Journal articles: 'Christiantiy and politics'

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Gwennap, Todd Timothy. "Christianity and Politics." Political Theology 13, no. 6 (January 2012): 765–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.v13i6.765.

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Marshall, Ruth. "Christianity, Anthropology, Politics." Current Anthropology 55, S10 (December 2014): S344—S356. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/677737.

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Francisco, Jose Mario C. "Challenges of Dutertismo for Philippine Christianity." International Journal of Asian Christianity 4, no. 1 (March 9, 2021): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-04010008.

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Abstract This paper concentrates on populism’s functional relationship with religion during times of crisis and how religion is instrumentalized for populist causes. Critical analysis of Philippine populism under President Rodrigo Duterte highlights often-overlooked nuances regarding populism as both disruption and reinforcement of traditional politics and its inherent institutional and religious dimensions. Though Dutertismo disrupts Manila-centric power, it reinforces traditional politics rooted in the Philippine political and cultural ethos. Moreover, because of populism’s institutional and religious dimensions, Dutertismo’s challenges to Philippine Christianity involve both its social and evangelizing missions. As institutions, Christian churches are called to a social mission that helps dismantle traditional politics. Their response involves disentangling their institutions and communities from traditional political networks and providing all Christians with political education towards the good of all, especially those oppressed by traditional politics. Dutertismo’s implicit religious perspective challenges Christianity’s evangelizing mission. Insufficiently discussed in many studies, this underlying Manichean perspective common to populists attracts many through an account of and a strategy against social suffering through the war between the good “we” versus the evil “others.” Christianity then must listen more attentively to the yearnings of the suffering people and accompany them more faithfully in the struggle for social transformation. These responses prepare Philippine Christianity to commemorate in 2021 its five-century presence.

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Lewis, Andrew R. "The Transformation of the Christian Right’s Moral Politics." Forum 17, no. 1 (April 24, 2019): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0001.

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Abstract For at least the past four decades, the Christian Right’s political advocacy has epitomized morality politics in the US. In recent years, however, the Christian Right has transformed how it approaches various moral and cultural issues, appealing to the language and process of political rights. This reframing of cultural concerns has coincided with the declining cultural status of conservative Christianity. This article analyzes three issue areas—abortion, free speech, and religious freedom—documenting how conservative Christianity has altered its approach to public politics, coming to embrace individual rights language and arguments over and above common morality. The article also analyzes the whether this growing rights talk has contributed to extending support to the rights of others, finding mixed results. As conservative Christians have embraced the rights commitment for themselves, there has been a corresponding growth of political tolerance for others. At the same time, there remain prominent challenges to supporting pluralistic politics. While questions about the commitment to pluralism remain, the evolution of the Christian Right’s cultural style of politics has important implications, as the last vestige of communitarian politics routinely engages politics using the language of liberalism. Moral politics are now routinely rights politics.

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Pattison, George. "Editorial: Christianity in Politics." Modern Believing 35, no. 3 (July 1994): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mb.35.3.2.

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Reitan, Eric. "Christianity and Partisan Politics." Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture 2, no. 4 (1999): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/log.1999.0013.

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Cichocki, Marek A., and Paweł Janowski. "The One Who Restrains." Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 11 (January 30, 2009): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2009.11.01.

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Can we assume, then, that more than the doctrine of faith, it was this lived experience which placed the Christians ever anew before this difficult question: Of what use are history and politics to Christianity? Can we not make do without them? Tertullian’s famous question – “What indeed has Athens to do with Jerusalem? What concord is there between the Academy and the Church?” – began a centuries-old dispute about the relation between theology and philosophy, between faith and reason, which became a principle axis of tension between Christianity and the Hellenistic legacy. But Tertullian’s question can also be understood as pertaining to the problem of Christianity’s relation to history and politics: What indeed has Athens to do with Jerusalem, the Agora with the Temple, the polis with the Church? Thus the tension between Christianity and the classical world takes on yet another dimension. It is the conflict of faith and eternity with history and politics, of the faithful pilgrim member of the People of God with the loyal citizen of a political community. Christianity attempted to resolve this conflict by reformulating the fundamental concepts of classical politics and philosophy, but the main doubts still remained, and led to new tensions and currents within Christianity itself.

