Journal articles: 'Christians in Palestine'

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O'Mahony, Anthony. "Christians in Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 28, no. 3 (1999): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538319.

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Raheb, Tala. "Christian Agency and Lutheran Personal Status Laws in Palestine." Exchange 49, no. 3-4 (November 9, 2020): 278–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341570.

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Abstract In describing Christianity in the Middle East, scholars often highlight religious oppression, especially in relation to the larger Islamic context. Such contentious descriptions often cast Christians in the role of dhimmis, who are tolerated but not regarded as equal members of Muslim societies. Only in recent years some scholars have begun to modify their depictions of Christians and Christian-Muslim relations in the Middle East. While Christians in the Middle East have experienced and in certain regions continue to experience persecution, solely portraying them as victims does not do justice to the reality on the ground. By means of a case study on Palestine, I argue that an examination of the interaction between sharia (Islamic law) and Christian personal status laws sheds a different light on Christian identity and Christian-Muslim relations in the Middle East, and demonstrates the agency of Palestinian Christian communities in this respect.

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Wingerter, Rex B. "Christians, Jews, and Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 16, no. 3 (1987): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2536801.

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Smith, Julie Ann. "“My Lord's Native Land”: Mapping the Christian Holy Land." Church History 76, no. 1 (March 2007): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700101398.

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In the fourth and early fifth centuries Christians laid claim to the land of Palestine. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the investment of the land of Palestine and its places with Christian historical and cultural meanings, and to trace its remapping as the “holy land.” This map was not a figurative representation of geographical and cultural features; as with all maps, it was an idea. The Christian “holy land” is also an idea, one which did not exist at the beginning of the fourth century, but which, by the mid-fifth century, was a place constructed of a rich texture of places, beliefs, actions, and texts, based in the notion that the landscape provided evidence of biblical truths. When Constantine became a Christian, there was no “holy land”; however, over the succeeding one hundred and thirty years Christians marked and identified many of their holy places in Palestine. The map-makers in this transformation were emperors, bishops, monastics, holy women, and pilgrims who claimed the holy places for Christianity, constructing the land as topographically Christian and mediating this view of their world through their pilgrim paths, buildings, liturgies, and texts. The idea of mapping is used here as an aid to understanding the formation of cultural viewpoints and the validation of ideas and actions that informed the construction of the “holy land.”

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Edwards, Robert G. T. "Proverbs 8, Christological Controversies, and the Pre-existence of the Son and Torah in the Third and Fourth Centuries." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 67–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12511274.

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Abstract This article argues that the opening of Genesis Rabbah 1 can be read productively in conversation with Christian controversies which raged from the middle of the third century to the fourth century. In rabbinic literature, it is not until the Amoraic period, in Palestine, that Proverbs 8 began to be employed as a proof of Torah’s pre-existence. This is precisely the same time that Christians engaged in heated debate as to the pre-existence of the Son, also based on Proverbs 8, not least in Palestine. By way of a broad reading of the christological controversies of this era, and a close reading of the exegesis of Proverbs 8 in Genesis Rabbah 1, the obscure debate partners of Genesis Rabbah 1 come to light: Christians who were debating the pre-existence of Wisdom.

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Shaham, Ron. "Christian and Jewish Waqf in Palestine during the late Ottoman period." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54, no. 3 (October 1991): 460–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00000823.

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This article deals with Palestinian Christians and Jews who availed themselves of the Muslim pious endowment institution (waqf, pi. awqāf) during the late Ottoman period. In Judaism and Christianity we find pious endowment institutions: the Jewish ‘Hekdesh’ and the Christian ‘Piae Causae’. In both religions there exists an ancient tradition of endowments for purposes which are quite similar to those of the waqf. In spite of this, Christians and Jews in Muslim territories availed themselves of the waqf from the Middle Ages until the end of the Ottoman state. This is an example of the use by minorities of the majority's legal system.

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Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Palestinian Christian Politics in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Jerusalem's Churches and the Indigenous Arab Christians." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 2 (November 2011): 199–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0015.

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The rapid development of the Palestinian national struggle from a rebel guerrilla movement in the 1960s and 1970s to an organisation with many of the attributes of an organised state in the 1980s and 1990s contributed to the politicisation of the Palestinian Christian church in Palestine-Israel. During this period, certain Israeli policies that included land confiscations, church and property destruction, building restrictions and a consequent mass emigration of the faithful, all contributed to a new restrictive climate of political intolerance being faced by the churches. The 1990s and 2000s saw the start and doom of the Oslo ‘peace process’ between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation as well as the fruition of many Israeli territorial and settlement policies regarding the Old City and mainly Arab-inhabited East Jerusalem as well as the West Bank of historic Palestine. Church-State relations plummeted to their lowest point in decades during this period. The results of the suspicion and distrust created by these experiences continue to dog the mutual relations of Israelis, Palestinian Christians and Muslims in the Holy Land.

