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Journal articles on the topic 'Christianity in China'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Huang, Jianbo, and Mengyin Hu. "Trends and Reflections." Review of Religion and Chinese Society 6, no. 1 (2019): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22143955-00601004.

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Christianity in China has achieved a rapid growth in population since the 1980s. This article mainly reviews empirical studies on Christianity from 2000 to the present. Drawing on statistics from the China Academic Journal Network Publishing Database (cajd), this article begins with an analysis of the trends in both quantity and research interests of large-scale empirical studies. Categories of churches are defined and applied to the analysis of various topics related to Christianity in China and to academic questions addressed by Chinese scholars. The article also discusses theoretical frameworks used to explain the dynamics behind the revival of Christianity and studies of the social functions of Christian churches. In addition, the article reviews investigations of Christianity in social life in contemporary China, studies of religious boundaries and civil society, the causal relationship between Christianity and economic development, its functions in urbanization, and other related subjects. It ends with discussions of Christianity’s global dimension, its identity as a global religion, and its relation to the emergence of a global China.

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Wickeri, Philip L. "Christianity in China." Ecumenical Review 67, no. 1 (2015): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/erev.12133.

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3

Dunch, Ryan. "On China and Christianity." Chinese Historical Review 14, no. 2 (2007): 182–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/tcr.2007.14.2.182.

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4

Hsia, R. Po-chia. "Christianity and Empire: The Catholic Mission in Late Imperial China." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 208–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.1.

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Reflecting on the theme of ‘Empire and Christianity’, this article compares two periods in the Catholic mission to China. The first period, between 1583 and 1800, was characterized by the accommodation of European missionaries to the laws, culture and customs of the Chinese empire during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The work of the Jesuits, in particular, demonstrated a method of evangelization in which Christian teachings could be accommodated to the political realities of Late Imperial China as exemplified by the work of Matteo Ricci, Ferdinand Verbiest, Tomas Pereira, Joachim Gerbillon and many generations of Jesuits and missionaries of other religious orders. The Chinese Rites Controversy, however, disrupted this accommodation between Christianity and empire in China. Despite tacit toleration in the capital, Christianity was outlawed after 1705. After the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1773, Catholicism in China became increasingly indigenized. In 1842, after the defeat of the Qing empire by the British in the First Opium War, the prohibition of Christianity was lifted. Both Catholic and Protestant missionaries entered China, backed by Western diplomatic and military power. This led to the confrontation between China and Christianity, culminating in the 1900 Boxer Uprising. A concerted effort to indigenize Christianity in the early twentieth century ultimately failed, resulting in the separation of Christianity in China from global Christianity after 1950.

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Ng, Peter Tze Ming. "'Glocalization' as a Key to the Interplay between Christianity and Asian Cultures: The Vision of Francis Wei in Early Twentieth Century China." International Journal of Public Theology 1, no. 1 (2007): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973207x194510.

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AbstractThis article aims to apply the concept of 'glocalization' to the study of theology and culture. China is chosen as a case study, with particular focus on a Chinese theologians discussion of the interplay between Christianity and Chinese Culture in the early twentieth century China. Francis Wei was the first Chinese President of Huazhong University in Wuhan, 1929–1952, and he was appointed as the first Henry Luce Visiting Professor of World Christianity in 1945–46. Wei's conviction was that Christianity and Chinese culture could be complementary. He held that China needed Christianity for a better understanding of God's nature and the way human beings could communicate with God, while maintaining that Christianity needed China to move beyond western denominationalism. Moreover, Christianity could not become a universal religion without including China. This article argues that Wei's work is relevant to the contemporary discussion about interaction between globalization and localization, known as 'glocalization'.

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FRIED, MORTON H. "reflections on Christianity in China." American Ethnologist 14, no. 1 (1987): 94–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1987.14.1.02a00060.

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7

Liu, Linhai. "The past and present of the Christianity in China." Chronos 36 (August 20, 2018): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v36i0.88.