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Marks, Jonathan D. "Rousseau's Use of the Jewish Example." Review of Politics 72, no. 3 (2010): 463–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467051000032x.

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AbstractRousseau refers to the Jews in major and minor works, setting them alongside the Greeks and Romans as models for republican politics. Yet Rousseau's use of the Jewish example has been almost entirely neglected. I argue that this example, which for Rousseau stands between paganism and Christianity, plays a unique role in Rousseau's political thought. In particular, Judaism, as Rousseau presents it, surpasses Christianity in its this-worldly emphasis on compassion and justice, an emphasis that even the classical republics that are Rousseau's usual models for social and political well-being cannot match. It does so, moreover, without fostering the dogmatism that, along with Christian otherworldiness, has, in Rousseau's estimation, helped to spoil European politics.

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Miller, Duane Alexander. "Power, Personalities and Politics." Mission Studies 32, no. 1 (April 10, 2015): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341380.

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While Christianity has existed in Iran/Persia since the fourth century, if not earlier, at the middle of the twentieth century almost all Iranian Christians belonged to an ethnic minority, especially the Assyrians and the Armenians. Ethnic Iranians were almost all Muslims, and then mostly Shi’a Muslims. Since the Revolution of 1979 hundreds of thousands of ethnic Iranians have left Islam for evangelical Christianity, both within and outside of Iran. This paper seeks to explore the multifaceted factors – political, economic and technological – that have helped to create an environment wherein increasing numbers of ethnic Iranians have apostatized from Islam and become evangelical Christians. A concluding section outlines Steven Lukes’ theory of power and analyzes the growth of Iranian Christianity in the light of his theory.

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Vollaard, Hans J. P. "Re-emerging Christianity in West European Politics: The Case of the Netherlands." Politics and Religion 6, no. 1 (February 27, 2013): 74–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000776.

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AbstractDoes Christianity re-emerge in politics even in the most secularized part of the world, Western Europe? In this article, the exemplary case of the Netherlands provides empirical evidence for two mechanisms of resurgent Christianity in party politics. In this way, the article also offers a more precise understanding under what conditions various dimensions of religion become (again) or remain politically significant. The first mechanism has been the incentive of secularization and secularism for remaining Christians to regroup in a so-called creative minority to convey an explicitly faith-based message to a broader public. Modernization has therefore not automatically meant less religion in politics. However, creative minorities remained a relatively minor affair in Dutch party politics, despite the large number of Christian migrants and their descendants. Second, Christian and culturally rightwing, secular parties have increasingly referred to a Judeo-Christian culture to mark the political identities of the European Union and its nations in response to Islam's growing visibility. The concept of Judeo-Christian culture foremost functioned as a sacred word to denote the liberal and secular order of the West, reflecting the re-emergence of Christianity as cultural phenomenon rather than faith in West European politics.

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Meynell, Hugo. "Christianity, Politics and Shadia Drury." Lonergan Review 4, no. 1 (2013): 116–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/lonerganreview2013416.

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Haldane, John J. "Christianity and Politics: Another View." Scottish Journal of Theology 40, no. 2 (May 1987): 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600017567.

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AbstractThe essay explores the relationship between Christian faith, ethical thought and political action. It examines two views of the matter. First, the autonomy thesis, advanced by writers such as Edward Norman in his Reith Lectures and elsewhere, which claims that Christianity in general is independent of political concerns, and that Church leaders in particular have no business engaging in political debate, or using their teaching authority to commend or condemn the actions of governments. Second, the commitment thesis, here derived from writings of Kenneth Leech, which maintains that fidelity to the biblical revelation involves an explicit commitment to Christian humanism, and thereby to practical opposition to capitalism and support for radical socialism.

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Robertson, E. H. "Book Reviews : Christianity and Politics." Expository Times 101, no. 2 (December 1989): 60–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468910100235.

