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1
McAllister, William. "Politics, economics and the problems of Protestant church leadership in Africa : the case of Unevangelized Field Mission/Communaute Episcopale Evangelique au Zaire." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1986. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU003555.
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In 1977 the Unevangelized Fields Mission (UFM) broke relations with their daughter church in Zaire, where they had been working since 1931, and left the country. There had been no government ban on missions nor any apparent external reason for their doing so. The reasons for the schism lay within the history of the mission in Zaire and in their relationship with their daughter church, the Communaute Episcopale Evangelique au Zaire (CEEZ). The purpose of this research, therefore, is to try and establish what effect politics and economics had on this relationship. The location of the dispute, in North-Eastern Zaire, is also interesting in that this area has been one of the lest economically developed parts of the country and has had a history of political extremism both during the colonial and in independent eras. In attempting to make a case study of this schism within the ranks of the Unevangelized Fields Mission it is necessary to analyse the history of the mission in the context of the political and economic developments of the country at large. It is to be noted also that the mission began as a result of an earlier schism within the heart of Africa Mission in 1931 and that a history of one cannot be made without a history of the other. A Case study of both can be made which conveniently spans the two main eras in Zairian history---the colonial period and the period since independence. This history of both missions is confined to their Congo/Zaire fields.
2
Law, Lois. "An analysis of the socio-political role of the Roman Catholic Church in contemporary South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17060.
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Bibliography: pages 272-287.This study attempts an analysis of the form and content of the opposition of the Roman Catholic Church in South Africa to the policy and practice of apartheid during the period 1948-1989. It is argued that the divisions, tensions and contradictions of the Catholic Church reflect the socially divided character of the broader society. It is suggested that some of the policies, teachings and social practice of the South African Catholic Church serve to reproduce and reinforce the existing societal relations of domination, thus contributing to the hegemony of the dominant social group, while others undermine the same and point toward a transformation of social relations in a democratic society. In some instances the Church has contributed to the nascent hegemony of the dominated group. Literature focusing on the Catholic Church during times of social upheaval is reviewed. Recent analyses of the role of the Christian Churches in apartheid South Africa are considered. Various approaches to the Sociology of Religion are discussed and the relevance of a contextual approach to the analysis of the Church is argued. Gramsci's concept of hegemony as a tool of political analysis is discussed. A brief .historical overview of the Catholic Church in South Africa is given. It is contended that the Catholic Church in South Africa must be understood in terms of its colonial, missionary and racist history. An ecclesiological overview of the Roman Catholic Church in terms of its - history, traditions, organization, authority structures, governing procedures and beliefs is sketched. The ·social Teaching' of the Catholic Church during the twentieth century is outlined. The importance of the Second Vatican Council, the emergence of the Theology of Liberation and the increasing centrality of social justice in Church teachings is discussed. The implications of these developments for the pastoral practice of the Church is emphasized. The response of the Catholic Church to the introduction and implementation of 'separate development' is considered. Content analysis is used as a research method. The study therefore falls within the realm of hermeneutic or interpretative sociology. The gradual transition from an attitude of paternalism to committed involvement in the anti-apartheid struggle is traced. The Catholic Church's response to the Bantu Education Act, which was the primary focus of its opposition to apartheid in the 1950's, is evaluated. The challenge of the Black Consciousness movement is acknowledged. It is argued that the realities of apartheid society have had a profound impact on the Church, severely compromising its unity. The related processes of reform, repression and resistance are examined. It emerges that while the Church's championship of human rights has been unequivocal, its support for some of the strategies employed in the struggle against apartheid has been more tentative. It is argued that the Catholic Church's participation in the anti-apartheid struggle has facilitated a growth in ecumenism and increased contact with secular organizations. The Catholic Church has become part of a broad anti- apartheid alliance. It is suggested that while there have been important changes in the Church's self-understanding and perception of its role in, and pastoral mission to, society, these changes have been uneven and ambiguous. They have not been reflected throughout the Church and have underlined the divisions within the Church. There has been considerable reluctance on the part of many white Catholics to endorse the anti-apartheid stance of the hierarchy. However, the S.A.C.B.C.'s commitment to social justice is in tune with modern Catholic social teaching. Finally, it is argued that the Catholic Church has challenged white domination and undermined the hegemony of apartheid in South African society.
3
Higgins, Thomas Winfield. "Prophet, priest and king in colonial Africa : Anglican and colonial political responses to African independent churches in Nigeria and Kenya, 1918-1960." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5472.
