehrung interpretierten. Die missionarische Erklärung wurde durch eine spezifische theologische und kulturelle Umgebung beeinflusst, war aber auch offen für Verhandlungen mit der Bevölkerung vor Ort. Die Missionare verwendeten für die Bekehrung zum Christentum biblische Bilder, die mit den kulturellen Praktiken sowohl der Missionare wie auch der Gruppen übereinstimmten, die die Botschaft der Missionare annahmen. Biblische Bilder solcher Gruppen, die die Missionare nicht annahmen, finden sich allerdings im untersuchten Material nicht. Ein westlich protestantischer Diskurs stellte die spirituelle und soziale Unterdrückung, Unwissenheit, Krankheit und das Fehlen moralischen Handelns als Hindernisse dar, von denen die Afrikaner befreit werden mussten, damit sie zum Christentum bekehrt werden konnten. Die Missionare, denen die Kenntnis der sozialen und religiösen Struktur der traditionellen Gesellschaft fehlte, interpretierten die ,,spirituelle Unterdrückung" als ,,Heidentum", in Übereinstimmung mit einem theologischen Paradigma, das sie kannten, nämlich das westliche Christentum. Die Reaktionen der Bevölkerung vor Ort auf diese Zivilisierungsmission führten dazu, dass die Missionare ihren Zugang veränderten, damit sich ihr Vorhaben in das Handlungsmuster der jungen Christen in Nordkamerun einfügen konnte. Este artículo intenta aclarar un tema muy discutido en la historia de la misión y antropología: ¿Cuál es la naturaleza de la conversión religiosa? A través de estudios de archivos de la literatura producida por misioneros noruegos en el norte de Camerún entre 1934 hasta 1960 el autor muestra cómo los misioneros interpretaron la conversión religiosa. El discurso misionero de la conversión fue influenciado por un ambiente teológico y cultural específico, aunque fue abierto a negociaciones con la población que se encontró. Los misioneros usaron imágenes bíblicas para describir la conversión al cristianismo que eran coherentes con las prácticas culturales tanto de los misioneros como de los grupos que aceptaron el mensaje de los misioneros. Por el contrario, no entraron en el material las imágenes bíblicas que correspondieron con la práctica cultural de grupos que no aceptaron a los misioneros. El discurso protestante occidental presentó la opresión espiritual y social, la ignorancia, la enfermedad y la falta de comportamiento moral como los obstáculos de los que se debía liberar a los africanos para que se los pudiera convertir al cristianismo. Los misioneros, en su desconocimiento de la organización social y religiosa de la sociedad tradicional, interpretaron la "opresión espiritual" como "paganismo" y lo interpretaron de acuerdo con un paradigma que ellos sí comprendieron: el cristianismo occidental. Las reacciones de la población local a esta misión civilizadora llevaron a los misioneros a modificar su acercamiento para que su proyecto pudiera integrarse mejor en la actuación de los nuevos cristianos del norte de Camerún.

The chieftaincy and traditional rulership institution is dynamic and one of the most enduring legacies from traditional African societies. Until the coming of the colonialists, the traditional institution led by chiefs, emirs, obas, Ezes, etc performed legislative and judicial functions as well as political, religious, social and economic roles etc. The chieftaincy and traditional rulership institution among the Tiv was not organised in a systematic manner until the creation of the Tor Tiv stool in 1946. With several reformations, the chieftaincy institution has taken a definite stage in Tiv society. However, the problem of the study has to do with the fact that there has arisen in the Tiv chieftaincy scene; the ator a zan adua (Christian traditional rulers) who rather than protect and preserve Tiv cultural heritage are in the vanguard of the corrosion of a culture they had taken an oath to protect and preserve. If prompt action is not taken by the Tiv, their culture would soon disappear as these ator a zan adua have “churchmentised” and Christianised Tiv culture. As scholars of Tiv History, Religion and Culture, the researchers are alarmed at this cultural imperialism being perpetrated by Tiv traditional rulers. The study adopts the historical, descriptive and evaluative methods. In data collection, the primary and secondary methods have been adopted. In the primary source, oral interviews and the observation methods have been used; whereas in the secondary sources of data collection, documented sources from books, journal articles, newspapers and e-sources have been employed. The study established that by the orientation of ator a zan a dua as Christians, they are on the verge of completely supplanting Tiv culture with a foreign one. The study noted that culture gives an identity to a group of people and without it, they cannot be defined. In view of this challenge, the study made various suggestions as means of preserving and sustaining Tiv cultural heritage for generations yet unborn. One of these suggestions is that traditional rulers in Tiv be made to take their oath of office by Swem (the Tiv symbol of justice) so that when they renege on their oath, they would immediately bear the consequences (death by swollen stomach, limbs and severe headache). The study concluded that Tiv culture must not be sacrificed on the altar of Christianity by anybody not even the ator (traditional rulers).