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Parkkinen, Mari. "Denominational Mobility among Palestinian Christians." Exchange 50, no. 1 (March 19, 2021): 30–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341584.

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Abstract This article examines denominational mobility – switching or crossing denominational lines – among Palestinian Christians in Palestine. The study uses qualitative methods and content-driven analysis of interviews with thirty-five Palestinian Christians, conducted in February, March, April and November 2017. The results suggest that denominational mobility is happening among Palestinian Christians between Orthodox, Catholic, mainline Protestant, and Evangelical communities. The analysis revealed three main motives for this denominational mobility: personal belief, marital and family reasons and socio/economic related reasons. Interviewees most often mentioned personal belief as the primary reason for denominational mobility, followed by marital or family matters. Additionally, within the population interviewed, young adults and women were the most mobile in their denominational affiliation. Furthermore, this research suggests that an individualistic impulse in denominational mobility is present within the Palestinian Christian community where denominational mobility traditionally is not encouraged.

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Bassal, Ibrahim. "HEBREW AND ARAMAIC ELEMENTS IN THE ISRAELI VERNACULAR CHRISTIAN-‐ARABIC AND IN THE WRITTEN CHRISTIAN ARABIC OF PALESTINE, SYRIA, AND LEBANON." Levantine Review 4, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v4i1.8721.

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This essay examines the Hebrew and Aramaic residues in the Arabic vernacular spoken by Israeli Christians and the written Arabic of Christians in the Holy Land, Syria, and Lebanon. The corpus of the spoken Christian-Arabic under consideration here is based on cassette recordings of elderlies who live in Christian villages in northern Israel - namely in Fassuta, Me’ilya, Tarshiha, Bqe’a, Jiish, Kufir Yasif, Ekreth, Bir’im, Ibilleen and Shfa’amir.The corpus of the written Christian-Arabic being reviewed is based mainly on folk tales, poems, proverbs, dictionaries, Bible translations, books of interpretations, and liturgical sources.

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Omar, A. Rashied. "Kairos Palestine - The Voice of Palestinian Christians." Ecumenical Review 63, no. 1 (March 2011): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6623.2010.00100_1.x.

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Ariel, Yaakov. "Israel in Contemporary Evangelical Christian Millennial Thought." Numen 59, no. 5-6 (2012): 456–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341235.

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Abstract Israel and the Jewish people play a central role in the millennial thought of evangelical Christians. Drawing on older Christian messianic elements, as well as introducing new concepts, evangelicals have looked upon the Jews as historical Israel and at Palestine as ground zero of End-Times millennial events. Beginning in the nineteenth century, evangelicals have become actively involved in attempts to build a Jewish commonwealth in Palestine. They have looked upon the building of a Jewish state as a “sign of the time,” an indication that the current era is ending and the messianic events are about to occur. Especially in the aftermath of the 1967 war, evangelicals have become ardent supporters of Israel, turning in effect into a pro-Israel lobby in Washington and, at times, in other capitals too. Although evangelical Christians are engaged in extensive missionary work among Jews, an unprecedented cooperation has developed between groups of evangelicals and Orthodox-nationalist Jews. Among the mutual projects is the attempt to build the Temple in Jerusalem in preparation for the events preceding the arrival of the Messiah to earth.

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Sours, Michael. "1844 Ottoman "Edict of Toleration" in Baha'i Secondary Literature." Journal of Bahá’í Studies 8, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31581/jbs-8.3.446(1998).

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In Baha'i secondary literature, it has been commonly assumed that an Imperial Edict, referred to by Christians and Baha'i authors as the "Edict of Toleration" issued in 1844 by the Ottoman governement permitted Jews to return to Palestine. The return of Jews to palestine was widely thought by Christian to be an important event anticipated by bibllical prophecy and heralding the Second Advent of Christ. Since the fulfilment of such a significant prophecy seemed to have been made possible by an edict issued in the very year the Baha'i era began, the Edict naturally captured the interest of Baha'is. This article examines the Edict, its origin, the evolution of ideas about it, and re-evaluates its significance.

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Milewski, Ireneusz. "Kilka uwag o paramedycznym zastosowaniu oliwy przez chrześcijan w okresie wczesnobizantyńskim." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 357–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3590.

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Sources of the Early Byzantine Period describe Christian practices of using oil for medical purposes. These practices were not usual medical procedures. The sources describe the medical use of oil obtained from church lamps or given by clergymen or by holy men, whose prayers were believed to strengthened the “medical” properties of the oil. These practices were used by Christians in many provinces of the Eastern Roman Empire, including Egypt, Palestine, Syria and Bithynia.