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Christianity is on the list of the legitimate religions in modern China. Thepast several decades have witnessed a wide spread and rapid developmentof the Christianity across the country. As an important world religion whichhad first emerged in the West Asia and which has to a certain extent beenidealized as the symbol of the Western culture, or the democracy in specific,Chinese Christianity has been attracting attentions both from within andwithout, especially the scholars. Unlike other religions such as Buddhismand Taoism, the existence and development of Christianity in China areoften attached to special dimensions such as politics and ideology whichgo beyond the religion per se. In the expectation of many Westerners andChinese, the Chinese Christianity, especially the Protestantism is the hope forthe Western democracy. What does it mean for China in particular and for theworld in general for the upsurge of Christianity? Although there are variousresearches, an agreement is far from being reached. This short article tries totrace in concise the past and present of Christianity in China, the challengesit is facing, and to provide some thought on its history. A short caveat isnecessary before we proceed further.

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8

Huang, Yuqin. "Western-Educated Chinese Christian Returnees, Nationalism, and Modernity: Comparison Between the Pre-1949 Era and the Post-1978 Era." SAGE Open 11, no. 1 (2021): 215824402199481. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244021994816.

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For more than 100 years, China has seen waves of students and scholars heading overseas and studying in the West as well as the concomitant returning waves. This study draws on information obtained from secondhand documents and firsthand field studies to analyze and compare two returning waves involving the complex dynamics of globalization/indigenization of Christianity in China. The first returning wave began in the early 1900s and lasted until 1950, in which many went overseas because of their connections with Western missionaries. The second returning wave is currently occurring following the study-abroad fever after 1978, in which many were exposed to the proselytizing endeavor of overseas Chinese Christian communities and eventually converted to Christianity before returning to China. The article compares the following themes in relation to these two groups of Christian returnees: their negotiation with their religious identities upon the return, perceptions on the meaning of Christianity to themselves and to China, their transnational religious networks, and potential implications to the glocalization of Christianity in China. Consequently, it involves the following topics that are important throughout the modern Chinese history: modernity/religion paradox, East–West interaction in relation to Christianity, contributions of Western-educated professionals to China, glocalization of Christianity in China, and complex internationalist/nationalist interaction.

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9

Lim, Francis K. G. "New Developments in Christianity in China." Religions 11, no. 1 (2020): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11010030.

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10

Li, Feng, and Meng Cao. "Who Has the More Favorable Impression of Christianity in Contemporary China?" Journal of Chinese Theology 8, no. 1 (2022): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27726606-20220005.

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Abstract In the past, Christianity has been characterized in China as a “foreign religion” related to imperialism; today, Christianity is developing rapidly. What is the general public’s attitude to Christianity now? Based on data of the 2015 Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS), this paper analyzes differences between groups that have favorable impressions of Christianity and seeks to understand them. The results show that: in contemporary Chinese society, a favorable attitude towards Christianity is still in the minority, much lower than Buddhism, but higher than Taoism and Islam; in terms of who showed favorable attitudes to which religions, Christian believers are more likely to have favorable impressions of Christianity than other believers, women more likely than men, the rural population more likely than the urban population, those born since 1980 more likely than their predecessors, and there is no significant difference among those from different educational backgrounds and classes.

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11

Ph.D., Kwok. "Christianity and Women in Contemporary China." Journal of World Christianity 3, no. 1 (2010): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jworlchri.3.1.0001.

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12

Lee, J. T. H. "Christianity in Contemporary China: An Update." Journal of Church and State 49, no. 2 (2007): 277–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/49.2.277.

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13

Xu, Yihua. "Understanding Protestant Christianity in Contemporary China." Ecumenical Review 67, no. 1 (2015): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/erev.12132.

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14

Han, Jiatong. "The Importance of Cross-Cultural Perspectives Based on the Spread of Christianity in China." Communications in Humanities Research 25, no. 1 (2024): 160–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/25/20231915.