This article is dedicated to the development and presentation of the results of the first phase of implementation of the project "Knowledge, research and curricular innovations in teacher training for ethnic-racial diversity in higher education: questioning and contributions of ethnic-racial matrices and (NEAB / UFSCar), Brazil, linked to the Abdias Nascimento Academic Development Program, promoted by the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES). The project aims to establish a transnational network of joint research between researchers in partnership with three international institutions: Universidad Distrital Francisco José de Caldas (Colombia), Georgia State University (USA) and Université Paris Nanterre (France). The project aims to analyze if and how the curriculum of teacher training courses are changing for the dialogue of ethnic-racial and cultural knowledge, African and Afro-descendant knowledge. In this article we present a review of the literature on this subject in the contexts of Colombia and the United States.ResumoEste artigo apresenta alguns resultados da primeira fase de implementação do projeto “Conhecimento, pesquisa e inovações curriculares na formação de professores para a diversidade étnico-racial no ensino superior: questionamentos e contribuições das matrizes étnico-raciais e culturais, de saberes africanos e afrodescendentes” do Núcleo de Estudos Afro-Brasileiros da Universidade Federal de São Carlos (NEAB/UFSCar), vinculado ao Programa de Desenvolvimento Acadêmico Abdias Nascimento fomentado pela Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento do Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES). O projeto visa estabelecer uma rede transnacional de investigação conjunta entre pesquisadores e pesquisadoras em parceria com três instituições internacionais: Universidad Distrital Francisco José de Caldas (Colômbia), Georgia State University (EUA) e Université Paris Nanterre (França). O projeto objetiva analisar se e de que forma os currículos dos cursos de formação de professores estão se modificando para o diálogo de conhecimentos étnico-raciais e culturais, de saberes africanos e afrodescendentes. Neste artigo apresentamos um recorte do levantamento bibliográfico sobre este tema nos contextos da Colômbia e dos Estados Unidos.Keywords: Curriculum, Higher education, Ethnic-racial diversity, Affirmative action policies.Palavras-chave: Currículo, Ensino superior, Diversidade étnico-racial, Políticas de ação afirmativa.ReferencesALRIDGE, Derrick. Teachers in the movement: Pedagogy, Activism, and Freedom. Disponível em: http://www.aera.net/Publications/Online-Paper-Repository/AERA-Online-Paper-Repository/Owner/912849 Acessado em outubro de 2018.AU, Wayne; BROWN, Anthony L.; CALDERON, Dolores. How does it feel to be a problem? Communities of Color, Self-Determination, and Historical Educational Struggle, 2018.BRAH, Avtar. 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RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. 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Although Africans have welcomed the Gospel message, some African Christians have not yet abandoned the beliefs and practices of traditional religions. Ancestor veneration has been reinstated by some Africans and others try to christianise the concept. In this article an overview of different aspects of the debate on ancestor veneration is given and evaluated. The conclusion reached by the authors is that sound exegesis does not allow ancestor veneration to be tolerated in the Christian church, but that respect for ancestors should be accepted.