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Many African Independent Churches emerged during the colonial era in central Kenya and western Nigeria. At times they were opposed by government officials and missionaries. Most scholars have limited the field of enquiry to the flash-points of this encounter, thereby emphasizing the relationship at its most severe. This study questions current assumptions about the encounter which have derived from these studies, arguing that both government and missionary officials in Kenya and Nigeria exhibited a broader range of perspectives and responses to African Independent Churches. To characterize them as mainly hostile to African Independent Churches is inaccurate. This study also explores the various encounters between African Independent Churches and African politicians, clergymen, and local citizens. While some scholars have discussed the positive role of Africans in encouraging the growth of independent Christianity, this study will discuss the history in greater depth and complexity. The investigation will show the importance of understanding the encounter on both a local and national level, and the relationships between the two. It is taken for granted that European officials had authority over African leaders, but in regard to this topic many Africans possessed a largely unrecognized ability to influence and shape European perceptions of new religious movements. Finally, this thesis will discuss how African Independent Churches sometimes provoked negative responses from others through confrontational missionary methods, caustic rhetoric, intimidation and even violence. These three themes resurface throughout the history of the encounter and illustrate how current assumptions can be reinterpreted. This thesis suggests the necessity of expanding the primary scholarly focuses, as well as altering the language and basic assumptions of the previous histories of the encounter.
4
Gregorowski, Christopher. "Anglican identity and contemporary relevance : a critical study of the Partners in Mission process within the Church of the Province of Southern Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14650.
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Bibliography: leaves 436-444.This is a church historical study and critical theological analysis of the Partners in Mission (PIM) process in the Church of the Province of Southern Africa (CPSA), which uses methods appropriate to such a study. Chapter 1 examines the background against which the PIM process and CPSA's PIM 'Vision' must be seen: Anglicanism, its origins, intentions and mission - and the tension between Anglican identity and contemporary relevance. Chapter 2 traces the process of renewal which has been described as the Anglican Communion's 'coming of age', and identifies some of the themes which were later to become 'The Vision'. The Anglican PIM process emerged out of the church's efforts to adjust to the rapidly changing post-colonial world of the nineteen-fifties and sixties, when Anglican provinces within newly-independent nations could no longer be regarded as inferior to and dependent on the Church of England. A watershed in this quest was the Anglican Congress in Toronto in 1963, when for the first time the equal partnership was articulated in the statement Mutual Responsibility and Interdependence in the Body of Christ (MRI). MRI became a Communion-wide programme which evolved into the PIM process, and together they constitute the Anglican Church's programme of contemporary reform and renewal. The CPSA is a full participant in this PIM process and has held three PIM Consultations, the third of which took place in November 1987 when the church was given the vision to engage in the struggle for the eradication of apartheid and the building of new societies of justice and peace in southern Africa. .In Chapter 3 we examine the Provincial 1987 Consultation, the process which led up to it and the making of The Vision. In Chapter 4 we examine publications and records of the CPSA and correspondence with the Bishops of the Province which describe the implementation of The Vision in the life of the CPSA and its contribution to the church's mission. Chapter 5 is a critical evaluation of the CPSA's PIM process, based on the evidence of the previous chapter. Our conclusion is that The Vision has been only partially implemented because of the church's persistent failure to transform words into actions, poor communication, the failure to focus on priorities, a lack of resources, traditionalism and clericalism in the CPSA, the fear of loss of identity, and a spiritual crisis - much of which points to a lack of appropriate leadership. The consequences of ineffective implementation include the failure of the CPSA as a whole to engage relevantly with the crisis in southern Africa, to express appropriate penitence and make restitution for its part in the sin of apartheid, and to engage in effective evangelism. Chapter 6 is an attempt to see how the CPSA could be renewed by means of a revitalised PIM process, in order to be relevant in southern Africa today. We explore a possible pastoral plan and ways in which the CPSA would benefit from engaging more fully in the 'Kairos' process. The CPSA will contribute to the life and future direction of the Anglican Communion insofar as it is true to its ecumenical calling to witness to the kingdom of God as a part of the church in southern Africa, and the Communion will best serve its members and enable them to discover their true identity by setting them free to be faithful to their mission in their various contexts. Throughout this study we have used primary source documents from the Anglican Communion and the CPSA which tell of the birth, progress an implementation of MRI, PIM and The Vision.
5
Booyse, Adonis Carolus. "The sovereignty of the African districts of the African Methodist Episcopal Church :a historical assessment." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6342_1298630360.