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Ngong, David. "Contesting Conversions in African Christian Theology: Engaging the Political Theology of Emmanuel Katongole." Mission Studies 36, no. 3 (October 9, 2019): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341675.

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Abstract This article argues that Emmanuel Katongole’s theology focuses on contesting conversions in African Christianity. To him, conversions that have so far taken place in much of African Christianity, especially those informed by the theology of inculturation, have not adequately emphasized the formation of critical Christian social imagination that would challenge the violent politics of the postcolonial nation-state in Africa. The article engages Katongole’s theology by showing how his understanding of conversion aligns him with a form of African Christianity which he criticizes – the neo-Pentecostal and Charismatic variety of African Christianity. It critiques Katongole’s proposal by suggesting that the social and political transformation he seeks may be enhanced by forms of conversion rooted in the theology of inculturation which he minimizes.

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Mang, Pum Za. "The Karen and the Politics of Conversion." Church History and Religious Culture 96, no. 3 (2016): 325–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09603001.

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The history this essay explores confirms the claim that a combination of political backdrop, social change, tribal religion, and cross-cultural appropriation of the gospel has positively contributed to religious conversion among the ethnic Karen in Burma from their primal religion to Christianity. This essay further contends that Christianity has protected the Karen from Burman coercion and assimilation, continued to differentiate them from the Burman, and will likely protect them from Burman aggression and absorption in the future, proving the historical truth that the fate and future of the Karen are tightly bound up with Christianity. It is also observed that the Karen would have been assimilated into the religion, culture, language, and ethnicity of the Burman had they refused to convert from their ancestral religion to Christianity.

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Smirnov, Mikhail. "The European Christian Churches and Politics." Contemporary Europe 103, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 159–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope32021159166.

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The article is dedicated to the methodological aspects of the study of Christian churches political role in modern Europe, conducted by the Russian religious scholar R.N. Lunkin. In the monograph “Churches in Politics and Politics in Churches. How Modern Christianity is changing European Society” he presented a number of non-trivial and important ideas for academic discourse on the traditional topic “church and politics” in the external and internal transformations context of European society. The researcher applied the methodological technique by moving from the general (the basic concepts that reveal the political role of religious institutions) through the special (the Christian churches in Europe in crisis situations) to the individual (the role of churches in specific political conflicts, the religious factor in mass migration, the position of churches in the coronavirus pandemic). The processes identified in Europe are correlated with the political challenges of the Christian churches in the Russian Federation. The monograph sets a fairly wide range of problems important for reflection, discussion, and research perspectives. To what extent is political content organic to churches as religious organizations? To what extent is the political influence of the churches possible, and what are its likely consequences? Can Christianity, in its current ecclesiastical format serve as a basis of the socio-cultural identity of the indigenous population of European countries? These and a number of other fundamental questions arise due to R.N. Lunkin's interpretation of acute and ambiguous situations with religion in modern Europe and Russia.

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Molnar, Aleksandar. "Alfred Rosenberg’s clash with Christianity." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 29 (2006): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0629009m.

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In the article the author is following the development of Alfred Rosenberg?s social and political theory. Special attention is given to the anti-Christian attitude of the so-called "chief ideologist of Third Reich". Although one among the creators of the apocalyptic anti-Semitist ideology (about "final battle" with the Jews - perceived as the powers of Evil incarnated) he opposed Nazi "Eastern politics" during the World War II. Instead of atrocities against the eastern peoples (Ukrainians, Russians etc) he was prepared to give them certain autonomy and to treat them as some kind of racially inferior allies. For him, only Jews deserved extermination ("once for all") and it was this ultimate goal he expected to shape not only German foreign policy but also war itself.

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Sakupapa, Teddy Chalwe. "Ethno-Regionalism, Politics and the Role of Religion in Zambia: Changing Ecumenical Landscapes in a Christian Nation, 2015-2018." Exchange 48, no. 2 (May 2, 2019): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341517.