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Griffith, Sidney H. "When Did the Bible Become an Arabic Scripture?" Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 1, no. 1-2 (2013): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20130102.

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While the circumstances were favorable to the translation of the Jewish and Christian scriptures into Arabic in writing in pre-Islamic times, there is no compelling evidence to support the conclusion that such a translation was ever made. Rather the evidence of the Qurʾān along with other considerations suggests that prior to the rise of Islam, Jewish and Christian scripture texts circulated orally in Arabic and that the earliest Arabic translations in writing appeared first among the Christians in the monastic communities in Palestine and probably in part at least in response to the appearance of the Arabic Qurʾān itself in writing at the turn of the seventh and eighth centuries.

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Turner, Garth. "Archbishop Lang’s Visit to the Holy Land in 1931." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 343–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014522.

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The overthrow of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War opened a new chapter in the history of the Holy Land. New and particular local tensions arose, especially in the aftermath of the Balfour Declaration between Jews and Arabs. In the post-war settlement, the British Mandate in Palestine gave rulership to a Christian power - and one with its own established Church - for the first time since the thirteenth century. Within the Christian community itself, the rise of an ecumenical movement also changed perspectives, challenging the rivalries which were particularly evident at that central shrine of Christianity, the Holy Sepulchre. The visit of Archbishop Lang of Canterbury to Palestine and Jerusalem in 1931 illustrates the primate’s own personal responses to the experience of the Holy Land, while also reflecting the need for tact and diplomacy in dealing with a particular set of circumstances in which the presence of the leader of the Anglican communion might be seen as intrusive, even threatening, to the religious modus vivendi already established there between Christians.

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Macpherson, Duncan. "Prophetic Preaching, Liberation Theology and the Holy Land." Holy Land Studies 3, no. 2 (November 2004): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2004.3.2.233.

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For Christian preachers the Holy Land is essential to understanding the Bible. Preachers often leave modern Israel-Palestine out of their preaching picture. Others, fundamentalist preachers, support modern Israel for its part in an apocalyptic drama of the last times. A third group sees the land as the recompense to the Jewish people for their sufferings – reinforced for some by a residually literalist interpretation of Scripture. Still others show solidarity with indigenous Palestinian Christians, developing a theology of liberation emphasising God's preferential option for the poor – the Palestinians and all oppressed people. Homiletic strategies will be sketched to illustrate this last approach.

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Melikyan, Sofia, and Anastasia Edelshtain. "From the poetic heritage of Sulayman, bishop of Gaza (10th–11th cent.)." St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 73 (December 30, 2022): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202273.135-150.

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The publication presents a commented interlinear and literary translation of two qasidas (poems) from the Divan (collection) of the first known Arab Christian poet – Sulayman al-Ghazzi, bishop of Gaza in Palestine (Xth-XIth cent.). His poetic work is the earliest attempt at using the metrical and stylistic tools of classical Arabic poetry for purely Christian subjects. The Divan also contains multiple autobiographical data and important historical evidence of Christian persecution under the Fatimid caliph al-Hakim, including the destruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Despite their unique significance, very few of Sulayman’s poems have been translated into a modern language. The two selected qasidas belong to the opposite traditional genres of Arabic poetry – reproach and praise. In the first one the Jews who rejected Christ are targeted; the other one is focused on righteous Christians and their liturgy. In addition, the first qasida is rich in biblical allusions and quotations, loosely reworked by the author in a poetic vein, and the second one gives a detailed description of the divine service and is therefore a valuable evidence of the liturgical life of Palestinian Christians in Sulayman’s era.

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Sandford, Michael J. "Is Jesus Palestinian? Palestinian Christian Perspectives on Judaism, Ethnicity and the New Testament." Holy Land Studies 13, no. 2 (November 2014): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2014.0086.

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This article examines the views of eight prominent Palestinian Christians about Jesus' relationship to Judaism, and Jesus' relationship to contemporary Palestinian identity. These questions are explored within the context of two significant political phenomena: the emphasis on the Jewishness of Jesus within Western biblical studies and theology in the past four decades, and the prevalence of defamatory accusations of anti-Semitism against Palestinian Christians by their critics. This study offers a unique perspective on the question of the identity of the figure of Jesus within the context of the Palestine/Israel conflict, and demonstrates the geopolitical significance of the question of Jesus' relationship with Judaism for both Christians and Jews.

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Kibble, David G., and Mike Fligg. "Jews and Christians from Leeds discuss the Israel/Palestine issue and visit Israel and Palestine together." Theology 120, no. 1 (January 2017): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x16669280.

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This article will enable the reader to ‘listen in’ to some of the discussion that took place in a series of meetings of an interfaith group in Leeds which looked at the issue of Israel and Palestine. Following a brief description of problems associated with education about ‘the other’ in both countries, it concludes with an account of a joint Jewish/Christian fact-finding visit to Israel and Palestine in which education was one of the featured topics under investigation.