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The process of spreading Christianity in China is also the process of localizing Christianity in China. According to historical records, there was the first religious and cultural exchange between East and West in the Tang Dynasty. In the Yuan Dynasty, Mark Polo brought China into the European horizon, and Matteo Ricci spread Christianity by studying Confucian classics, which also promoted the development of Western sinology; After centuries of outbreak of contradictions within the Christian church, coupled with the blows of imperialist and capitalist power politics in modern times, Christianity in China has been viewed as a binary opposition, many of which are influenced by political factors. But today, the role of Chinese scholars in academia is increasingly non-negligible, and many examples demonstrate the importance of breaking down stable stereotypes and looking at different cultures from a more open-minded and dynamic cross-cultural perspective.

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15

Bays, Daniel H. "Chinese Protestant Christianity Today." China Quarterly 174 (June 2003): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903000299.

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Protestant Christianity has been a prominent part of the general religious resurgence in China in the past two decades. In many ways it is the most striking example of that resurgence. Along with Roman Catholics, as of the 1950s Chinese Protestants carried the heavy historical liability of association with Western domination or imperialism in China, yet they have not only overcome that inheritance but have achieved remarkable growth. Popular media and human rights organizations in the West, as well as various Christian groups, publish a wide variety of information and commentary on Chinese Protestants. This article first traces the gradual extension of interest in Chinese Protestants from Christian circles to the scholarly world during the last two decades, and then discusses salient characteristics of the Protestant movement today. These include its size and rate of growth, the role of Church–state relations, the continuing foreign legacy in some parts of the Church, the strong flavour of popular religion which suffuses Protestantism today, the discourse of Chinese intellectuals on Christianity, and Protestantism in the context of the rapid economic changes occurring in China, concluding with a perspective from world Christianity.

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16

MUNGELLO, D. E. "REINTERPRETING THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY IN CHINA." Historical Journal 55, no. 2 (2012): 533–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000574.

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ABSTRACTIn the last thirty-five years there has been a fundamental reinterpretation of the history of Christianity in China. This reinterpretation has resulted from a changing atmosphere in China that has greatly reduced anti-Christian feelings and allowed for more extensive study of Chinese historical documents. In addition, there has been a remarkable growth among Chinese Christian churches. These changes have led to a reconceptualization of the role Christianity played in China's long-term history. As a result, there has been a transformation from viewing Christianity as a failed foreign graft to a creative indigenous force. This historiographical review surveys the evolution of this reinterpretation as well as the most significant recent publications on the topic.

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17

Wang, Lin. "The Similarities and Differences in the Localization of Buddhism and Christianity—Taking the Discussional Strategies and Intellectual Backgrounds of Tertullian’s Apology and Mou Zi’s Answers to the Skeptics as Examples." Religions 15, no. 1 (2024): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15010105.

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After the rise of Christianity in the Roman Empire and the introduction of Buddhism into China, Christianity and Buddhism were both faced with the adjustment of the existing society. In the Roman Empire, faced with some censure, apologists began to write articles to clarify misunderstandings and express their beliefs. At the same time, there are similar argumentative documents on Buddhism in China. Their argumentation ideas also have many similarities, such as, firstly, distinguishing them from the original ideas, then using the existing ideas, and finally, actively integrating them into existing society. However, there are some bigger differences in the background of the debate between the Roman Empire and China—Christianity has strong political independence. The most fundamental difference is the atmosphere of the existing ruling ideology—China has been Confucianized, and the political independence of Confucianism is relatively weak. It is this fundamental difference that finally led to the final difference in the development paths of Christianity in the Roman Empire and Buddhism in China, which then affected their historical paths.

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18

Tze Ming Ng, Peter. "Global Christianity and Local Contexts: the Case of K.H. Ting and the Three-Self Church in China." Exchange 40, no. 1 (2011): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254311x550731.