This article seeks to point out that, the inclusion of a theological term – that is ‘reconciliation’ (at the request of F.W. de Klerk on behalf of the National Party) to what was supposed to be the ‘Truth Commission’ (Boesak & DeYoung 2012; Stevens Franchi & Swart 2006) – was for the purpose of taming the work of this commission and using reconciliation to merely reach some political accommodation which did not address the critical questions of justice, equality, and dignity which are prominent in the biblical understanding of reconciliation (Boesak 2008; Boesak & DeYoung 2012:1; Lephakga 2015; Terreblanche 2002). However, it is important to point out that, the problem was not the theological word – that is ‘reconciliation’– but the understanding and interpretation of it in South Africa. This is because previously in South Africa the Bible was made a servant to ideology (Lephakga 2012, 2013; Moodie 1975; Serfontein 1982) and thus domesticated for the purposes of subjection and control (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). As such, this article contends that, the call for the inclusion of ‘reconciliation’ within the ‘truth commission’ was not to allow reconciliation to confront the country with the demands of the gospel but to blunt the process of radical change (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). Therefore, this article will point out that the shortcomings of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) need to be understood against the following events which occurred between the period 1989 to 1995: (1) the fall of the Soviet Union (Cronin 1994:2–6); (2) the National Party’s (NP) and South African business sector’s interest in negotiations with the African National Congress (ANC) (Cronin 1994:2–6; Mkhondo 1993:3–43; Terreblanche 2002:51–124); (3) the elite compromise (Terreblanche 2002:51–124); and the sudden passing of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act, no 34 of 1995 (TRC, Vol. 1998). This paper will use the story of Zacchaeus to contend that the TRC should have allowed Zacchaeus (so to speak) to testify in order to hear from him what reconciliation means (Boesak & DeYoung 2012:64). This is because, on the one hand, this commission made an extraordinary move when it appointed a Christian priest (which is unusual in the history of these commissions – Boesak & DeYoung 2012; Lephakga 2015; Stevens et al. 2006; Terreblanche 2002), namely Desmond Tutu (Boesak 2008; Boesak & DeYoung 2012; Lephakga 2015; Stevens et al. 2006; Terreblanche 2002), as its chair and on the other hand, the chair – that is Desmond Tutu – made another extraordinary move when he Christianised the whole process of this commission when he opened most of the sessions with prayer, invoking the name of Jesus Christ (for forgiveness), and inviting the Holy Spirit to guide the proceedings of this commission (Boesak & DeYoung 2012; Lephakga 2015). However this commission invoked the name of Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit for the purpose of forgiveness but ignored what Jesus Christ is asking in terms of justice which is clearly illustrated in the Story of Zacchaeus (Boesak & DeYoung 2012; Lephakga 2015). Therefore, this article will argue that if Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit were invited into the processes of this commission, then Zacchaeus too should have been allowed to testify – so to say.Keywords: Reconciliation; TRC; Negotiated Settlement; Soviet Union; National Party; African National Congress; Domestication; Elite Compromise; Impunity; Apartheid; Capitalism; Democracy

All history of this area and the general talk and all of that is that 1973 was a turning point and the Aquarius Festival is credited with having turned this region around in so many ways, but I think that is a myth ... and I have to honour the truth; and the truth is that old Dicke Donelly came and did a Welcome to Country the night before the festival. (Joseph in Joseph and Hanley)In 1973 the Australian Union of Students (AUS) held the Aquarius Arts and Lifestyle Festival in a small, rural New South Wales town called Nimbin. The festival was seen as the peak expression of Australian counterculture and is attributed to creating the “Rainbow Region”, an area with a concentration of alternative life stylers in Northern NSW (Derrett 28). While the Aquarius Festival is recognised as a founding historical and countercultural event, the unique and important relationships established with Indigenous people at this time are generally less well known. This article investigates claims that the 1973 Aquarius Festival was “the first event in Australian history that sought permission for the use of the land from the Traditional Owners” (Joseph and Hanley). The diverse international, national and local conditions that coalesced at the Aquarius Festival suggest a fertile environment was created for reconciliatory bonds to develop. Often dismissed as a “tree hugging, soap dodging movement,” the counterculture was radically politicised having sprung from the 1960s social revolutions when the world witnessed mass demonstrations that confronted war, racism, sexism and capitalism. Primarily a youth movement, it was characterised by flamboyant dress, music, drugs and mass gatherings with universities forming