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This research project focuses on the relationship between the American and the African districts of the African Methodist Episcopal Church during the period from 1896 to 2004. It investigates the factors which led to the tensions emerged in the relationship between the American districts and the African districts. It specifically investigates the reasons for the five secession movements that took place in the 15th and 19th Districts of the AME Church in 1899, 1904, 1908, 1980 and 1998. The research problem investigated in this thesis is therefore one of a historical reconstruction, namely to identify, describe and assess the configurations of factors which contributed to such tensions in relationship between the AME Church in America and Africa. The relationships between the American and the African districts of the AME Church have been characterised by various tensions around the sovereignty of the African districts. Such tensions surfaced, for example, in five protest movements, which eventually led to secessions from the AME Church in South Africa. The people of the African continent merged with the American based AME Church with the expectation that they would be assisted in their quest for self-determination. The quest for self-determination in the AME Church in Africa has a long history. The Ethiopian Movement was established by Mangena Maake Mokone in 1892 as a protest movement against white supremacy and domination in the Wesleyan Methodist Church. However, the lack of infrastructure within the Ethiopian Movement and the constant harassment from the Governments of South Africa in the formation of black indigenous churches compelled Mokone to link with a more established and independent Black Church. The AME Church presented such an opportunity to Mokone. The parallels of subordination in the history of the Ethiopian Movement and the AME Church in America gave Mokone to hope that the quest for self-reliance could be attained within the AME Church...
6
Booyse, Adonis Carolus. "The relationship between the congregations of the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the Dutch Reformed Mission Church in Piketberg, 1903-1972." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2004. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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This thesis investigated the factors contributing to the tense relationship between the congregations of the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the Dutch Reformed Mission Church in Piketberg during 1903-1972. It investigated the reasons why two congregations of colour in a small town as Piketberg were established. The problem that was investigated was a social, historical and religious one of determining which factors contributed to such tension.
7
Scratcherd, George. "Ecclesiastical politics and the role of women in African-American Christianity, 1860-1900." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:120f3d76-27e5-4adf-ba8b-6feaaff1e5a7.
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This thesis seeks to offer new perspectives on the role of women in African-American Christian denominations in the United States in the period between the Civil War and the turn of the twentieth century. It situates the changes in the roles available to black women in their churches in the context of ecclesiastical politics. By offering explanations of the growth of black denominations in the South after the Civil War and the political alignments in the leadership of the churches, it seeks to offer more powerful explanations of differences in the treatment of women in distict denominations. It explores the distinct worship practices of African-American Christianity and reflects on their relationship to denominational structure and character, and gender issues. Education was central to the participation of women in African-American Christianity in the late nineteenth century, so the thesis discusses the growth of black colleges under the auspices of the black churches. Finally it also explores the complex relationship between domestic ideology, the politics of respectability, and female participation in the black churches.
8
Terblanche, Thomas Frank. "An assessment of the perception of the role of the Christian religious leader in the political process: the case of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/20746.
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The Church and clergy, during Apartheid played a significant role in the South African political process. It was possible to divide the church into three distinct groups, pro-government, anti-government and neutral churches and clergy. The Dutch Reformed Church because of its close association to the National Party was often dubbed the “National Party of Prayer.” They played an important role in providing moral legitimacy for the regime. On the other hand, church leaders including Allan Boesak and Desmond Tutu were synonymous in their fight against apartheid. The Church still plays a significant role in a democratic South Africa. By virtue of Stats SA 2011 which states that just under eighty percent of South Africans have Christian affliations. However, democratic South Africa has secular constitution which clearly indicates the separation between church and government. Clergy find themselves in an ambiguous situation in a ‘secular state.’ What exactly is the broader role of the Church and in particular clergy in democratic ‘secular’ South Africa? The ambiguity is also fuelled by politicians who often request clergy’s participation in the political process and on other occasions state that clergy should keep to “church business” Part of this enquiry is be answered by asking clergy what they believe their role is. In 2014 a selection of Christian leaders in the Nelson Mandela Bay area decried the governance in the NMBM and South Africa in general. It is to be seen as awakening of clergy in the political process. The objectives of the study are as follows: to look at how Christian religious leaders construct their role in a post-apartheid context with a specific focus on the NMBM, to capture the views of government and political parties1 on what role the Church should play in post-apartheid South Africa, A comparative thematic analysis to determine if there are any similarities or differences in how the Church perceives their political role vis-à-vis the perception of government.
9
Matsane, Molefi Andrew. "Moral regeneration : the role of the church in reviving morality in the society." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/32937.