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Abstract‘Local Contexts’ is the qualifier of ‘Global Christianity’ as ‘the global must become localized’ in the process of globalization of Christianity. The case of Bishop Ting, together with the Three-Self Patriotic Movement and the National Christian Council in China will be studied for illustration. Ting was well aware of his socio-political realities and his mission to work out ways to keep alive Christian faith in the Communist state of China. He was committed to serve the Church and the Christians in China and to work out ‘Christianity with Chinese socialist characteristics’. It was found that Chinese Christianity must fulfil its bi-characteristic functions, namely the ‘Chinese’ and ‘Christian’ functions. Regarding the mission of Chinese theology, Chinese theologians must address to the socio-political and cultural contexts, to the needs of Chinese Christians, as well as to bear witness to the Christian faith within the living contexts of the Church in China.

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19

Masson, Michel. "Chinese Culture and Christianity: Assessing the Agenda." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 7, no. 2 (1994): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9400700201.

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The article addresses three issues which it judges central to the encounter between Chinese culture and Christianity now. The first is the need for Christianity to address the full truth of its past in China and to decide whether it wishes to remain a minority culture or to engage Chinese culture more comprehensively. The second is the need to understand the growing acceptance of Christianity and in particular of the biblical narrative in contemporary China. And the third is the need to explore the universal significance of elements of Chinese culture and to ask what it might contribute to Western culture in general and Christianity in particular.

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20

Baar, Jemima A. H. "The Secularisation Thesis Recast: Christianity in Modern China and South Korea." International Journal of Asian Christianity 4, no. 1 (2021): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-04010002.

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Abstract Steve Bruce’s and Karel Dobbelaere’s secularisation theses – that industrialisation, urbanisation, societalisation, and rationalisation erode religion on macro-, meso- and micro-levels – can be challenged by reference to the growth and vitality of Christianity in China and South Korea. Christianity propelled economic growth and political change in South Korea at the end of the twentieth century, and has recognised potential in China. Religious institutions play critical roles in contemporary South Korean and Chinese communities. Although in an economically dynamic age permeated by scientific thinking, Christianity thrives in the private sphere in China. The plateauing of the growth rate of South Korean Christianity in recent decades coincides with widespread stability and prosperity in the country, which may have reduced the psychological and practical needs for religion. Thus, the Secularisation Thesis ought to be recast: social stability and prosperity better explain religious decline than industrialisation, urbanisation, societalisation, and rationalisation.

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21

Li, Di. "From Criticism and Rejection to Sino-Western Communication: The Evolution of Zheng Guanying’s Understanding of the Spread of Christianity in China." Religions 15, no. 6 (2024): 750. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15060750.

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Zheng Guanying paid close attention to the issue of the spread of Christianity in China since his youth. Over a period of more than three decades, he produced five monographs specifically addressing Christianity, from unequivocally opposing the spread of Christianity in China in the mid-to-late 1870s, to advocating for the adoption of the preaching form of the Christian “gatherings every seven days” to disseminate the village covenants and sacred edicts among the Chinese people in the 1890s. He proposed that the Chinese people should hold the right to spread Christianity. In 1906, he advocated for the establishment of a “common religion” and proposed “one religion for all nations” to eliminate wars around the world. In his later years, he proposed the “Five great wishes” to integrate and govern the various religions of the world with Taoism as the core, attempting to reconstruct global order from the perspective of religious unity. He envisioned the establishment of a sacred Taoist monastery, the dissemination of religious concepts, and the cultivation of talents, which drew on the organizational structure and missionary methods of Christianity, reflecting the thinking and efforts of modern Chinese intellectuals to bridge the Chinese and Western civilizations, seek solutions for modern China, reconcile conflicts between China and the West, and pursue global unity.

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22

Tse-Hei Lee, Joseph. "Teaching The History Of Chinese Christianity." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 33, no. 2 (2008): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.33.2.75-84.