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Abstract This contribution explores the interaction between religion and politics in a religiously plural and ethnically multidimensional Zambian context. Given the political salience of both religion and ethnicity in Zambian politics, this research locates an understudied aspect in the discourse on religion and politics in Zambia, namely the multiple relations between religion, ethnicity and politics. It specifically offers a historical-theological analysis of the implications that the political mobilisation of religion has for ecumenism in Zambia since Edgar Chagwa Lungu became the country’s president (2015-2018). Underlining the church-dividing potential of non-theological (doctrinal) factors, the article argues that the ‘political mobilisation of religion’ and the ‘pentecostalisation of Christianity’ in Zambia are reshaping the country’s ecumenical landscapes. Accordingly, this contribution posits the significance of ecumenical consciousness among churches and argues for a contextual ecumenical ecclesiology.

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Sullivan, Jo, and Paul Gifford. "Christianity and Politics in Doe's Liberia." International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, no. 2 (1995): 368. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221621.

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Johnston, Geoffrey, and Paul Gifford. "Christianity and Politics in Doe's Liberia." American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (October 1994): 1374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168903.

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Ekechi, Felix K., and Paul Gifford. "Christianity and Politics in Doe's Liberia." African Studies Review 38, no. 1 (April 1995): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525494.

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TONKIN, ELIZABETH. "Christianity and Politics in Doe's Liberia." African Affairs 93, no. 372 (July 1994): 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098738.

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O'neil, Daniel J. "Politics and Christianity: Limitations and Opportunities." Teaching Political Science 15, no. 3 (April 1988): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00922013.1988.9943555.

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Ken-pa, Chin. "Jingjiao under the Lenses of Chinese Political Theology." Religions 10, no. 10 (September 26, 2019): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10100551.

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Conflict between religion and state politics is a persistent phenomenon in human history. Hence it is not surprising that the propagation of Christianity often faces the challenge of “political theology”. When the Church of the East monk Aluoben reached China in 635 during the reign of Emperor Tang Taizong, he received the favorable invitation of the emperor to translate Christian sacred texts for the collections of Tang Imperial Library. This marks the beginning of Jingjiao (景教) mission in China. In historiographical sense, China has always been a political domineering society where the role of religion is subservient and secondary. A school of scholarship in Jingjiao studies holds that the fall of Jingjiao in China is the obvious result of its over-involvement in local politics. The flaw of such an assumption is the overlooking of the fact that in the Tang context, it is impossible for any religious establishments to avoid getting in touch with the Tang government. In the light of this notion, this article attempts to approach this issue from the perspective of “political theology” and argues that instead of over-involvement, it is rather the clashing of “ideologies” between the Jingjiao establishment and the ever-changing Tang court’s policies towards foreigners and religious bodies that caused the downfall of Jingjiao Christianity in China. This article will posit its argument based on the analysis of the Chinese Jingjiao canonical texts, especially the Xian Stele, and takes this as a point of departure to observe the political dynamics between Jingjiao and Tang court. The finding of this paper does show that the intellectual history of Chinese Christianity is in a sense a comprehensive history of “political theology”.

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Hennig, Anja, and Oliver Fernando Hidalgo. "Illiberal Cultural Christianity? European Identity Constructions and Anti-Muslim Politics." Religions 12, no. 9 (September 15, 2021): 774. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090774.

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This paper refers to the ambivalence of secularization in order to explain why Cultural Christianity can show both a liberal and illiberal character. These two faces of Cultural Christianity are mostly due to the identity functions that, not only faith-based religion, but a particularly culturalized version of religion, entails. Proceeding from this, it will be demonstrated here how Cultural Christianity can turn into a concrete illiberal marker of identity or a resource for illiberal collective identity. Our argument focuses on the link between right-wing nationalism and Cultural Christianity from a historical-theoretical perspective, and illustrates the latter with the example of contemporary illiberal and selective European memory constructions including a special emphasis on the exclusivist elements.

