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Journal articles on the topic 'Christianity – South Africa'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Cabrita, Joel. "Revisiting ‘Translatability’ and African Christianity: The Case of the Christian Catholic Apostolic Church in Zion." Studies in Church History 53 (May 26, 2017): 448–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2016.27.

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Focusing on the ‘translatability’ of Christianity in Africa is now commonplace. This approach stresses that African Christian practice is thoroughly inculturated and relevant to local cultural concerns. However, in exclusively emphasizing Christianity's indigeneity, an opportunity is lost to understand how Africans entered into complex relationships with North Americans to shape a common field of religious practice. To better illuminate the transnational, open-faced nature of Christianity in Africa, this article discusses the history of a twentieth-century Christian faith healing movement called Zionism, a large black Protestant group in South Africa. Eschewing usual portrayals of Zionism as an indigenous Southern African movement, the article situates its origins in nineteenth-century industrializing, immigrant Chicago, and describes how Zionism was subsequently reimagined in a South African context of territorial dispossession and racial segregation. It moves away from isolated regional histories of Christianity to focus on how African Protestantism emerged as the product of lively transatlantic exchanges in the late modern period.

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2

Shankar, Shobana. "A Missing Link: African Christian Resonances in the Rise of Indian Muslim and Hindu Missions." Studies in World Christianity 28, no. 2 (July 2022): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2022.0388.

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This essay explores how West Africa became a landscape of religious exchange, creativity and synthesis connecting Africa and South Asia. It follows the lead of Afe Adogame and Jim Spickard, who argue that ‘Africa is not merely a passive recipient of global pressures. It is also a site of religious creativity that has had considerable effect on the outside world. The growth and global influence of the three religious heritages of sub-Saharan Africa – indigenous religions, Christianity and Islam – needs to be understood against the backdrop of mutual influence and exchange at various historical epochs’ ( Adogame and Spickhard 2010 : 2—3). To explore such transformations, I draw on the cases of the Ahmadiyya Muslim missionary movement in Ghana and Nigeria and Hinduism in Ghana. The Ahmadiyya began as a mission to correct Christianity's influence on West Africans, but was transformed by African influence on South Asians into a pluralistic knowledge-seeking movement. In a similar vein, Africans reshaped Hinduism away from cultural isolationism and worldly attachments of the Indian-diaspora Africa towards a spiritual ethic of racial integration and devotionalism that Africans and Indians now share. I conclude by reflecting on how African modes of religious interrelationality – influenced by the historical trajectories of Christianity on the African continent – have been crucial in the polycentrism that world Christianity scholars have revealed.

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3

COMAROFF, JEAN, and JOHN COMAROFF. "Christianity and colonialism in South Africa." American Ethnologist 13, no. 1 (February 1986): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1986.13.1.02a00010.

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4

de Gruchy, John W. "From Resistance to National Reconciliation: The Response and Role of the Ecumenical Church in South Africa." Studies in Church History 40 (2004): 369–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002990.

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Scattered through the history of the Christian Church are seminal moments that have shaped the future course of Christianity whether for good or ill. When later historians of Christianity will write about the twentieth century, I anticipate that they will refer to the role of the Churches in Nazi Germany and apartheid South Africa as paradigmatic both in terms of success and failure. They might also refer to the role of the Christian Church in the transition to democracy in both countries in similar terms. In what follows I will offer some reflections on the South African side of the story, briefly tracing the response and role of what I have termed the ‘Ecumenical Church’ in South Africa to African resistance, democratic transition and national reconciliation.

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5

Hodgson, Janet, David Chidester, Judy Tobler, and Darrel Wratten. "Christianity in South Africa: An Annotated Bibliography." Journal of Religion in Africa 29, no. 4 (November 1999): 508. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581780.

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6

Bompani, Barbara. "Religion and Development from Below: Independent Christianity in South Africa." Journal of Religion in Africa 40, no. 3 (2010): 307–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006610x525435.

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AbstractMost of the literature on African independent churches (AICs) in South Africa has not paid much attention to their economic and developmental role. In contrast, this article will show how AICs are involved in important economic activities such as voluntary mutual benefit societies, savings clubs, lending societies, stokvels (informal savings funds), and burial societies that control millions of South African rand. In light of firsthand empirical research, this article investigates these kinds of activities, and analyses independent churches’ developmental role. This will allow us to better understand how these communities play a strong and supportive function among Africans in a deprived economic situation. In a period of socio-political transformation in South Africa, AICs are able to answer the needs of the people and their hunger to rebuild an identity. My major critique of classical research on AICs is the failure of the literature to address ‘social change’ in a theoretically adequate way, as something more than just descriptions of ‘traditional’ social structures away from interpretations of modernity.