the epicentre and white, middle class youth leading the charge. As their ideals of changing the world were frustrated by lack of systematic change, many decided to disengage and a migration to rural settings occurred (Jacob; Munro-Clarke; Newton). In the search for alternatives, the counterculture assimilated many spiritual practices, such as Eastern traditions and mysticism, which were previously obscure to the Western world. This practice of spiritual syncretism can be represented as a direct resistance to the hegemony of the dominant Western culture (Stell). As the new counterculture developed, its progression from urban to rural settings was driven by philosophies imbued with a desire to reconnect with and protect the natural world while simultaneously rejecting the dominant conservative order. A recurring feature of this countercultural ‘back to the land’ migration was not only an empathetic awareness of the injustices of colonial past, but also a genuine desire to learn from the Indigenous people of the land. Indigenous people were generally perceived as genuine opposers of Westernisation, inherently spiritual, ecological, tribal and communal, thus encompassing the primary values to which the counterculture was aspiring (Smith). Cultures converged. One, a youth culture rebelling from its parent culture; the other, ancient cultures reeling from the historical conquest by the youths’ own ancestors. Such cultural intersections are rich with complex scenarios and politics. As a result, often naïve, but well-intended relations were established with Native Americans, various South American Indigenous peoples, New Zealand Maori and, as this article demonstrates, the Original People of Australia (Smith; Newton; Barr-Melej; Zolov). The 1960s protest era fostered the formation of groups aiming to address a variety of issues, and at times many supported each other. Jennifer Clarke says it was the Civil Rights movement that provided the first models of dissent by formulating a “method, ideology and language of protest” as African Americans stood up and shouted prior to other movements (2). The issue of racial empowerment was not lost on Australia’s Indigenous population. Clarke writes that during the 1960s, encouraged by events overseas and buoyed by national organisation, Aborigines “slowly embarked on a political awakening, demanded freedom from the trappings of colonialism and responded to the effects of oppression at worst and neglect at best” (4). Activism of the 1960s had the “profoundly productive effect of providing Aborigines with the confidence to assert their racial identity” (159). Many Indigenous youth were compelled by the zeitgeist to address their people’s issues, fulfilling Charlie Perkins’s intentions of inspiring in Indigenous peoples a will to resist (Perkins). Enjoying new freedoms of movement out of missions, due to the 1967 Constitutional change and the practical implementation of the assimilation policy, up to 32,000 Indigenous youth moved to Redfern, Sydney between 1967 and 1972 (Foley, “An Evening With”). Gary Foley reports that a dynamic new Black Power Movement emerged but the important difference between this new younger group and the older Indigenous leaders of the day was the diverse range of contemporary influences. Taking its mantra from the Black Panther movement in America, though having more in common with the equivalent Native American Red Power movement, the Black Power Movement acknowledged many other international struggles for independence as equally inspiring (Foley, “An Evening”). People joined together for grassroots resistance, formed anti-hierarchical collectives and established solidarities between varied groups who previously would have had little to do with each other. The 1973 Aquarius Festival was directly aligned with “back to the land” philosophies. The intention was to provide a place and a reason for gathering to “facilitate exchanges on survival techniques” and to experience “living in harmony with the natural environment.” without being destructive to the land (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Early documents in the archives, however, reveal no apparent interest in Australia’s Indigenous people, referring more to “silken Arabian tents, mediaeval banners, circus, jugglers and clowns, peace pipes, maypole and magic circles” (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). Obliterated from the social landscape and minimally referred to in the Australian education system, Indigenous people were “off the radar” to the majority mindset, and the Australian counterculture similarly was slow to appreciate Indigenous culture. Like mainstream Australia, the local counterculture movement largely perceived the “race” issue as something occurring in other countries, igniting the phrase “in your own backyard” which became a catchcry of Indigenous activists (Foley, “Whiteness and Blackness”) With no mention of any Indigenous interest, it seems likely that the decision to engage grew from the emerging climate of Indigenous activism in Australia. Frustrated by student protestors who seemed oblivious to local racial issues, focusing instead on popular international injustices, Indigenous activists accused them of hypocrisy. Aquarius Festival directors, found themselves open to