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Andrew Fyodorovich, Polomoshnov, and Polomoshnov Platon Andreevich. "Three Images of Religious Obedience in Islam and Christianity." Islamovedenie 11, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2020-11-3-48-56.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the interpretations of religious obedience in Islam and Christianity. The topic of obedience as a religious virtue is being actualized in con-nection with the numerous destructive challenges and global problems of our time. Three sides of religious obedience are highlighted: humility, patience and loyalty. It has been established that the main differences in the interpretation of religious obedience between Islam and Christianity are associated with the understanding of the nature of the subject, object and method of obedi-ence. The subject of obedience in Islam: a person as the deputy of Allah on earth, an imperfect, but not god-like person with a mission prescribed or predetermined by the will of Allah. The ob-ject of obedience in Islam is the relatively perfect world created by God and the world order, which the believer must maintain. This is precisely the meaning of obedience in Islam. The sub-ject of obedience in Christianity: a fundamentally imperfect, weak, sinful person. The object of humility in Christianity: an imperfect, God-made world that should be accepted as it is without trying to transform it. The meaning of humility in Christianity: internal self-improvement, cor-rection of one's spiritual imperfection and acceptance of an imperfect world. Islamic submission is immanent, since oriented towards the earthly world, and Christian submission is transcenden-tal, for it is directed towards the other world, the spiritual world. Religious patience as one of the main virtues of the believer thus provides civic loyalty in different ways in Islam and Christiani-ty. In Islam, through the divine authorization of social reality, and in Christianity, through its de-valuation. Despite significant differences, both in Islam and in Christianity, religious obedience in all its three faces acts as a factor in the socio-political stability of the existing society.

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Kalu, Ogbu U. "Holy Praiseco: Negotiating Sacred and Popular Music and Dance in African Pentecostalism." Pneuma 32, no. 1 (2010): 16–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/027209610x12628362887550.

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AbstractIn post-colonial Africa, Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity has slowly emerged as an influential shaper of culture and identity through its use of music, media, and dance. This article gives an overview of the transitions that have occurred in African politics, identity awareness, and culture, especially as it relates to the indigenous village public and it’s interface with the external Western public, and how the emergent cultural public has become the most influential player in shaping the African moral universe. Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity has navigated the shift from a missionary-driven avoidance of indigenous music and dance to the incorporation of indigenous elements, leading in turn to the popularization of Pentecostal music and dance that blends indigenous forms and concepts, Christian symbolism, and popular cultural expressions. The resulting forms have not only shaped Christianity, but also the surrounding culture and its political environment.

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Tranvouez, Yvon, and W. D. Halls. "Politics, Society and Christianity in Vichy France." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 49 (January 1996): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3770532.

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Hellman, John, W. D. Halls, and Robert Zaretsky. "Politics, Society, and Christianity in Vichy France." American Historical Review 101, no. 4 (October 1996): 1225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169722.

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Lichty, S. "Christianity Politics and Public Life in Kenya." Journal of Church and State 51, no. 4 (September 1, 2009): 697–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csq015.

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Chapman, M. "Christianity and Party Politics: Keeping the Faith." Journal of Church and State 54, no. 4 (October 12, 2012): 664–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/css092.

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Chesnut, Andrew. "Faith Matters: Christianity, Islam, and Global Politics." International Studies Review 6, no. 2 (June 2004): 295–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1521-9488.2004.00406.x.

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Haustein, Jörg. "Christianity, Politics and Public Life in Kenya." Pneuma 33, no. 1 (2011): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007411x554875.

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Klinken, Adriaan van. "Homosexuality, Politics and Pentecostal Nationalism in Zambia." Studies in World Christianity 20, no. 3 (December 2014): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2014.0095.

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Building upon debates about the politics of nationalism and sexuality in post-colonial Africa, this article highlights the role of religion in shaping nationalist ideologies that seek to regulate homosexuality. It specifically focuses on Pentecostal Christianity in Zambia, where the constitutional declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation has given rise to a form of ‘Pentecostal nationalism’ in which homosexuality is considered to be a threat to the purity of the nation and is associated with the Devil. The article offers an analysis of recent Zambian public debates about homosexuality, focusing on the ways in which the ‘Christian nation’ argument is deployed, primarily in a discourse of anti-homonationalism, but also by a few recent dissident voices. The latter prevent Zambia, and Christianity, from accruing a monolithic depiction as homophobic. Showing that the Zambian case presents a mobilisation against homosexuality that is profoundly shaped by the local configuration in which Christianity defines national identity – and in which Pentecostal-Christian moral concerns and theo-political imaginations shape public debates and politics – the article nuances arguments that explain African controversies regarding homosexuality in terms of exported American culture wars, proposing an alternative reading of these controversies as emerging from conflicting visions of modernity in Africa.1

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Hermkens, Anna-Karina. "Marists, Marian Devotion, and the Quest for Sovereignty in Bougainville." Social Sciences and Missions 31, no. 1-2 (May 1, 2018): 130–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-03101012.