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7

Müller, Retief. "African Indigenous Christianity of Pentecostal Type in South Africa in the Twentieth Century and Beyond." Theology Today 75, no. 3 (October 2018): 318–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573618791746.

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Movements of reform and reformation have been highly significant in the history of Christianity for various reasons. Yet is it fair or appropriate to ascribe the term reformation to churches or groups not obviously belonging to the sixteenth-century series of events and movements usually associated with that term? This article engages with this question, especially in reference to the phenomenon of twentieth-century African Indigenous Christianity (AIC), which is often associated with terms such as African Initiated Christianity, and African Pentecostalism. I focus on South Africa as my context of reference. From this perspective I will more generally make the case that if the historical construct of reformation as a concept beyond sixteenth-century Northern and Western Europe could be useful at all, it will be in the ways in which one is able, or not, to draw parallels with some of the social consequences of those original movements. I am particularly interested in the relation between reformation and democracy. Therefore, my analysis of AIC history in South Africa is informed by the works of Witte, Woodberry, and McGrath.

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8

Ross, Robert. "Towards a concise history of South Africa." European Review 6, no. 3 (August 1998): 283–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870000332x.

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This article discusses the problems inherent in writing a short historical survey of South Africa. Such surveys are periodically necessary in order to provide a perspective for monographic studies. This one is organized around the argument that South Africa, for all its internal divisions, has become a single country, and traces the processes of colonial conquest, economic integration and the ideological importance of mission Christianity through which this has come about. Furthermore, the recent changes in the South African governmental system provide a narrative conclusion that was not there in the past and which soon will be no more.

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9

Anderson, Allan. "New African Initiated Pentecostalism and Charismatics in South Africa." Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 1 (2005): 66–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570066052995843.

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AbstractThe new Pentecostal churches in South Africa, while not as numerically significant as those elsewhere in Africa, follow similar patterns. Tracing the rise of white megachurches in the 1980s and the subsequent emergence of black Charismatic churches similar to those found elsewhere in Africa, this article outlines their ambivalent relationship with the apartheid regime and the increasing disillusionment of black Pentecostals in the run-up to the 1994 elections. It traces the roles of Pentecostal and Charismatic leaders in the new South Africa and the impact of African Charismatic preachers from elsewhere, pilgrimages to other Pentecostal centres and other factors of globalization. After a survey of different Pentecostal churches, it discusses how new South African Pentecostals illustrate Coleman's dimensions of a globalized Charismatic Christianity.

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10

Vorster, Nico. "Christianity and Secularisation in South Africa: Probing the Possible Link between Modernisation and Secularisation." Studies in World Christianity 19, no. 2 (August 2013): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2013.0049.

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The secularisation theory of Max Weber states that modernisation inevitably leads to the decline of religion. This theory has in recent years been challenged by the desecularisation theories of various sociologists and philosophers. This article probes the possible link between modernisation and secularisation through a case study of the Republic of South Africa. South Africa is an important case study because it went through a rapid process of modernisation from the 1990s onwards. The first section examines the secularisation thesis of Weber and his supporters, as well as theories of desecularisation. The second section discusses the periods of anti-modernisation (1910–90) and modernisation (1990–2012) in South Africa. The third section analyses statistical data on the state of religion in South Africa, while the last section offers some concluding remarks on the relationship between modernisation and secularisation in South Africa thus far. The finding of the article is that the South African experience indicates that modernisation has an impact on religion, but the effect is not necessarily one of a decline in religion. In South Africa, modernisation has led to the decline of religion in some communities and the rejuvenation of religion in others. The effect of modernisation on religion seems to depend on its interaction with a range of other social factors.

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11

Cabrita, Joel. "Making African Christianity: Africans Reimagining Their Faith in Colonial South Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 39, no. 2 (June 2013): 487–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2013.795814.

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12

Manktelow, Emily J. "Mission Station Christianity in 19th-Century South Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 42, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2016.1126464.

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13

Walshe, Peter. "South Africa: Prophetic Christianity and the Liberation Movement." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 1 (March 1991): 27–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020735.