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Reiher, Jim. "Violent language – a clue to the historical occasion of James." Evangelical Quarterly 85, no. 3 (April 30, 2013): 228–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08503003.

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The epistle of James is often seen to be nothing more than a New Testament book of proverbial sayings to live the Christian life by. Form criticism over the last century has reduced James to a collection of pearls randomly strung together in no particular order and with no overarching specific theme or purpose. This paper challenges that view and offers the reader an alternative way of seeing James. It is argued that James wrote in days of social turmoil and injustice, when social banditry groups were growing in Palestine. The very vocabulary used (and illustrations made) adds weight to the thesis that James was written during violent times. James wrote in a context where even Jewish Christians were being tempted to join these pre-zealot banditry groups. Indeed some had joined and were participating in violent reprisals against the perpetrators of injustices. James is furious. He calls on Jewish Christians to live like Christ: to be non-violent, peacemakers, practical in their help for those who are suffering, patient, and prayerful. He categorically rejects the idea that Christians can use the ways of the world (violence, warring, theft) in their response to poverty and injustice.

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Nathanson, Barbara Geller. "Jews, Christians, and the Gallus Revolt in Fourth-Century Palestine." Biblical Archaeologist 49, no. 1 (March 1986): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3209979.

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DVORJETSKI, Estée. "Christians at the Thermo-Mineral Baths in Roman-Byzantine Palestine." ARAM Periodical 18 (December 31, 2006): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/aram.18.0.2020720.

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JAD, ISLAH. "Rereading the British Mandate in Palestine: Gender and the Urban–Rural Divide in Education." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 3 (August 2007): 338–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380707047x.

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Under Ottoman rule, the relations between native Arabs and Jews in Palestine were based on understanding and respect, as was the case between Muslims and Christians. Shared enrolment of Jewish, Muslim, and Christian students in the same schools—either the Jewish Alliance Israelite schools (established in 1882) or in the nizamiyya, the Ottoman public schools first established by the Turkish law of 1869—promoted mutual understanding for a small elite. In contrast, the British Mandate policy in education played a major role in reshaping national, regional, and class and gender identities. It was through education that two separate national entities were developed, the urban/rural division was deepened, class boundaries were rendered unbridgable, and gender identities were molded to suit the British model.

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Baumann, Roger. "Race and the Politics of Pilgrimage for African American Christians in Palestine and Israel." Religions 13, no. 10 (September 21, 2022): 880. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13100880.

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African American Christian travel to Israel and Palestine demonstrates the role of overlapping racial and religious identities in shaping how travelers understand their experiences in the Holy Land variously as traditional religious pilgrimage, tourism, and political engagement. While traditional accounts of pilgrimage frame it as an experience set apart from mundane realities and social hierarchies, new perspectives in the study of pilgrimage show how the social identities of travelers may shape religiously inspired travel. Four case studies of African American Christian travel to Palestine and Israel—including Christian Zionist and Palestinian solidarity tours—show how participant experiences and interpretations of sites are shaped by overlapping religious and racial collective identities, which affect the religious, economic, and political perceptions of travelers. The relevance of race to pilgrimage varies depending on past experiences of racial and religious histories, perceptions of racial injustice, race-specific theologies, and religious ethics. Solidarities with resident Israelis and Palestinians are encouraged or rejected depending on participant interpretations of overlapping racial and religious identities.

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Abbasi, Mustafa. "The Battle for the Galilee: Maronites and the Palestine Village of Jish during the 1948 War." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 15, no. 2 (November 2016): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2016.0143.

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This article explores one of the Galilee battles that took place during the 1948 War. During the Israeli ‘Operation Hiram’ of October 1948 the IDF forces occupied large parts of the central Galilee including the Palestinian Arab village of Jish. Until October 1948 the majority of the population of Jish was Muslim. Today the population is predominantly Maronite Catholic and Melkite Greek Catholic Christians, with a Muslim minority. However, unlike many of the destroyed Palestinian villages in this region, Jish managed to survive the Nakba despite the hard battle of Jish, although many of its Muslim inhabitants were driven out to Lebanon. It is interesting to observe that local Christian leaders successfully coped with a major military operation. The article gives us a new perspective based on original sources on what took place in the Galilee and on the fate of the local Arab (Muslim and Christian) population in this region.

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Berg, H. L. Murre-Van Den. "Why Protestant Churches? The American Board and the Eastern Churches: Mission among ‘Nominal’ Christians (1820-70)." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 13 (2000): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002805.