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Abstract Christianity and politics seem to be intrinsically linked. In Central Bougainville, which is part of the autonomous region of Bougainville in Papua New Guinea (PNG), the Catholic faith introduced by Marist missionaries has been instrumental in building a national Bougainville identity and sustaining the political struggle for sovereignty. Although the first missionaries were often cautious not to disrupt socio-political organisations, Marists have been advocating both local and Marist political interests and views in the continuously shifting religious, and socio-economical political context of colonial and “post”-colonial Bougainville. This article follows the early Catholic missionaries to Bougainville, elucidating dialectics, tensions and politics of conversion. Moreover, it shows how devotion to Mary became entangled with a particular representation of Bougainville land as Holy, and the engendering of an ethnic-religious nationalism in the context of a ten-year-long devastating conflict and struggle for sovereignty.

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Campbell, Heidi A., Katherine Arredondo, Katie Dundas, and Cody Wolf. "The Dissonance of “Civil” Religion in Religious-Political Memetic Discourse During the 2016 Presidential Elections." Social Media + Society 4, no. 2 (April 2018): 205630511878267. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305118782678.

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This article explores the interrelationship between religion and politics as presented through memetic discourse surrounding the 2016 presidential election. Based on a study of 150 Internet memes of political candidates and core issues framed by religious discourse, and a case study of memes focused on then-presidential candidate Donald Trump, we investigated the distinct understanding of what constitutes religion that arises. Overwhelmingly, these memes evoke what is known as “Civil Religion,” where religion becomes a tool to interpret politics, with roots in nationalist ideologies. This challenges previous research suggesting religious memetic discourse primarily promotes a view of “lived religion,” or personalized interpretations of traditional religious beliefs and practices. Drawing on previous research of the dominant genres of religious memes and ways they frame religion, we find religious-political memes enact distinct strategies of political God Talk where religious discourse is read through a political lens, and vice versa. This is highly problematic as it presents religion in broad brushstrokes that fail to acknowledge the diversity of religious communities and their responses to politics within American cultural discourse. Overall, we argue religious-political memes showcase the dissonance created by mixing religion and politics in public discourse online, especially when meme messages representing conservative Christianity suggest they speak for all of American religious culture.

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Bourdin, Bernard. "Les héritages chrétiens: quel avenir?" Moreana 46 (Number 176), no. 1 (June 2009): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2009.46.1.14.

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The legacy from Christianity unquestionably lies at the root of Europe, even if not exclusively. It has taken many aspects from the Middle Ages to modern times. If the Christian heritage is diversely understood and accepted within the European Union, the reason is essentially due to its political and religious significance. However, its impact in politics and religion has often been far from negative, if we will consider what secular societies have derived from Christianity: human rights, for example, and a religious affiliation which has been part and parcel of national identity. The Christian legacy has to be acknowledged through a critical analysis which does not deny the truth of the past but should support a European project built around common values.

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Voll, John. "Haggai Erlich.Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia: Islam, Christianity, and Politics Entwined.:Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia: Islam, Christianity, and Politics Entwined." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 619–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.619.

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Holland, Matthew S. "“To Close the Circle of our Felicities”: Caritas and Jefferson's First Inaugural." Review of Politics 66, no. 2 (2004): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500037268.