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The struggle against racial discrimination in South Africa, as many have argued, is theological as well as political. This is so, in the words of Ben Marais, because ‘Apartheid erodes the very basis of humanity’. It is also because the great majority of South Africans have some Christian identity and church affiliation, yet their faith commitments are heavily conditioned by class interests and particular ideologies. Consequently, prophetic Christianity, in relating biblical values to the analysis of society and the search for justice, has divided Christian communities by confronting the established churches as well as the state.

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14

West, Gerald O., and Tahir Fuzile Sitoto. "Other Ways of Reading the Qur'an and the Bible in Africa." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 1, no. 1 (April 28, 2005): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v1i1.47.

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This article explores how religion possesses and is possessed by Africans. It does this by recognising both the power of religion to configure and of Africans as agents who reconfigure what they encounter in their African contexts. The central question of this article is how placing African agency and context in the forefront reconfigures talk of Islam and Christianity in Africa. The question is taken up through an analysis of two African religious leaders, Shaykh Ahmadu Bamba from West Africa and Isaiah Shembe from South Africa.

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15

Redding, Sean. "“Maybe Freedom Will Come from You”: Christian Prophecies and Rumors in the Development of Rural Resistance in South Africa, 1948-1961." Journal of Religion in Africa 40, no. 2 (2010): 163–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006610x502610.

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AbstractIn South Africa Christian teachings and texts informed African political activity in the 1950s and 1960s particularly in the rural areas, and rumors predicting both real revolts and fantastic interventions were common. While recent scholarship concerning supernatural beliefs in African political life often analyzes the impact of fears about witchcraft or faith in the ancestors, Christianity of various types was also a significant influence on people’s actions. This paper analyzes the historical background to the revolt against apartheid policies that developed in the Transkeian region of the eastern Cape of South Africa in the mid-twentieth century and pays special attention to the role of Christian influences. Christianity was consequential both in terms of how people understood their grievances and also in the kinds of predictions they made about their political future. Rumors and religion combined with material grievances to create a prophetic moment in which rebellion became a moral choice.

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16

ANDREEVA, L. A. "Migration Flows of the “Southern” Christians from the Countries of Tropical Africa to Secular Europe at the Beginning of the 21st Century: The Meeting of “Northern” and “Southern” Christianity." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 206–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-4-206-218.

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In the 21st century we observe revolutionary changes that happen under the influence of globalization. These changes have covered the whole world. On the one hand, they manifest as a rapid shift of the centre of Christianity from the countries of so-called “global North” to the countries of so-called “global South”. On the other hand, they manifest as migration flows of “Southern” Christians from the countries of Tropical Africa to Europe that bring some archaization not only to modern European Christianity but to secular European civilization itself. This paper presents results of the analysis which has shown that modern European values are secular, and European Christianity is rapidly transforming into culture. In comparison to European values, the values of African Christianity have a genuine religious ground, and the society in countries of the Tropical Africa is traditional and being dominated by community values. Therefore, we can conclude that the “Northern” and the “Southern” Christianity exist in different temporal dimensions from the civilizational point of view. We can make a certain prediction that the meeting of “Southern” and “Northern” Christianity in the environment of modern European civilizational code alien to African Christianity will bring lots of challenges to the both branches of Christianity. In the foreseeable future, the issue of mass migration of “Southern” Christians from the countries of Tropical Africa will not be less acute than extensively discussed Islamization of Europe, although both of these issues have similar origin, namely the Renaissance of archaic in Europe brought about by migration flows.

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17

REDDING, SEAN. "WOMEN AS DIVINERS AND AS CHRISTIAN CONVERTS IN RURAL SOUTH AFRICA, c. 1880–1963." Journal of African History 57, no. 3 (November 2016): 367–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000086.

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AbstractThis article argues that rural South African women's importance as spiritual actors in the period from the late nineteenth through the mid-twentieth centuries stemmed from their ability to embrace hybrid spiritual identities that corresponded closely to the lived reality of African rural life, and that by embracing those identities, women expanded their roles as social healers. Professing a belief in Christianity did not prevent individuals from practicing as diviners, nor did it prevent Christians from consulting diviners to determine the causes of death or misfortune. Similarly, young women who converted to Christianity often maintained close ties to non-Christian families and bridged spiritual lives on the mission stations with life in their families. Over this time period, women became cultural mediators who borrowed, adopted, and combined spiritual beliefs to provide more complete answers to problems faced by rural African families in South Africa.

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18

Gathogo, Julius, and Margaret W. Gitumu. "Mwendoni-ire Z K”." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 2, no. 1 (February 20, 2019): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v2i1.13.