similar accusations when public announcements elicited a range of responses. Once committed to the location of Nimbin, directors Graeme Dunstan and Johnny Allen began a tour of Australian universities to promote the upcoming event. While at the annual conference of AUS in January 1973 at Monash University, Dunstan met Indigenous activist Gary Foley: Gary witnessed the presentation of Johnny Allen and myself at the Aquarius Foundation session and our jubilation that we had agreement from the village residents to not only allow, but also to collaborate in the production of the Festival. After our presentation which won unanimous support, it was Gary who confronted me with the question “have you asked permission from local Aboriginal folk?” This threw me into confusion because we had seen no Aboriginals in Nimbin. (Dunstan, e-mail) Such a challenge came at a time when the historical climate was etched with political activism, not only within the student movement, but more importantly with Indigenous activists’ recent demonstrations, such as the installation in 1972 of the Tent Embassy in Canberra. As representatives of the counterculture movement, which was characterised by its inclinations towards consciousness-raising, AUS organisers were ethically obliged to respond appropriately to the questions about Indigenous permission and involvement in the Aquarius Festival at Nimbin. In addition to this political pressure, organisers in Nimbin began hearing stories of the area being cursed or taboo for women. This most likely originated from the tradition of Nimbin Rocks, a rocky outcrop one kilometre from Nimbin, as a place where only certain men could go. Jennifer Hoff explains that many major rock formations were immensely sacred places and were treated with great caution and respect. Only a few Elders and custodians could visit these places and many such locations were also forbidden for women. Ceremonies were conducted at places like Nimbin Rocks to ensure the wellbeing of all tribespeople. Stories of the Nimbin curse began to spread and most likely captivated a counterculture interested in mysticism. As organisers had hoped that news of the festival would spread on the “lips of the counterculture,” they were alarmed to hear how “fast the bad news of this curse was travelling” (Dunstan, e-mail). A diplomatic issue escalated with further challenges from the Black Power community when organisers discovered that word had spread to Sydney’s Indigenous community in Redfern. Organisers faced a hostile reaction to their alleged cultural insensitivity and were plagued by negative publicity with accusations the AUS were “violating sacred ground” (Janice Newton 62). Faced with such bad press, Dunstan was determined to repair what was becoming a public relations disaster. It seemed once prompted to the path, a sense of moral responsibility prevailed amongst the organisers and they took the unprecedented step of reaching out to Australia’s Indigenous people. Dunstan claimed that an expedition was made to the local Woodenbong mission to consult with Elder, Uncle Lyle Roberts. To connect with local people required crossing the great social divide present in that era of Australia’s history. Amy Nethery described how from the nineteenth century to the 1960s, a “system of reserves, missions and other institutions isolated, confined and controlled Aboriginal people” (9). She explains that the people were incarcerated as a solution to perceived social problems. For Foley, “the widespread genocidal activity of early “settlement” gave way to a policy of containment” (Foley, “Australia and the Holocaust”). Conditions on missions were notoriously bad with alcoholism, extreme poverty, violence, serious health issues and depression common. Of particular concern to mission administrators was the perceived need to keep Indigenous people separate from the non-indigenous population. Dunstan described the mission he visited as having “bad vibes.” He found it difficult to communicate with the elderly man, and was not sure if he understood Dunstan’s quest, as his “responses came as disjointed raves about Jesus and saving grace” (Dunstan, e-mail). Uncle Lyle, he claimed, did not respond affirmatively or negatively to the suggestion that Nimbin was cursed, and so Dunstan left assuming it was not true. Other organisers began to believe the curse and worried that female festival goers might get sick or worse, die. This interpretation reflected, as Vanessa Bible argues, a general Eurocentric misunderstanding of the relationship of Indigenous peoples with the land. Paul Joseph admits they were naïve whites coming into a place with very little understanding, “we didn’t know if we needed a witch doctor or what we needed but we knew we needed something from the Aborigines to lift the spell!”