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Beginning in the sixteenth century, European Catholic orders, including Jesuits, Franciscans, and Dominicans, introduced Christianity and established mission outposts in China. Protestant missionary societies arrived in the middle of the nineteenth century. Despite the Eurocentric view of Christianity conveyed by Western missionaries, many Chinese believers successfully recruited converts, built churches, and integrated Christianity with traditional values, customs, and social structure. This pattern of Chinese church growth represents a large-scale religious development comparable in importance to the growth of Catholicism, Protestantism, and orthodoxy Christianity in continental Europe, the rise of Islam, and the Buddhist transformation of East Asia. The story of the Chinese church is an important chapter of the global history of cross-cultural interactions. The knowledge and insights gained from the China story throw light on the emergence of Christianity as a fast-growing religious movement in the non-Western world.

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23

Xu, Yunjing. "China, Christianity, and the Question of Culture." Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 2 (2015): 301–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.21866/esjeas.2015.15.2.009.

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24

Brown, G. Thompson. "Book Review: Unfinished Encounter: China and Christianity." Missiology: An International Review 19, no. 3 (1991): 350–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969101900310.

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25

Wiest, Jean-Paul. "Book Review: Unfinished Encounter: China and Christianity." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 14, no. 3 (1990): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693939001400316.

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26

Wesołowski, Zbigniew. "China, Christianity, and the Question of Culture." Monumenta Serica 63, no. 2 (2015): 466–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02549948.2015.1106832.

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27

Reynolds, Douglas R., Stephen Uhalley, and Xiaoxin Wu. "China and Christianity: Burdened Past, Hopeful Future." Pacific Affairs 74, no. 3 (2001): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3557766.

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28

Whitehead, Raymond L., Suzanne Wilson Barnett, and John King Fairbank. "Christianity in China. Early Protestant Missionary Writings." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 2 (1986): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758956.

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29

Gálik, Marián. "China, Christianity, and the question of culture." Studies in Chinese Religions 3, no. 4 (2017): 389–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2018.1429142.

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30

Wu, Keping. "Christianity in contemporary China: socio-cultural perspectives." Asian Anthropology 12, no. 1 (2013): 70–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1683478x.2013.789470.

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31

Fleming, Peter. "Book Review: Unfinished Encounter: China and Christianity." Theological Studies 51, no. 1 (1990): 170–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056399005100133.

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32

Yang, Xiaoli. "China, Christianity and the Question of Culture." International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church 15, no. 4 (2015): 376–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2015.1115283.

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33

Israeli, Raphael. "The Cross Battles the Crescent One Century of Missionary Work Among Chinese Muslims (1850–1950)." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (1995): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012671.

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Much has been written and published about Christianity in China, less has been known about the particular interest that the Mission had evinced toward the Muslims of China, much less has been recorded about the Muslim reactions to this activity, and almost nothing has been concluded in terms of the dialectical interaction between Christianity and Islam in that part of the world.

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Standaert, Nicolas. "Christianity as a Religion in China. Insights from the Handbook of Christianity in China: Volume One (635-1800)." Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie 12, no. 1 (2001): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/asie.2001.1163.

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35

Wang, Dong. "Introduction: Christianity in the History of U.S.-China Relations." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 13, no. 1-2 (2006): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656106793645178.

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AbstractThis special volume comprises six original articles, each of which locates Christianity as an international and local issue reaching beyond an American-, or Chinese-, or missionary-centered history. By bringing lesser-known aspects of Christianity to bear on the story, the contributing scholars from the humanities and social sciences in North America, Asia, and Oceania address three major sets of questions.

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Zhigang, Zhang. "Three-fold Thinking on the Sinicization of Christianity." Evangelische Theologie 75, no. 5 (2015): 385–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2015-0508.

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Abstract This essay investigates the concept of »Sinicization of Christianity« from an »academic« standpoint, the goal being to discuss more objectively and rationally how Christianity may be able to meld into Chinese culture, the Chinese nation, and in particular, contemporary Chinese society. The investigation is presented in three parts: a comparison between the histories of Christianity in China and Korea, a study of the ecological situation of religions in contemporary China, and new developments in international research on interreligious dialogue. The article concludes that social practice should be the main criterion for testing religious faith, and that, based on China’s current conditions, the best course for the Sinicization of Christianity is to make positive and important contributions to continued reform and opening-up of Chinese society and to its development and progress.