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In this article, Professor ZK Mathews is not only seen as a responsible leader in his own right but more importantly, he is seen as a prominent educationist in the complex socio-political situation of apartheid South Africa. “Mwendoni-ire Z K” (beloved ZK) became the first African to obtain a Bachelor of Arts Degree (BA) at the University of South Africa, in 1924. His other public roles as ANC founder, Ambassador, an educationist, activist for social justice, a Pan-Africanist, and an ecumenist makes him one of a kind. As both a community and church leader, the article seeks to assess his display of social responsibility in the dark period of African history when separate development was the vogue. Did he act responsibly in addressing social issues during his heydays? What didn’t he do during his lifetimes? Are there critical communal issues that he failed to do yet he had an opportunity which he did not exhaustively utilize? To this end, this article builds on the premise that the spread of Christianity in Africa, its shape and character, has been the by-product of responsible Leadership, both in the Mission Churches/mainline churches and in the African Instituted Churches, and even from within the emerging afro-Pentecostal churches. Without responsible leadership on the part of the Africans themselves, the spread of Christianity in Africa would have nose-dived. In categorising the three brands of Christianity in Africa, it is critical to acknowledge that, Mission Churches are those that evolved directly from the outreach of Western denominations; afro-Pentecostals are those who consciously or unconsciously allow a measure of dialogue between Pentecostalism and some elements of African culture in their discourses; while African initiated Churches are those Churches which were born in Africa, and were primarily begun by Africans themselves as they protested western intrusion and subjugation of their cultures as Africans. In view of this, ZK is viewed as a responsible leader who confronted social ecclesial matters with a reasonable degree of success.

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Houle, Robert. "Mbiya Kuzwayo's Christianity: Revival, Reformation and the Surprising Viability of Mainline Churches in South Africa." Journal of Religion in Africa 38, no. 2 (2008): 141–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006608x289666.

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AbstractMuch of the credit for the vitality of Christianity in southern Africa has gone to the African Initiated Churches that date their birth to earlier 'Ethiopian' and 'Zionist' movements. Yet far from being compromised, as they are often portrayed, those African Christians remaining in the mission churches often played a critical role in the naturalization of the faith. In the churches of the American Zulu Mission, the largest mission body in colonial Natal, one of the most important moments in this process occurred at the end of the nineteenth century when participants in a revival, led in part by a young Zulu Christian named Mbiya Kuzwayo, employed the theology of Holiness to dramatically alter the nature of their lived Christianity and bring about an internal revolution that gave them effective control of their churches.

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20

Kumalo, Raymond Simangaliso. "Christianity and Political Engagement in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Political Theology 15, no. 3 (May 2014): 220–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1462317x13z.00000000055.

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21

Crafford, D. "Godsdienstige perspektiewe in die heropbou van die gemeenskap." Verbum et Ecclesia 16, no. 2 (September 21, 1995): 277–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v16i2.453.

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Religious perspectives in the reconstruction of the society The multi-religious context in South Africa is a fact and must be taken into account in any effort towards reconstruction and development of the society. The different religiOns are challenged to participate in the process of reconstruction. In many ways they can contribute positively towards the process. There are however also elements in religions which can hinder and obstruct the process. 17lis article considers a number of perspectives in Islam, Hinduism, African Traditional Religion and Christianity which can have a positive or negative influence on the Reconstruction and Development Program in South Africa.

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22

James, Deborah, and Geoffrey Nkadimeng. "‘A Sentimental Attachment to the Neighbourhood’: African Christians and Land Claims in South Africa." Itinerario 27, no. 3-4 (November 2003): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300020854.

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As part of its attempt to understand ‘an apartheid of souls’, this volume is concerned to show how mission activity, particularly that of European-based churches with close links to the expansion of Dutch/Calvinist influence, may have nurtured the local construction of race or ethnic difference in Indonesian and South African society. One well-known account of Christianity in South Africa shows how the interaction between mission and missionised produced a sharply dichotomised sense - experienced by the Tshidi Tswana as the contrast between setsivana and segoa - of difference between indigenous and imported culture. While this shows how processes devoted to undermining it may paradoxically strengthen a sense of cultural identity, what it does not yield is a sense of how Christianity, appropriated within Tswana and other African societies, furnished a means of marking internal distinctions of social class, dovetailing in unexpected ways with ethnic difference. It is such divisions - potently fusing class with ethnicity and having crucial implications for the ownership, reclaiming, and use of land - with which the present paper is concerned.