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Thomas Jefferson's Declaration of Independence defends an inherent and individual right to the pursuit of happiness. For Jefferson, this right dramatically limited Christianity's role in politics. In any case, when drafting the Declaration, Jefferson thought Christianity largely irrelevant, if not inimical, to America's well-being. However, shortly before becoming president, several events transformed Jefferson's private thoughts about Christianity and its public utility. Careful attention to both the text and context of Jefferson's First Inaugural (a significant Jeffersonian document, but one that has never been examined in great detail by political theorists and intellectual historians) reveals that Jefferson came to embrace the teachings of a rationalized version of the New Testament in a way that lightly amends the liberal paradigm of his Declaration. Without significantly altering his commitment to a rights-based government of limited proportions, Jefferson's First Inaugural bespeaks the new political importance he placed on widely cultivating a largely demystified sense of Christian charity.

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Boucher, David. "The Enemy with a Thousand Faces: The Tradition of the Other in Western Political Thought and History. By Vilho Harle. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2000. 232p. $59.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540231431x.

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This book is part of a much larger collaborative project devoted to “Otherness, Identity, and Politics.” It explores an aspect of identity theory, about which the author makes two uncontentious claims: first, that identity is socially and politically constituted and, second, that identity politics predate 1989. By delimiting a theme in Western political thought and history that constructs the “I” and the “thou” in terms of good and evil, the book identifies and delimits a tendency to portray the Other as an enemy, evil incarnate, and dehumanized by a combination of religious and political ideas. The tradition of understanding the Self and the Other as the vehicles of good and evil is reproduced in thought, speech, and action and constitutes a continuous tradition from ancient Iranian Zoroastrianism, through Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.

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Nichols, Mary P. "Shakespeare's Christian Vision in Henry VIII." Review of Politics 76, no. 4 (2014): 537–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670514000564.

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AbstractIn Henry VIII, Shakespeare looks beyond religious conflict to express a larger moral—and Christian—vision. He offers a panorama of Christian virtues and characters who manifest them, indicating by their actions and sufferings the role their virtues might play in supporting nobility and justice. He also finds support in Christianity for deriving noble and base from the character of one's soul rather than from birth and for a reliance on fair judicial procedure rather than on the sword for the protection of justice. Finally, in the relation between Henry VIII and Archbishop Cranmer, Shakespeare illustrates a politics that protects religious belief from persecution. Henry VIII offers a vision of the virtues of Christianity that could contribute to a good political community, or at least to understanding what such a community entails.

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Cason, J. Walter. "Book Review: Christianity and Politics in Doe's Liberia." Missiology: An International Review 23, no. 3 (July 1995): 347–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969502300314.

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Marsh, Leonard. "Palestinian Christianity – A Study in Religion and Politics." International journal for the Study of the Christian Church 5, no. 2 (July 2005): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742250500220228.

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Ananyan, Shahe. "Armenian Christianity Today: Identity, Politics and Popular Practice." International journal for the Study of the Christian Church 15, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2015.1020210.

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Shuve, Karl. "The Politics of the Veil in Medieval Christianity." Sociology of Islam 7, no. 4 (December 13, 2019): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00704004.

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Saba Mahmood begins Politics of Piety with a question: ‘[H]ow should issues of historical and cultural specificity inform both the analytics and the politics of any feminist project?’ She notes that while many forms of ‘difference’ have been integrated within feminist theory, ‘religious difference’ has received comparatively little emphasis. She attributes this to the ‘vexing relationship between feminism and religion,’ arising from feminism’s firm situation within ‘secular-liberal politics.’ In this essay, I explore how Mahmood’s insights might enrich the study of premodern Christianity. My particular focus will be a central, yet highly contested, aspect of medieval women’s piety: the practice of nuns taking the veil during consecration, marking them as ‘brides of Christ’. I hope, with Mahmood, to consider how an analysis of ‘the particular form that the body takes might transform our conceptual understanding of the act itself’, offering new possibilities for the practice of feminist historiography.

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Míčka, Roman. "Christianity in India, Politics and the Social Teaching of the Church." Studia theologica 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5507/sth.2016.010.

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Rusli, Almunauwar Bin. "MUALAF DI MINAHASA : KESALEHAN BERAGAMA DAN PILIHAN POLITIK." Dialog 43, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.47655/dialog.v43i1.359.