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IntroductionIn Palestine, Syria, the provinces of Asia Minor, Armenia, Georgia, and Persia, though Mohammedan countries, there are many thousands of Jews, and many thousands of Christians, at least in name. But the whole mingled population is in a state of deplorable ignorance and degradation, – destitute of the means of divine knowledge, and bewildered with vain imaginations and strong delusions.

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CHRYSOSTOMIDES, ANNA. "Creating a Theology of Icons in Umayyad Palestine: John of Damascus’ ‘Three Treatises on the Divine Images’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, no. 1 (August 20, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204692000007x.

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John of Damascus (c. 655–745) is a striking figure in church history as a defender of icon veneration and as a Church Father who maintained Byzantine Orthodoxy despite living under Muslim rule. His life amongst Muslims and his association with the Umayyad Melkite Christian community, the Christian Church which attempted to maintain an adherence to Byzantine Orthodoxy after the Arab conquest, is often associated with his defence of icons. However, most scholarship claims that his Three treatises on the divine images were written solely against Byzantine iconoclasm. This article provides a close reading of his Treatises focusing on themes which overlap with contemporary Jewish and Muslim debates on figurative images, arguing that John wrote his Treatises in an attempt to create a seminal Melkite theology on icons for both Byzantine and Umayyad Christians faced with iconoclastic arguments from all three Abrahamic faiths.

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Christiansen, Drew. "Christian Arabs in Palestine: Palestinian Christians: Religion, Politics and Society in the Holy Land . Anthony O'Mahony." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 4 (October 2000): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2000.29.4.02p0086a.

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Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Church–State Relations in Palestine: Empires, Arab Nationalism and the Indigenous Greek Orthodox, 1880–1940." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 1 (May 2011): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0003.

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The need to negotiate and resolve ethno-nationalistic aspirations on the part of dependent and subject communities of faith-believers is a complex issue. The Ottoman Empire formed a classic case in this context. This article is a historical-political reflection on a small group of Christians within the broader Arab and ‘Greek’ Christian milieu that once formed the backbone of the earlier Byzantine and later Ottoman empires. The native Arab Orthodox of Palestine in the twilight years of the Ottoman Empire found themselves in a struggle between their religious affiliations with Mediterranean Greek Orthodoxy and Western Christendom as opposed to the then ascendant star of nationalist pan-Arabism in the Middle East. The supersession of the Ottoman Empire by the British colonial Mandatory system in Palestine and the loss of imperial Russian support for the Arab Orthodox in the Holy Land naturally meant that they relied more on social and political cooperation with their fellow Palestinian Muslims. This was to counter the dominance extended by the ethnic Greek ecclesiastical hierarchy in the Holy Land over the historically Arab Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem with support from elements within the Greek Republic and the British Mandatory authorities.

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Groh, Dennis E. "Jews and Christians in Late Roman Palestine: Towards a New Chronology." Biblical Archaeologist 51, no. 2 (June 1988): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3210029.

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Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Theologies of Liberation in Latin America and Palestine-Israel in Comparative Perspective: Contextual Differences and Practical Similarities." Holy Land Studies 9, no. 1 (May 2010): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2010.0003.

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This article concerns the development of a theology of Christian liberation and contextual polity from its early origins in Latin America to one of its present manifestations as part of the Palestinian people's struggle for justice and freedom from the state of Israel. This article will be primarily dedicated to a historical and political analysis of the theological context, which includes three different strands. First, there was the development of theologies of liberation, as they are made manifest in Latin America and elsewhere. Next, there was the theology of other Palestinian Christians, and particularly that of the Al-Liqa group that contributed to the development of a contextual Palestinian theology of liberation within the ‘occupied’ context that is Palestine today. And finally there was the case of Palestinian Protestant Christian theologians such as the Rev. Dr Naim Ateek and the Rev. Dr Mitri Raheb who have raised definitional issues regarding liberation theology and Palestinian contextual Christianity.

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Alnaimatt, Fawaz Awdat. "The Christians of Jerusalem during the British Mandate, 1917–48." Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 118–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1241532.

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This study sheds a light on the history of the Christians of Jerusalem during the period of occupation and the British Mandate, 1917–48. It relies on a set of sources and references, among the most important of which are reports, telegrams, messages and letters exchanged between the British leadership in Palestine and the British Foreign Ministry as well as the Ministry of British Colonies (British Colonial Administration); in addition to Palestinian daily and weekly newspapers; as well as modern sources, studies and memoirs.

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Surna, Suriawan, Aji Suseno, and Paul Kristiyono. "Kisah Exodus Bani Israil sebagai Titik Temu Terhadap Perspektif Umat Beragama untuk Jalan Damai." JURNAL KADESI 3, no. 2 (July 31, 2021): 156–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54765/ejurnalkadesi.v3i2.7.