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23

VINSON, ROBERT TRENT. "‘SEA KAFFIRS’: ‘AMERICAN NEGROES’ AND THE GOSPEL OF GARVEYISM IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY CAPE TOWN." Journal of African History 47, no. 2 (July 2006): 281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706001824.

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This article demonstrates that black British West Indians and black South Africans in post-First World War Cape Town viewed ‘American Negroes’ as divinely ordained liberators from South African white supremacy. These South-African based Garveyites articulated a prophetic Garveyist Christianity that provided common ideological ground for Africans and diasporic blacks through leading black South African organizations like the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA), the African National Congress (ANC) and the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU). This study utilizes a ‘homeland and diaspora’ model that simultaneously offers an expansive framework for African history, redresses the relative neglect of Africa and Africans in African diaspora studies and demonstrates the impact of Garveyism on the country's interwar black freedom struggle.

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24

Stanley, Brian. "Edinburgh and World Christianity." Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 1 (April 2011): 72–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2011.0006.

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In his inaugural lecture as Professor of World Christianity at the University of Edinburgh, Professor Stanley discusses three individuals connected to Edinburgh who have major symbolic or actual significance for the development of world Christianity over the last 150 years. Tiyo Soga (1829–71) studied in Edinburgh for the ministry of the United Presbyterian Church, and became the first black South African to be ordained into the Christian ministry. His Edinburgh theological training helped to form his keen sense of the dignity and divine destiny of the African race. Yun Chi'ho (1865–1945) was the sole Korean delegate at the World Missionary Conference held in Edinburgh in 1910. His political career illustrates the ambiguities of the connection that developed between Christianity and Korean nationalism under Japanese colonial rule. John Alexander Dowie (1847–1907) was a native of Edinburgh and a student of the University of Edinburgh who went on to found a utopian Christian community near Chicago – ‘Zion City’. This community and Dowie's teachings on the healing power of Christ were formative in the origins of Pentecostal varieties of Christianity in both southern and West Africa.

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25

Khosa-Nkatini, Hundzukani P. "Christianity in Sub-Saharan Africa: An African Inculturation Hermeneutic." Religious: Jurnal Studi Agama-Agama dan Lintas Budaya 6, no. 2 (August 28, 2022): 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/rjsalb.v6i2.20249.

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Christianity in sub-Saharan Africa has always been a focal point for research, with some contending that the preachers brainwashed Africans when they carried the gospel to them since they neglected to learn Africanism. This stays a discussion among the Evangelical Presbyterian Church in South Africa (EPCSA) where the creator of this study is a pastor. It has been stated that when a person becomes a Christian, that individual can never again discuss precursors or converse with predecessors, these terms refer to ancestors It is a transgression, while others say nothing bad can really be said about going to chapel yet rehearsing your African convictions and customs. African religion has faith in predecessors and Christianity has confidence in God. In any case, African religion accepts that God exists yet at the same time wants to get assurance from their ancestors. Some contend that there is nothing out of sorts when individuals practice their African convictions because it is not destructive to them or the following individual. Along these lines, African Religion (AR) instructs that it is critical for one to look for available resources to control or control those outer powers and offices that are more remarkable than human comprehension. This is done through ceremonial practices, mystical recipes, and charms endorsed by strict specialists to the individuals who feel compromised. It is inappropriate to expect that all Africans are something similar and that their customs are something similar or practice for similar reasons. Nonetheless, there are similitudes between African societies. Religion ought to assume a basic part in the redefinition of this peculiarity, as devotees haggle between standard regulations and strict rules. This study will analyse the confirmation that Christianity in the sub-Saharan Africa is a peculiarity and that it ought to lead strict synchronization into new world convictions and strict African practices. African Customs, given the circumstances, include exactly the secret of human reality, our individual, our relations with others and with the world. It contacts that reality that is not to be gotten a handle on and which cannot be verified.

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Bair, Barbara, Richard Elphick, and Rodney Davenport. "Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Social, and Cultural History." Journal of American History 86, no. 3 (December 1999): 1313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568620.

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27

Graybill, Lyn, Richard Elphick, and Rodney Davenport. "Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Social, and Cultural History." African Studies Review 42, no. 3 (December 1999): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525308.

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28

Unterhalter, Elaine, Richard Elphick, and Rodney Davenport. "Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Cultural, and Social History." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 2 (2000): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220691.

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29

WARD, K. "Christianity in South Africa: A political, social and cultural history." African Affairs 97, no. 389 (October 1, 1998): 567–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007971.

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30

Lye, William F., Richard Elphick, and Rodney Davenport. "Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Social, and Cultural History." American Historical Review 105, no. 4 (October 2000): 1435. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651600.