(Joseph and Hanley). Joseph, one of the first “hippies” who moved to the area, had joined forces with AUS organisers. He said, “it just felt right” to get Indigenous involvement and recounted how organisers made another trip to Woodenbong Mission to find Dickee (Richard) Donnelly, a Song Man, who was very happy to be invited. Whether the curse was valid or not it proved to be productive in further instigating respectful action. Perhaps feeling out of their depth, the organisers initiated another strategy to engage with Australian Indigenous people. A call out was sent through the AUS network to diversify the cultural input and it was recommended they engage the services of South African artist, Bauxhau Stone. Timing aligned well as in 1972 Australia had voted in a new Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam. Whitlam brought about significant political changes, many in response to socialist protests that left a buoyancy in the air for the counterculturalist movement. He made prodigious political changes in support of Indigenous people, including creating the Aboriginal Arts Board as part of the Australian Council of the Arts (ACA). As the ACA were already funding activities for the Aquarius Festival, organisers were successful in gaining two additional grants specifically for Indigenous participation (Farnham). As a result We were able to hire […] representatives, a couple of Kalahari bushmen. ‘Cause we were so dumb, we didn’t think we could speak to the black people, you know what I mean, we thought we would be rejected, or whatever, so for us to really reach out, we needed somebody black to go and talk to them, or so we thought, and it was remarkable. This one Bau, a remarkable fellow really, great artist, great character, he went all over Australia. He went to Pitjantjatjara, Yirrkala and we arranged buses and tents when they got here. We had a very large contingent of Aboriginal people come to the Aquarius Festival, thanks to Whitlam. (Joseph in Joseph and Henley) It was under the aegis of these government grants that Bauxhau Stone conducted his work. Stone embodied a nexus of contemporary issues. Acutely aware of the international movement for racial equality and its relevance to Australia, where conditions were “really appalling”, Stone set out to transform Australian race relations by engaging with the alternative arts movement (Stone). While his white Australian contemporaries may have been unaccustomed to dealing with the Indigenous racial issue, Stone was actively engaged and thus well suited to act as a cultural envoy for the Aquarius Festival. He visited several local missions, inviting people to attend and notifying them of ceremonies being conducted by respected Elders. Nimbin was then the site of the Aquarius Lifestyle and Celebration Festival, a two week gathering of alternative cultures, technologies and youth. It innovatively demonstrated its diversity of influences, attracted people from all over the world and was the first time that the general public really witnessed Australia’s counterculture (Derrett 224). As markers of cultural life, counterculture festivals of the 1960s and 1970s were as iconic as the era itself and many around the world drew on the unique Indigenous heritage of their settings in some form or another (Partridge; Perone; Broadley and Jones; Zolov). The social phenomenon of coming together to experience, celebrate and foster a sense of unity was triggered by protests, music and a simple, yet deep desire to reconnect with each other. Festivals provided an environment where the negative social pressures of race, gender, class and mores (such as clothes) were suspended and held the potential “for personal and social transformation” (St John 167). With the expressed intent to “take matters into our own hands” and try to develop alternative, innovative ways of doing things with collective participation, the Aquarius Festival thus became an optimal space for reinvigorating ancient and Indigenous ways (Dunstan, “A Survival Festival”). With philosophies that venerated collectivism, tribalism, connecting with the earth, and the use of ritual, the Indigenous presence at the Aquarius Festival gave attendees the opportunity to experience these values. To connect authentically with Nimbin’s landscape, forming bonds with the Traditional Owners was essential. Participants were very fortunate to have the presence of the last known initiated men of the area, Uncle Lyle Roberts and Uncle Dickee Donnely. These Elders represented the last vestiges of an ancient culture and conducted innovative ceremonies, song, teachings and created a sacred fire for the new youth they encountered in their land. They welcomed the young people and were very happy for their presence, believing it represented a revolutionary shift (Wedd; King; John Roberts; Cecil Roberts). Images 1 and 2: Ceremony and talks conducted at the Aquarius Festival (people unknown). Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Paul White. The festival thus provided an important platform for the regeneration of cultural and spiritual practices. John Roberts, nephew of Uncle Lyle, recalled being surprised by the reaction of festival participants to his uncle: “He was happy and then he started to sing. And my God … I couldn’t get near him! There was this big ring of hippies around him. They were about twenty deep!” Sharing to an enthusiastic, captive audience had a positive effect and gave the non-indigenous a direct Indigenous encounter (Cecil Roberts; King; Oshlak). Estimates of the number of Indigenous people in attendance vary, with the main organisers suggesting 800 to 1000 and participants suggesting 200 to 400 (Stone; Wedd; Oshlak: Joseph; King; Cecil Roberts). As the Festival lasted over a two week period, many came and left