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This article discusses the mualaf groups in North Minahasa as a Christian bastion : Islam (37,934) and Christians (200,213). Minahasa and Christianity are inseparable from ideology. Islam has inspiring Mualaf life since the beginning of hijrah movement on television. This article employs a qualitative descriptive method with sociological approach. Participatory observations, in-depth interviews and literature studies were conducted at Desa Warisa. The result of research shows that the majority of mualaf groups comes from Minahasan ethnic (Tonsea) and Sanger. They live as farmers, housewives and laborers. They convert from Christianity to Islam because of marriage system. They got Islamic teachings from Insan Kawanua with Ronald Lambey (Muhammad Hamzah). Mualaf is a form of piety to go to heaven by implementing the shari’a as well as being mubaligh in Minahasa. They are not willing to choose political leaders from Christianity because of the injustice problems. They used Majelis Taklim and social media like facebook and whatsapp in order to have a prime position in identity politics battles in Minahasa.

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Mang, Pum Za. "The Politics of Religious Conversion among the Ethnic Chin in Burma." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 3 (December 2018): 188–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0227.

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Through an analysis of some possible reasons for religious conversion among the ethnic Chin in the western frontier of modern-day Burma to Christianity from their old religion that historically shaped and impacted Chin society for centuries, this article argues that missionary agency, Chin religion, social change and political awakening after the Chin were finally exposed to the wider modern world appear to have played a critically crucial role in a long process of the choice of religious conversion among the Chin when Christian missionaries came to their country and evangelised them at the turn of the twentieth century. Moreover, their newly adopted religion has been not only a historical source of political awareness and social progress, but also a hallmark of their ethnic identity. Chin leaders now proudly maintain that Christianity has provided them with a cementing source for retaining their ethnic identity and that Chin identity and Christianity have become interwoven.

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Umar, Musa Kabir, and Mubarak Ahmed Mashi. "DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS AND THE UNFOLDING HISTORICAL DIALETICS OF WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA." International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, no. 4 (June 21, 2020): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i4.40.

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The main thrust of this paper is centered around examining the historical challenges confronting women political participation in the democratization process of the Sub-Saharan African countries. In the past, indeed, women were never equal to men in the political sphere, because in the precolonial Africa, they were being allowed by men to ruled kingdoms, established cities, launched military conquests, and formed states. However, they unfortunately lost out in such arrangements and the social status with the coming and spread of Islam and Christianity and later colonization. Although women are key actors in the democratization process world over, they have now been politically, socially and economically marginalized especially in the Sub-Saharan African region. Marginalization has been a great challenge to the women of the region due to some socio-religious beliefs that came to the fore particularly with the emergence of Islam and Christianity. Likewise, in the contemporary African politics women are relegated to the background, hence sidelined, without tolerable and equal participation in the governance of their own social formations. The paper, therefore, adopts historical and descriptive approaches to argue that despite the increasing number of women in politics, the political landscape is still largely occupied by men. This is seen in the challenges facing the active political participation of women in the process such as cultural factors, lack of adequate representation and consultation in the political parties’ decision-making processes, gender discrimination, lack of fund and so on which the paper revealed. The paper concludes that the involvement of West African women in the democratization process would provide a new track in the developmental agendas of the entire region. And, a specific step to promote gender equality which would advance the status of women and young girls in the process of democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa is greatly needed.

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Koyzis, David T. "Imaging God and His Kingdom: Eastern Orthodoxy's Iconic Political Ethic." Review of Politics 55, no. 2 (1993): 267–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500017381.

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Though little understood in the Western world, the Eastern Orthodox tradition of Christianity has a distinctive approach to politics which might well be labelled “iconic.” Based on the belief that God's kingdom is capable of having an earthly manifestation, and that the Christian empire is in some sense the image of God's omnipotent rule in the heavens, this iconic ethic has often contributed to a tradition of political absolutism in those countries shaped by Orthodox beliefs. However, more recent reflection, which sees human society as image of the Triune God himself, could serve to shape an approach which is conducive to more participatory political arrangements.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Christiantiy and politics'

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