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31

Cabrita, Joel, and Natasha Erlank. "New Histories of Christianity in South Africa: Review and introduction." South African Historical Journal 70, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 307–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2018.1495753.

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32

Krüger, Jacobus S. "Towards a Religious Recontextualisation of Reformed Christianity." Religion and Theology 6, no. 1 (1999): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430199x00029.

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AbstractBy making explicit the perspective on infinity in terms of which Reformed religion will be viewed here, I will be able to explain my understanding of both the failure and the dignity of that branch of Christianity, and of its presence in South Africa. I shall neither protest loyally from within the confines of Reformed thinking and practice, nor berate from without, but map it on a wider metaphysical-mystical landscape. That will enable us to indicate its limitations as well as its redeeming qualities. I believe that Reformed religion may be re-assembled on the other side of such a critical interpretation. For that religion, if narrowed down dogmatically (as has traditionally been the case in South Africa), has bad consequences - not least for Reformed Christianity itself On the other hand, the Reformed view - if opened, as will be suggested here - may add significantly to the wider human religious discourse.

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33

Czeglédy, André. "A New Christianity for a New South Africa: Charismatic Christians and the Post-Apartheid Order." Journal of Religion in Africa 38, no. 3 (2008): 284–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006608x323504.

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AbstractThe international growth of Pentecostalism has seen a rush of congregations in Africa, many of which have tapped into a range of both local and global trends ranging from neo-liberal capitalism to tele-evangelism to youth music. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, this discussion focuses on the main Johannesburg congregation of a grouping of churches that have successfully engaged with aspects of socio-economic transformation in post-apartheid South Africa. Such engagement has involved conspicuous alignment with aspects of contemporary South African society, including an acceptance of broader policy projects of the nation state. I argue that the use of a variety of symbolic and thematic elements of a secular nature in the Sunday services of this church reminds and inspires congregants to consider wider social perspectives without challenging the sacred realm of faith.

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34

Lombard, Daniël B. "The Manifestation of Religious Pluralism in Christian Izibongo." Religion and Theology 6, no. 2 (1999): 168–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430199x00128.

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AbstractThe article contributes to scholarly inquiry into religious pluralism in South Africa, in particular to how Christian doctrine interacts with the African worldview. Evidence for the intercultural and interreligious discourse is based on an analysis of a eulogy of Christ, created and performed in the traditional style of izibongo, or Zulu praise poetry. The conclusion is drawn that the eulogy is a manifestation of vigorous interreligious dynamics, showing that Christianity and izibongo are both remarkably protean in their potential for creative interaction. Christianity is embraced, but simultaneously transformed by the indigenous genre; praise poetry can assert its traditional style, but itself becomes transmuted by Christian doctrine.

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Hale, Frederick. "FORECASTING THE FUTURE OF RELIGION IN THE 1920s: RAMSDEN BALMFORTH’S POST-ORTHODOX PROGNOSTICATIONS." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 2 (December 18, 2015): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/88.

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Standing at the apogee of post-Protestant theological liberalism, the scholarly Unitarian minister Ramsden Balmforth, who served the Unitarian Church in Cape Town from 1897 until 1937, responded to a broad spectrum of issues affecting South African religious, political and economic life. Having been moulded by Fabian socialism in his native Yorkshire, however, and informed by the theology of such denominational fellows as Joseph Estlin Carpenter during his student years in Oxford, he remained relatively marginalised on the ecclesiastical landscape of South Africa. Despite this quasi-isolation, Balmforth sought in the late 1920s to predict the future of Christianity or religious life generally not only in his adopted homeland, but also on an international scale. In the present article his conceptualisation is analysed in the historical context of his theological liberalism generally, and a critique of his prognostications is offered which highlights Balmforth’s failure to come to grips with the fact that his liberalism, which he regarded as a virtually inevitable product of cultural history, had failed to make nearly any inroads on the increasingly complex kaleidoscope of South African Christianity.

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Frahm-Arp, Maria. "Pentecostalism, Politics, and Prosperity in South Africa." Religions 9, no. 10 (October 3, 2018): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100298.

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One of the fastest growing religious movements in South Africa is a form of Pentecostal Charismatic Evangelic (PCE) Christianity that has some version of prosperity theology as a central pillar. This paper, based on sermons and interviews with 97 PCE pastors in the area of Johannesburg, South Africa, argues that these churches form loose clusters defined by similar emphases along a continuum of prosperity theology. These clusters are “abilities prosperity,” “progress prosperity,” and “miracle prosperity.” Some churches fall neatly into one of the clusters, while others appear as more of a hybrid between two of these types. The paper shows that a relationship exists between the type of theology preached by PCE churches and the nature and extent of the political engagement that the pastors suggested that members in these churches should have.