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It is undeniable that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has the potential to create chaos in relations between Christians and Muslims at the grassroots level. The perspective from a religious point of view often complicates the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It must be realized, however, that from a religious perspective there is a meeting point between Islam and Christianity so as to prevent conflict among religious communities. The meeting point of the Islamic and Christian viewpoints can be based on the story of the exodus or the release of the Israelites or the Hebrews from slavery in the land of Egypt which is written in the Bible and the Koran. Exodus (the liberation of the people of Israel from slavery in Egypt) can be a meeting point for Christians and Muslims in Indonesia to establish a dialogue that respects and appreciates each other in good relations between the two religious communities, and further provides an understanding that religious perspectives can be combined with the principles of international relations to achieve peace between Israel and Palestine within the framework of a two-state solution as championed by the Indonesian government internationally.

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Gribetz, Jonathan Marc. "WHENTHE ZIONIST IDEACAME TO BEIRUT: JUDAISM, CHRISTIANITY, AND THE PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION'S TRANSLATION OF ZIONISM." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 2 (April 7, 2016): 243–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000015.

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AbstractIn 1970, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Research Center in Beirut published an Arabic translation ofThe Zionist Idea, an anthology of classic Zionist texts compiled originally by Arthur Hertzberg in 1959. This article compares how the two versions present the biographies and motivations of key Zionist ideologues. It suggests that, in contrast to Hertzberg, the PLO researchers tended to present Zionism, especially at its roots, as a Jewishreligiousmovement. Attempting to discern what might lie behind this conception of Zionism, the article considers the significance of the religious backgrounds of the leadership of the PLO Research Center and of those involved in the translation project. It argues that the researchers’ concern about the status of Christians as a religious minority among Palestinians and other Arabs and certain deeply rooted Christian ideas about the nature of Judaism may help account for the particular view of Zionism that the Research Center developed in its—and in the PLO's—foundational years.

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MATTINGLY, Gerald L. "Attitudes of Early Protestant Missionaries toward Local Christians in Palestine and Transjordan." ARAM Periodical 18 (December 31, 2006): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/aram.18.0.2020730.

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Masalha, Nur. "Naji Al-Ali, Edward Said and Civil Liberation Theology in Palestine: Contextual, Indigenous and Decolonising Methodologies." Holy Land Studies 11, no. 2 (November 2012): 109–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2012.0041.

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This article coins a new expression: ‘civil liberation theology’ in Palestine. Astonishingly while feminist, black and post-colonial theologies of liberation have flourished in the West, there is little discussion of indigenous and decolonising perspectives or civil and secular-humanist reflections on liberation theology. Inspired by the works of Palestinian visual artist Naji Al-Ali and public intellectual Edward Said, the article brings into the debate on theologies of liberation in Palestine-Israel a neglected subject: an egalitarian, none-denominational theology rooted in decolonising methodologies. This civil liberation theology attempts to address the questions: how can exile be overcome? How can history be transcended and decolonised? And how can indigenous memory be reclaimed? The article brings into focus indigenous, humanist and non-religious ways of thinking on which Edward Said and Naji Al-Ali (in his famous figurative character Handhala) insisted. This civil liberation theology also draws on contrapuntal methodologies and critical indigenous and non-denominational theologies in ‘historic Palestine’ – progressive, creative and liberative theologies which occupy multiple sites of liberation and can be made relevant not only to people of faith (Muslims, Jews, Christians) but also to secular-humanists.

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Kibble, David, Neil Solden, and Hassan Abassi. "Jews, Christians and Muslims in Leeds Formulate Principles for Peace in Israel/Palestine." Modern Believing 50, no. 2 (April 2009): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mb.50.2.33.

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Poston, Larry. "Book Review: Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth-Century Palestine." Missiology: An International Review 40, no. 1 (January 2012): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182961204000120.

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Baumann, Roger. "A Social Fields Theory of Pilgrimage: African American Christians in Israel and Palestine." Sociological Forum 34, no. 3 (July 21, 2019): 685–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/socf.12520.

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Pace, Joseph L. "I Am a Palestinian Christian." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2180.