within that time and estimates are at best reliant on memory, engagement and perspectives. With an estimated total attendance at the Festival between 5000 and 10,000, either number of Indigenous attendees is symbolic and a significant symbolic statistic for Indigenous and non-indigenous to be together on mutual ground in Australia in 1973. Images 3-5: Performers from Yirrkala Dance Group, brought to the festival by Stone with funding from the Federal Government. Photographs reproduced by permission of photographer and festival attendee Dr Ian Cameron. For Indigenous people, the event provided an important occasion to reconnect with their own people, to share their culture with enthusiastic recipients, as well as the chance to experience diverse aspects of the counterculture. Though the northern NSW region has a history of diverse cultural migration of Italian and Indian families, the majority of non-indigenous and Indigenous people had limited interaction with cosmopolitan influences (Kijas 20). Thus Nimbin was a conservative region and many Christianised Indigenous people were also conservative in their outlook. The Aquarius Festival changed that as the Indigenous people experienced the wide-ranging cultural elements of the alternative movement. The festival epitomised countercultural tendencies towards flamboyant fashion and hairstyles, architectural design, fantastical art, circus performance, Asian clothes and religious products, vegetarian food and nudity. Exposure to this bohemian culture would have surely led to “mind expansion and consciousness raising,” explicit aims adhered to by the movement (Roszak). Performers and participants from Africa, America and India also gave attending Indigenous Australians the opportunity to interact with non-European cultures. Many people interviewed for this paper indicated that Indigenous people’s reception of this festival experience was joyous. For Australia’s early counterculture, interest in Indigenous Australia was limited and for organisers of the AUS Aquarius Festival, it was not originally on the agenda. The counterculture in the USA and New Zealand had already started to engage with their Indigenous people some years earlier. However due to the Aquarius Festival’s origins in the student movement and its solidarities with the international Indigenous activist movement, they were forced to shift their priorities. The coincidental selection of a significant spiritual location at Nimbin to hold the festival brought up additional challenges and countercultural intrigue with mystical powers and a desire to connect authentically to the land, further prompted action. Essentially, it was the voices of empowered Indigenous activists, like Gary Foley, which in fact triggered the reaching out to Indigenous involvement. While the counterculture organisers were ultimately receptive and did act with unprecedented respect, credit must be given to Indigenous activists. The activist’s role is to trigger action and challenge thinking and in this case, it was ultimately productive. Therefore the Indigenous people were not merely passive recipients of beneficiary goodwill, but active instigators of appropriate cultural exchange. After the 1973 festival many attendees decided to stay in Nimbin to purchase land collectively and a community was born. Relationships established with local Indigenous people developed further. Upon visiting Nimbin now, one will see a vibrant visual display of Indigenous and psychedelic themed art, a central park with an open fire tended by local custodians and other Indigenous community members, an Aboriginal Centre whose rent is paid for by local shopkeepers, and various expressions of a fusion of counterculture and Indigenous art, music and dance. While it appears that reconciliation became the aspiration for mainstream society in the 1990s, Nimbin’s early counterculture history had Indigenous reconciliation at its very foundation. The efforts made by organisers of the 1973 Aquarius Festival stand as one of very few examples in Australian history where non-indigenous Australians have respectfully sought to learn from Indigenous people and to assimilate their cultural practices. It also stands as an example for the world, of reconciliation, based on hippie ideals of peace and love. They encouraged the hippies moving up here, even when they came out for Aquarius, old Uncle Lyle and Richard Donnelly, they came out and they blessed the mob out here, it was like the hairy people had come back, with the Nimbin, cause the Nimbynji is the little hairy people, so the hairy people came back (Jerome). References Barr-Melej, Patrick. “Siloísmo and the Self in Allende’s Chile: Youth, 'Total Revolution,' and the Roots of the Humanist Movement.” Hispanic American Historical Review 86.4 (Nov. 2006): 747-784. Bible, Vanessa. Aquarius Rising: Terania Creek and the Australian Forest Protest Movement. BA (Honours) Thesis. University of New England, Armidale, 2010. Broadley, Colin, and Judith Jones, eds. Nambassa: A New Direction. Auckland: Reed, 1979. Bryant, Gordon M. Parliament of Australia. Minister for Aboriginal Affairs. 1 May 1973. Australian Union of Students. Records of the AUS, 1934-1991. National Library of Australia MS ACC GB 1992.0505. 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