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Li, Fulin, and Qing Wu. "Where the Research Interests of Graduate Students in China’s Christian Universities Lie." Religions 12, no. 6 (2021): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060393.

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Focusing on the research landscape for graduate students of China’s Christian universities is of great significance for making sense of the path along which the theological and practical studies are conducted by contemporary China’s Christian universities and for promoting the dialogue and understanding between Chinese and foreign seminaries. In this research, thesis topics selected by graduate students majoring in theology are classified into four categories: universal theoretical research, universal practical research, theoretical research of Chinese Christianity, and practical research of Chinese Christianity. Results of coded categorical data analysis and case study show that graduate students mainly focus on universal theories without giving adequate attention to the topic of the “Sinification” of Christianity. In their universal theoretical research, graduate students examine classic Christian works and theological thoughts of important figures in a detailed and in-depth way. Universal practical studies are skewed to practices of religious reforms and teaching improvements from a multidisciplinary perspective. In the theoretical research of Sinified Christianity, researchers build upon the commensurability between traditional Chinese culture and Christian theology, including the theological thoughts of important Christian figures in China, to explore the fulfillment of cultural, national, and social identities. In the practical research of Christianity in China, empirical methodologies are widely applied, centering on the “localization” process and forms of practices taking place in churches of China. The coincidentia oppositorum between universality and particularity dictates that much tension exists with respect to the development of Christianity in China. Focusing on the accommodative process between universality and particularity is important to produce further implications for research to be conducted by China’s Christian universities.

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Adamek, Piotr. "The Role of Chinese Family in the Spread of Christianity in the Seventeenth-Century China. The Xu Family of Shanghai as an Example." Studia Warmińskie 59 (December 31, 2022): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/sw.8332.

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Chinese family played a fundamental role in the spreading of Christianity in China during the Late Ming and Early Qing dynasty (17 century). The contact of the first Jesuit missionaries with Chinese people was usually limited to men, as e.g. Confucian scholars. Some of them, however, converted their families after they became Catholic. These families were a very important basis for the missionary work: they supported missionaries, organized the religious life of the Chinese Church, and evangelized their neighbors. Without Chinese families the Chinese mission would be virtually impossible. A historical review of the role of Chinese family in the spread of Christianity in China in 17th Century will be presented on the example of the Xu Family from Shanghai. The eminent Confucian scholar Xu Guangqi could – after his conversion to Christianity – convert also his whole family. This conversion helped not only to establish Catholic Church in Shanghai but was also crucial in the process of maintaining Christianity as a “family religion.” Based on published sources, the impact of Xu family on the Catholic Church in China will be analyzed and discussed.

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Pelevina, Olga V., and Yang Yunhao. "Bei Cun's works as a manifestation of the cultural Christianity phenomenon in contemporary China." World of Russian-speaking countries 2, no. 12 (2022): 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2658-7866-2022-2-12-128-141.

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The article is devoted to the phenomenon of cultural Christianity in modern China. This phenomenon suggests the desire to explain the norms and values of Christianity to the Chinese audience through the prism of the traditional foundations of Chinese culture. Examples of cultural Christianity include Chinese intelligentsia's fascination with the history and philosophy of Christianity; Chinese masters' creating Christian images and scenes of the Virgin Mary, the Nativity, etc. in the traditional Chinese guohua style; Chinese deltiology with pictures of famous temples in Harbin; the folklore heritage of Harbin residents, etc. Sharing the idea of the existence of cultural Christianity phenomenon, the authors analyze the works of the contemporary Chinese writer Bei Cun. After 1992, when he converted to Christianity, a key transformation took place in his work. Bei Cun strives to convey to the Chinese audience the Christian categories of sin, redemption, guilt, forgiveness, love, etc. The main theme of the novel I Have a Covenant with God comes down to the Christian concept that all people are born sinful and hope for redemption, and that confession of sin and repentance are the basis for forgiveness. According to the plot, the first chapters of the novel tell us that the main character, Chen Busen, has fallen into the abyss of sin. Being abandoned by his parents, he becomes a criminal and a murderer. In the final chapters, Chen Busen's soul finds redemption through comprehension, sincere repentance, and even love for the victim's relatives. Thus, by describing the contemporary realities of Chinese society in his works, Bei Cun introduces Christian ideas and values into the Chinese picture of the world and tries to bring Christianity and Chinese culture together.