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Many small pieces fit together to create the puzzle that is Palestine. One of thesmaller, but certainly not insignificant, pieces of the puzzle is the PalestinianChristian community, which clearly traces its origins back to the first century.Mitri Raheb makes the comment that it is not necessary for a PalestinianChristian to go on pilgrimage because one “is already at the source itself, thepoint of origin” (p. 3). Pilgrimage in the sense of a physical journey is perhapsnot necessary, but some sort of spiritual exploration, which is at the heart of pilgrimage,is indeed in order. Raheb performs this pilgrimage in two ways: byexploring his family’s complicated denominational background and by providinga refreshing exegesis of a handful of biblical texts.One might assume that Palestinian Christians are all members of churchessuch as the Syrian Orthodox, Armenian, or Jacobite, together with a few adventurousconverts to eastern Orthodoxy or Roman Catholicism. The thought of aPalestinian Lutheran community is one that stretches the Western image of thePalestinian Christian community but does give a more accurate picture of thecomplicated Christian church in Palestine. In spite of its small and fragmentednature, the Palestinian Christian community has traditionally held an importantplace in the life of Palestine. Members of this community are historically progressiveand urban-oriented, many earning a living as merchants and shopkeepers(p. 19). The community is also traditionally well-educated and multilingual,in large part because of the evangelistic efforts of denominations such asGerman Lutherans and the English-speaking Anglican Church as well as otherProtestant denominations. Raheb notes that this Christian community has neverenjoyed political autonomy, as it has always existed withii occupied territory,ruled by Byzantines (technically Christian, although more concerned with politicaland cultural hegemony) and their Muslim and Ottoman successors and thenby British mandate and now by Israel. The absence of autonomy is a threat tothe swival of any community, especially a small community. Lack of self-government,or appropriate representation in the government, leads to a number ofsignificant threats to the community’s viability. Issues of economic, social, andpolitical injustice are all problems with which the Palestinian Christian communityhas had to contend.Emigration- or moving to new places where political, economic, and socialoppression are not as devastating-is one traditional way a community seeks topreserve itself; and, Raheb notes, it also has significant biblical antecedents,which become important later in the book as he explores the Exodus. Since1948, the size of the Palestinian Christian community has decreased significantly,in large part due to emigration to South and North America and WesternEurope. The comment has been made that within a few generations there will be ...

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Suski, Robert. "Aurelian a męczennicy." Vox Patrum 50 (June 15, 2007): 441–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6709.

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The persecution of Christians was stopped after capture of Valerian in June 260. During the forty-three years from 260 to 303 the Christian Church had a relatively comfortable conditions to growth. According to Eusebius of Ceasarea and Lactantius the emperor Aurelian (270-275) wanted to renew the persecution in the last few months of his reign. The emperor was assassinated by a conspiracy of his higher officers and he didn’t realize this plans. We have several accounts of martyrdoms which took place under Aurelian in Italy, Asia Minor, Palestine, Dalmatia and Gaul. The reliability of many of this martyrdoms is doubled. Some of this martyrs were genuine, but they hadn’t been punished during the rule of Aurelian. For example Felix was executed either rule of Valerian or Aurelian. Sometimes authors of acts of martyr confused Aurelian with Marcus Aurelius. The following names of martyrs are fictious. The dates of the martyrdoms don’t fit to chronology for thè end of Aurelian’s rule.

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Wilken, Robert L. "Early Christian Chiliasm, Jewish Messianism, and the Idea of the Holy Land." Harvard Theological Review 79, no. 1-3 (July 1986): 298–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000020575.

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For most Christians Jerusalem is a heavenly city of solace and peace, a safe haven after the trials of life in this world. “Jerusalem whose towers touch the skies, I yearn to come to you. Your shining streets have drawn my longing eyes, my life long journey through …” It is a symbol of the soul's yearning to find rest in God. “Jerusalem my happy home, when shall I come to thee, when shall my sorrows have an end, thy joys when shall I see?” Yet Jerusalem is also an actual city set on a hill on the edge of a desert, a city where Christians live and have lived for centuries but whose population today is largely Muslim and Jewish. At one time, in the years prior to the Muslim invasion of Palestine in the seventh century, it was the chief city in a land ruled by Christians. More than five hundred churches and monasteries marked the landscape and thousands of monks inhabited the caves of the Judaean desert. Jerusalem's eloquent bishops and learned priests wielded power in the great capital of the Byzantine world, Constantinople on the Bosporus.

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Mickiewicz, Franciszek. "The Missionary Activity of St. Peter Outside Palestine in the Light of the New Testament Literature." Collectanea Theologica 90, no. 5 (March 29, 2021): 415–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/ct.2020.90.5.17.

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From the historical works of Eusebius of Caesarea we learn that St. Peter went to Rome in 42 and preached the Gospel there for 25 years. However, this information is not confirmed in the books of the New Testament. For this reason, this article attempts to answer the question of where St. Peter could have stayed and acted from the moment he left Jerusalem (Acts 12:17) until his arrival in Rome. The analysis of Gal 2:11–14 leads to the conclusion that after the Council of Jerusalem he certainly stayed in Antioch for some time. It is possible that during his long journey he reached the northern regions of Asia Minor, as a reminiscence of this can be found in 1 Peter 1:1. Then, on his way to Rome, he probably paid a visit to Christians in Corinth, as evidenced by 1 Cor 1:12; 9:5. These texts therefore allow us to suppose that after leaving Jerusalem, St. Peter became an itinerant apostle, carried out extensive missionary activities and, thanks to his personal contacts with Christian communities, gained great authority among them.