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Francis, Leslie J., Shirley Kerr, and Christopher Alan Lewis. "Assessing Attitude towards Christianity among Adolescents in South Africa: The Francis Scale." South African Journal of Psychology 35, no. 1 (March 2005): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124630503500109.

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To facilitate cross-cultural research in the psychology of religion, a sample of 453 young people from Grades 8, 9,10,11 and 12 attending a secondary school within the provincial education department in South Africa completed the Francis scale of Attitude Towards Christianity. The data provide preliminary evidence that supports the reliability and validity of this instrument, and commend it for further examination across a wider and more representative sample of learners within other ethnic and language groups in South Africa.

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Maluleke, Tinyiko Sam. "The Crucified Reflected in Africa's Cross-Bearers." Mission Studies 17, no. 1 (2000): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338300x00109.

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AbstractIn this article, given as a keynote address at the Tenth International Congress of IAMS in Hammaskraal, South Africa, South African theologian Tinyiko Maluleke attempts to paint a rough picture of popular African Christology in the light of the Conference theme: "Reflecting Jesus Christ: Crucified and Living in a Broken World." He first notes that grass-root African Christianity harbors a dialectic of identification and non-identification with the suffering and experiences of Christ. On the one hand he is recognizable to Africans in his suffering and yet on the other hand it is recognized that he is like no one. Secondly, Maluleke reflects upon the challenge of reconciliation in Africa and in the light of the crucified and broken body of Christ. He explores the notions of forgiveness and truth and their relation to power. Thirdly, he considers the need and scarcity of hope in Africa. Hopelessness is in a sense one of the greatest indicators of Africa's brokenness. Fourth, Maluleke notes and briefly explores some possible implications of the shift of Christian gravity and the place of Africa in it. Fifth, he notes some contradictions to the massive Christian presence on the continent. Our theological approaches, he says, must acknowledge and own up to the brokenness of the continent. Only thus can African Christians come to appreciate the reality and worth of Jesus' brokenness for themselves. Perhaps in this way African Christians may be able to reflect (on) something of both the death and the resurrection of Christ.

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Gerrand, Priscilla, and Mzikazi Nkuna. "Father Absence in the Lives of Female African Youth Living in Mpumalanga, South Africa." Social Work & Christianity 48, no. 2 (May 5, 2021): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.34043/swc.v48i2.189.

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Father absence in the family system is a pervasive, critical social problem in South Africa. It is related to a number of issues such as rape, migration, denied paternity and incarceration. A qualitative case study conducted in Mpumalanga, South Africa, explored how African young women experience absent fathers. Non-probability, purposive and random sampling were used to recruit prospective participants. Data were gathered by personally interviewing twenty research participants, aged between 15 and 25 years. Data were analysed thematically. Findings revealed that young women demonstrate the ability to manage this type of significant ‘loss’ by using Christianity as a constructive coping strategy. The conclusion drawn is that social workers adopting the strengths-based approach and the role of religious constructivist can enhance the healthy psychological, social and emotional development of young women experiencing absent fat

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Hexham, Irving, Jean Comaroff, John Comaroff, and Jonathan Neil Gerstner. "Of Revelation and Revolution: Christianity, Colonialism and Consciousness in South Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 27, no. 3 (1993): 499. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485699.

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Oosthuizen, G. C. "Indigenous Christianity and the Future of the Church in South Africa." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 21, no. 1 (January 1997): 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693939702100102.

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Ngong, D. "The Social History of Christianity in South Africa 1487 to 1994." Journal of Church and State 51, no. 3 (June 1, 2009): 528–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csp081.

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Müller, Retief. "Beyers Naudé (1915–2004): Christianity, violence, and reconciliation in South Africa." Theology Today 72, no. 3 (October 2015): 299–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573615601470.

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Ganiel, Gladys. "Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in South Africa and Zimbabwe: A Review." Religion Compass 4, no. 3 (March 2010): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8171.2009.00203.x.

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Hayes, Stephen. "Orthodox Diaspora and Mission in South Africa." Studies in World Christianity 16, no. 3 (December 2010): 286–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2010.0105.