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This thesis seeks to be an answer, to the unanswered questions. The writer tries to
page back, and find out that which is lost in human kind. The writer tries to find out
society in which he was born and nurtured. A society characterised by good morals,
virtues, good standards and culture. Something is lost in humanity. What is that? -
Morality.
The present society seems to contradict the latter society. The present lifestyle
seemed to have no morals. If they do, they must have inherited from somewhere.
They see to have lost respect for other people's property etc.
South Africa's, new dispensation seemed to have eroded Ubuntu away. I am trying
to recapture, revive, relive, and resuscitate morality back in the agenda of every
South African. How? Moral regeneration is the vision or dream of the South
African Deputy President. But I believe it has taken a wrong direction. Politicians
cannot lead moral regeneration. Instead the church must lead it, because the church
has the spirituality.
The answer to moral decay is in the church. The church need to teach, rebuke and
lead by example on morality. It shall not compromise its gospel of Jesus Christ.
Today, South Africa is facing a serious crisis of sexuality, unfaithfulness in
marriages, corruption, unemployment, HIV Aids etc. morality is the broad concept,and in this thesis I've confirmed myself In addressing: sexuality, marriage
unfaithfulness and corruption.
Moral regeneration can be realised in this country, the church can address
unfaithfulness in marriages, sexuality and corruption vigorously. Parliament cannot
legislate on these issues. But the church can consciously teach people
responsibilities coupled with democracy.
Zeerust, is the small town in the North West Province. I have chosen to write this
thesis from Zeerust context. The reason being, I have pastoral oversight of
Methodist people in Zeerust and surrounding villages. Zeerust shares the same
problems the country is facing that of corruption, sexuality and unfaithfulness in
marriages.
Lastly, the church needs to take seriously the cultural factors of its indigenous
people. Before we became Christians, we were Africans. The church must be ready
to learn from people's cultures, and the way they kept moral uprightness. Dialogue
and consultations is a dire need between the church and the culture, between
theologians and African healers. This thesis says the church is the answer to moral
regeneration.Dissertation (MA(Theol))--University of Pretoria, 2004.
lk2013
Practical Theology
MA(Theol)
10
Fink, Susan Oltman. "Politics and prayer in West Perrine, Florida : civic social capital and the black church." FIU Digital Commons, 2005. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3324.
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This thesis traces the mechanisms and sources responsible for the generation of civic social capital (a set of shared norms and values that promote cooperation between groups, enabling them to participate in the political process) by black churches in West Perrine, Florida. Data for this thesis includes over fifty interviews and participant observations, archival records, newspaper articles, and scholarly journals.
Despite the institutional racism of the first half of the twentieth century, many blacks and whites in Perrine developed levels of trust significant enough to form an integrated local governing body, evidence of high levels of csc. At mid-century, when black and white interactions ceased, Perrine's csc decreased, leading to the deterioration of Perrine's social and physical conditions. Perrine's csc increased in the1980s by way of broad-based coalitions as Perrine's churches invested their csc in an effort to eradicate crime, clean up its neighborhood, and win back its youth.
11
Joseph, Stacey-Leigh. "Consolidating democracy, building civil society : the South African Council of Churches in post-apartheid South Africa and its policy of critical solidarity with the state." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007957.
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The South African Council of Churches (SACC) played an extremely crucial role during the struggle against apartheid. The role of the SACC was first and foremost to provide a voice for the voiceless. It managed, among other tasks, to actively fill the void left by movements banned by the illegitimate apartheid government. As a result of its fight against the inequalities that existed in South Africa, its work adopted a political character. In the aftermath of post-apartheid South Africa, the SACC was left with the task of redefining its role within South African society and civil society, specifically. The euphoric sentiment in the mid-1990s was in part reflected in the SACC. However, the conclusion reached by the Council in 1995 was that it would also play a role of 'critical solidarity' which essentially meant that it would not shy away from attacking the government when the need arose. Since 1994, the South African government has implemented a number of policies that do not appear to be in the immediate interest of the majority of South African citizens atld have brought church and state into conflict. This thesis attempts to tackle three issues which are pertinent to the South African situation and which shed light on state-civil society interactions. These issues are HIV I Aids, the question of odious debt and the Zimbabwe crisis. By using both primary and secondary sources, the SACC's responses to government's handling of these matters will be compared with the responses of the South African Catholic Bishops Conference in order to determine their relationships with government. The conclusion of this investigation is that the SACC has in fact managed to maintain a position of critical solidarity. It has been faced with numerous challenges with regard to maintaining the fragile boundary of alliance with government on the one hand, and becoming anti-government on the other. However, by forming alliances with other civil society actors as well as fostering a relationship with government in order to facilitate mediation this dissertation argues that the SACC has become an essential member of South Africa's vibrant civil society.