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Сидоров, Алексей Иванович. "Formation of the early Church (beginning from the appointment of the first deacons to the end of the apostolic period)." Theological Herald, no. 3-4(18-19) (September 15, 2015): 168–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450-2015-18-19-168-220.

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Публикация представляет собой продолжение очерка по истории становления первохристианской Церкви. Исследование основано на свидетельствах первоисточников и привлечении широкого спектра мнений отечественных и зарубежных специалистов по истории Древней Церкви. События проповеднической деятельности апостола Павла, возникновение разногласий в первохристианской общине и последовавший за ними Апостольской Собор, который утвердил необязательность соблюдения ветхозаветных постановлений, рассматриваются в контексте появления в среде первых христиан так называемых «эллинистов». Последние вывели проповедь Евангелия за пределы Палестины, а апостол Павел и его сподвижники основали христианские Церкви во многих частях «ойкумены». Кроме того, повествуется о кончине святого Иакова Праведного и судьбе Иерусалимской Церкви, деятельности апостола Петра и Иоанна, как и прочих апостолов, вплоть до завершения апостольского периода в истории древней Церкви. This publication is a continuation of the essay on the history of the formation of the early Christian Church, based on first-hand evidence and engaging a wide range of views of domestic and foreign researchers of early Church history. Both the results of Paul’s preaching, the emergence of differences among early Christians, and the subsequent Apostolic Council, which approved some sort of compliance with the regulations of the Old Testament, are all considered in the context of the emergence among early Christians of the so-called «Hellenists», who brought the preaching of the Gospel beyond Palestine, while Paul and his associates founded Christian communities in many parts of the «Oecumene». Moreover, the article tells the story of the death of St. James the Just, and the fate of the Church of Jerusalem. It describes the activities of Apostle Peter and John, as well as the other apostles, up until the end of the apostolic period in the history of the ancient Church.

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Raedts, Peter. "St Bernard of Clairvaux and Jerusalem." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 10 (1994): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014304590000020x.

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Although Jesus wept while mourning the inevitable destruction of the city (Luke 19. 41), and St Paul taught the Christians of Galaria to look for it not on earth, but in heaven (cf. Gal. 4.25-6), the Christian imagination has always been haunted by the city of Jerusalem. As early as the second century Melito of Sardis travelled to Jerusalem to see for himself ‘the place where these things were preached and done’. And as soon as Christianity became a licensed religion under the protection of the Emperor, Christians from all parts of the Empire began to flock to Jerusalem to see for themselves the holy sites ubi steterunt pedes eius, where once his feet stood (Ps. 132. 7) Churches were built to mark all the places mentioned in the Gospels, monasteries were founded to receive the pilgrims, and stories began to circulate about the spectacular conversions which happened to pilgrims while visiting the Holy Places, such as that of St Mary of Egypt who turned from a nymphomaniac into a desert mother on the very doorstep of the church of the Holy Sepulchre. Quite soon earnest Church Fathers like St Jerome and St Gregory of Nyssa, both of them pilgrims to Jerusalem, had to issue dire warnings that true Christianity was a matter of the heart and not of geography, and that a trip to Palestine might perhaps be helpful but certainly not necessary in order to find Christ.

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Lesch, Ann Mosely. "Noah Haiduc-Dale. Arab Christians in British Mandate Palestine: Communalism and Nationalism, 1917–1948." American Historical Review 119, no. 2 (April 2014): 648–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.2.648.

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Kaartveit, Baard Helge. "The Christians of Palestine: Strength, Vulnerability, and Self-restraint within a Multi-sectarian Community." Middle Eastern Studies 49, no. 5 (September 2013): 732–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2013.811652.

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Fishman, Louis. "Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth-Century Palestine (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 31, no. 2 (2013): 190–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2013.0005.

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Wingerter, Rex B. "Christians, Jews, and Palestine: Vision and Conflict in the Holy Land. . Richard I. Cohen." Journal of Palestine Studies 16, no. 3 (April 1987): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1987.16.3.00p00865.

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Price, Richard M. "The Holy Land in Old Russian Culture." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 250–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014455.

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After the Muslim conquest of Palestine there was a comparative lull in Holy Land pilgrimage until a revival in the more settled conditions of the tenth century. The first half of the eleventh century saw a marked increase in the number of pilgrims, most notably but not exclusively from the West, as well as the restoration of the Church of the Anastasis by the Byzantine Emperor Constantine IX. This context explains the enthusiasm with which in the same century the Christians of Russia, within decades of their adoption of the faith, took up Holy Land pilgrimage with all the enthusiasm of recent converts.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Christians in Palestine'

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