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Fiedler, Katrin. "China's “Christianity Fever” Revisited: Towards a Community-Oriented Reading of Christian Conversions in China." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 39, no. 4 (2010): 71–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261003900404.

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Chinese Protestant Christianity has been continually growing over the past three decades, with an estimated one million converts per year. A number of studies have sought to explain this phenomenon. This paper critically reviews existing studies of China's “Christianity Fever” and then outlines the role of the community as one crucial factor in the conversion process. With its emphasis on communality, as a central element of both Christian theology and the fellowship activities that are part of Christian practice, Protestant Christianity fills a gap opened up by the change in traditional familial and social structures. By discussing specific aspects relating to the communal nature of Christianity, such as familism, elitism, and dynamics at work in face-to-face evangelism, this paper offers an alternative reading of existing studies.

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Bernier, Lucie. "CHRISTIANITY AND THE OTHER: FRIEDRICH SCHLEGEL'S AND F. W. J. SCHELLING'S INTERPRETATION OF CHINA." International Journal of Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (2005): 265–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591405000124.

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Every culture is self-centred and distinguishes itself from others which are inadvertently positioned off-centre. Thus ancient Greece called the non-Greeks barbarians, and the ancient Chinese called their own country the Celestial Empire and considered those who did not practise their culture as barbaric. In the modern age, Europe distinguished itself from the non-West principally by two features: Christianity and capitalism. Generally, it is considered that Christianity produced capitalism (Max Weber), so that the former can really be considered the foundation of Western Culture. In my paper, I demonstrate that Christianity is used to measure and construct non-European peoples and cultures within the western perception of the philosophy of history. Christianity is given supreme value, and related religions are considered to be corrupted in varying degrees, with non-theistic cultures bringing up the very rear.

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Ireland, Daryl R., and David Li. "Lift High the Cross: The Visual Message of Popular Chinese Christianity." International Bulletin of Mission Research 46, no. 4 (2022): 474–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23969393221097624.

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What does popular Chinese Christianity look like? Answers are elusive, because the materials that survive tend to be books and buildings—artifacts that tell us more about the elites who produced them than the average believers who used them. The Center for Global Christianity and Mission’s digitization of 700 Chinese Christian propaganda posters at ccposters.com offers a rare glimpse into the Christian ideas and images that circulated on the street. Produced between 1920 and 1950, these posters packaged Christianity for mass consumption, and what they offered China was not Jesus Christ but his cross. Popular Christianity was crucicentric, not Christocentric.

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Truong, Anh. "The Conflicts Among Religious Orders of Christianity in China During the 17th and 18th Centuries." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (November 2021): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.5.5.

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Introduction. The article studies the conflicts between the Spanish Mendicant Orders (Dominican Order, Franciscan Order, etc.) as well as the Society of Foreign Missions of Paris with Portuguese Society of Jesus, which took place during the 17th and 18th centuries in China. Methods and materials. To study this issue, the author used the original historical materials recorded by Western missionaries working in China during the 17th and 18th centuries and research works by Chinese and international scholars related to the Chinese Rites Controversy as well as the process of introduction and development of Christianity in this country during the 17th and 18th centuries. The author combines two main research methods of History Science (historical and logical methods) with other research methods (systemic approach, analysis, synthesis, comparison, etc.) to complete the study of this issue. Analysis. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the struggle for faith of the peoples in the Far East, especially China, became the desirable goal of religious orders of Christianity. Therefore, during this period, Western missionaries belonging to various religious orders of Christianity, such as the Society of Jesus, Mendicant Orders, Society of Foreign Missions of Paris, etc., gradually entered this country. In the course of evangelization, the struggle for influence as well as the right to manage missionary affairs in China at that time created conflicts among Christian religious orders. It is manifested in the form of a debate about Chinese rituals. In fact, these conflicts not only caused great losses to the missionary career of contemporary Christian religious orders taking place in China but also made the relationship between China’s ruling authorities and The Holy See became very tense. Results. Based on the study of the conflicts among religious orders of Christianity in China during the 17th and 18th centuries, the article clarifies characteristics, the root and direct causes leading to this phenomenon, making a certain contribution to the study of the relationship among religious orders in the process of introduction and development of Christianity in China in particular and the history of East-West cultural exchange in this country in general in the 17th and 18th centuries.