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The Orthodox diaspora has, paradoxically, spread Orthodox Christianity throughout the world, but has not contributed much to Orthodox mission. Even after the third or fourth generation of immigrants, church services are generally held in the language of the countries from which the immigrants came. This is certainly true of South Africa, where most of the Orthodox immigration has been from Greece and Cyprus, with smaller groups of Russians, Serbs, Bulgarians, Lebanese and Romanians. Though there were immigrants from these countries in southern Africa in the middle of the nineteenth century, it was only at the beginning of the twentieth century that Orthodox clergy arrived and churches were built, first in Cape Town and then in Johannesburg. It was only in the twenty-first century that clergy began to be ordained locally in any numbers. The churches therefore tended to be ethnic enclaves, and apathetic towards, or even opposed to, mission and outreach to other ethnic communities.

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Nagy, Dorottya. "Berglund, Bruce R. and Brian Porter-Szűcs, eds. 2013. Christianity and Modernity in Eastern Europe. Budapest and New York: Central European University Press. 386 pp." Hungarian Cultural Studies 7 (January 9, 2015): 405–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2014.155.

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Berglund, Bruce R. and Brian Porter-Szűcs, eds. 2013. Christianity and Modernity in Eastern Europe. Budapest and New York: Central European University Press. 386 pp. Reviewed by Dorottya Nagy, University of South Africa, Helsinki, Finland.

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Luyaluka, Kiatezua Lubanzadio. "Theological Proofs of the Kinship of Ancient Egypt With South-Saharan Africa Rather Than Eastern and Western Civilizations." Journal of Black Studies 50, no. 1 (October 25, 2018): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718808299.

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This article deals with the issue of the kinship of ancient Egyptian civilization with the neighboring ones. To the melanin-level proof offered by Cheikh Anta Diop and Obenga’s evidence of the linguistic relatedness of Kemet to the south-Saharan Africa, this article adds a theological proof. The article shows that the Eastern and Western epistemic paradigms brought by Persians and Greeks was destructive to the scientific nature of the religion ancient Egypt shared with Sumer and primitive Christianity; while, as seen through Kôngo religion which is demonstrated to be the continuation of kemetic religion, the epistemic paradigm of African traditional culture nurtures this religion. Therefore, the natural theological kinship of ancient Egypt is with south-Saharan African rather than with Asia and Europe.

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M, R. "War, religion, and white supremacy in comparative perspective: South Africa and the American South." Verbum et Ecclesia 25, no. 1 (October 5, 2004): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v25i1.267.

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The southern states of the United States of America and South Africa share a number of analogous historical realities. One of these, which is the main subject of this article, is the way in which the memory of a lost war had fused cultural mythology and religious symbolism to provide a foundation for the formation and maintenance of attitudes of white supremacy in both contexts. This article seeks to achieve a historical understanding of the complex interrelationship between the development of cultural identity and Protestant Christianity by focusing on these issues in the histories of the Afrikaner and the white American Southerner in comparative perspective.

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Anthony, David Henry. "Max Yergan, Marxism and Mission during the Interwar Era." Social Sciences and Missions 22, no. 2 (2009): 257–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489309x12537778667273.

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AbstractFrom 1922 through 1936 Max Yergan, an African-American graduate of historically Black Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina represented the North American YMCA in South Africa through the auspices of the Student Christian Association. A student secretary since his sophomore year in 1911, with Indian and East African experience in World War One, Yergan's star rose sufficiently to permit him entry into the racially challenging South Africa field after a protracted campaign waged on his behalf by such interfaith luminaries as Gold Coast proto nationalist J.E.K. Aggrey and the formidable Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois. Arriving on the eve of the Great Rand Mine Strike of 1922, Yergan's South African years were punctuated by political concerns. Entering the country as an Evangelical Pan-Africanist influenced by the social gospel thrust of late nineteenth and early twentieth century American Protestantism that reached the YMCA and other faith-friendly but nondenominational organizations, Yergan became favorably disposed to Marxist and Marxist-Leninist doctrine in the course of his South African posting. Against the backdrop of the labor agitation of the post World War One era and the expansion and transformation of the South African Communist Party that occurred during the mid to late nineteen twenties, Yergan's response to what he termed "the appeal of Communism" made him an avatar of a liberation theology fusing Marxist revolution and Christianity. This paper details some of the trajectory of that momentous and profound personal evolution.

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Switzer, Les, Jean Comaroff, and John Comaroff. "Christianity, Colonialism and the Postmodern Project in South Africa: The Comaroffs Revisited." Canadian Journal of African Studies 32, no. 1 (1998): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486235.

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