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Kang, Jie. "The Rise of Calvinist Christianity in Urbanising China." Religions 10, no. 8 (2019): 481. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10080481.

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Over the past decade, Reformed Christianity, broadly based on the theology of Calvinism, has spread widely in China, especially by appealing to Chinese ‘intellectuals’ who constitute most of the house church leaders in urban areas. It draws its moral guidance from a so-called rational or intellectual focus on biblical theology, reinforced by theological training in special seminaries. It consequently rejects the ‘heresy’ of the older Pentecostal Christianity, with its emphasis on charisma, miracles, and theology based on emotional ‘feeling’. This Reformed theology and its further elaboration have been introduced into China in two main ways. The first is through overseas Chinese, especially via theological seminaries in Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia. For instance, preachings of the famous Reformed pastor Stephen Tong (唐崇荣) have been widely disseminated online and among Chinese Christians. Second, Korean missionaries have established theological seminaries mainly in cities in northern China. This has resulted in more and more Chinese church leaders becoming advocates of Calvinism and converting their churches to Reformed status. This paper asks why Calvinism attracts Chinese Christians, what Calvinism means for the so-called house churches of a Christian community in a northern Chinese city, and what kinds of change the importation of Reformed theology has brought to Chinese house churches. Various significant accounts have addressed this development in China generally. My analysis complements these accounts by focusing on a small number of interconnected house churches in one city, and uses this case study to highlight interpersonal and organizational issues arising from the Calvinist approach.

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Vala, Carsten T. "Protestant Christianity and Civil Society in Authoritarian China." China Perspectives 2012, no. 3 (2012): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chinaperspectives.5949.

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Woo, Franklin J. "China and Christianity: Burdened Past, Hopeful Future (review)." China Review International 8, no. 2 (2001): 548–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2001.0112.

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Dunn, Emily. "The Catholic Invasion of China: Remaking Chinese Christianity." Journal of Chinese Religions 44, no. 2 (2016): 193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0737769x.2016.1207373.

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Lodwick, Kathleen L. "China and Christianity: Burdened Past, Hopeful Future (review)." Catholic Historical Review 88, no. 2 (2002): 393–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2002.0089.

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Madsen, Richard. ":Christianity and Social Engagement in China." China Journal 91 (January 1, 2024): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/728163.

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Jia Chyi Hwang, Jackie. "Longing for Belonging: Forwarding Andrew Walls’ Thoughts on Migration and Mission through an Ethnographic Study on Diasporic Chinese in Singapore's Christian Communities." Studies in World Christianity 29, no. 2 (2023): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2023.0431.

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This study on migration and Chinese Christianity uncovers both the potential and limitations in the late Professor Andrew Walls’ conception of how migration shapes global Christianity. Using an ethnographic approach, I examine how international students from China engaged in a quest for jia (home, family, belonging) by interacting with Singapore's Chinese Christian communities. For these students from China and the Singaporean Chinese Christians who encounter them, the personal narratives on both sides exhibit three traits: (1) a give-and-take relationship between different notions of ‘Chineseness’, (2) a transnational sense of family, and (3) an understanding of ecclesiology that is under negotiation. The ethnographic profile of Chinese hybridity that emerges shows how Walls’ ideas can be refined by a better understanding of co-ethnic Chinese Christianity which lies beyond China's geopolitical boundaries.

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