12
Arap-Chelogoy, Michael Kiptalam. "The church and political authoritarianism : a Kenyan case study from 1844 to the present." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310710.
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Kondolo, Kapembwa. "The spread of the African Independent Churches in postcolonial Southern Africa is a challenge to political and religious authorities : a case of the Lumpa Church in Zambia." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10775.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 70-80).The study reflects on the rise and spread of the African Independent Churches in postcolonial Africa. It moves from the perspective that African Independent Churches are both African and Christian (Masondo, 2005:101) "engaged in detailed appropriations of religious resources that can be mobilized in working out the meaningful contours of the world" (Chidester, 1997:11). The major part of the study focuses on the Lumpa Church of Alice Lenshina in Zambia. It traces the founding of the church based on a series of vision by Lenshina.
14
Baai, Gladstone Sandi. "The religious identity of the church and its social and political mission in South Africa 1948-1984 : a historical and theological analysis." Thesis, Durham University, 1988. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/6724/.
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This study is concerned with the identity of the Church and its social and political mission in South Africa. Here the argument is that the religious identity of the Church is fulfilled in the realization of the Kingdom of God through the historical event of incarnation which liberates human identity from oppression and alienation. This doctrine in turn, it is contended, depends for its relevance upon the significance of the concepts of prolepsis and commitment for the mission of the Church, Prolepsis signifies that the Church exists to bear witness to that which has come and is coming in Jesus Christ, In this way the thesis attempts to situate the proclamation of the Kingdom of God in relation to a particular problem of oppression and exploitation in South Africa, Hence commitment should be understood as the fulfilment of Black identity and thus as a liberation which brings about the transformation of the South African identity as a whole. In this thesis the hermeneutic circle as a theory of interpretation is applied in the theological and historical analysis of the South African social formation. Part One of the thesis lays the theoretical foundations of the study by developing the hypothesis and discussing identity theories and methodology. Part Two contains an analysis of South African social reality in which the variable of class is identified as that which underpins the South African social structure. Consequently, Apartheid is explained with reference to the economy rather than race. It is an economic rather than a racial factor. Part Three consists of a theological and sociological analysis of South Africa; it employs the Marxist social theory of alienation and applies the conception of identity advocated by the Liberation Movements of Southern Africa, particularly the African National Congress. It is concluded that the religious identity is a crucial factor in the emergence of a full humanity.
15
Bank, Louis. "A theological assessment of the socio-political role of the Church of the Province of South Africa (1904-1930) with special reference to the influence of Archbishop William Marlborough Carter." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17488.
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Bibliography: pages 138-147.In 1870, as a consequence of Bishop Robert Gray's controversy with Bishop William Colenso, the Church of the Province of South Africa (CPSA) had declared itself an autonomous part of the Anglican Communion independent of British legal control. That was the first major paradigm shift in the life of the Church of the Province of South Africa. After the Treaty of Vereeniging which ended the Anglo-Boer War the CPSA shared Milner's vision of a united South Africa within the British Empire. White unity and control was the political stratagem. However, the British colonial powers did not reckon with the resolve of the Afrikaner to recover political power. Afrikaner political groupings regained control of the Free State and the Transvaal and, when the union of the four provinces was enacted in 1910, a former Afrikaner general became the Prime Minister. The CPSA found itself in the unaccustomed position of no longer being the spiritual arm of the secular authority. William Marlborough Carter was elected Archbishop at the time when the CPSA was experiencing a second paradigm shift. During the period of Carter's archiepiscopate the notorious and oppressive Land Act, the Mines and Works Act, the Colour Bar Act and the Hertzog Bills sought to entrench segregation and the economic and political subjugation of blacks. At first the CPSA welcomed some, if not all, of the legislation, but it gradually became aware of the injustice of the political system and consequently found itself at odds with the majority of whites in its criticism of government policies. A process of transformation was taking place which prepared it for its subsequent prophetic role. This was the third paradigm shift in the life of the CPSA. The leaven in the process of transformation was the Anglo-Catholicism and Christian Socialism found in the theological formation of the leadership of the CPSA and specifically in the formation of the Archbishop. His convictions are reflected in his Charges to the provincial synods. The determinative transforming force was the challenges presented by black members of the Church. Questions were raised about the participation of blacks in the government of the Church and the need for blacks to hold positions of leadership. During this period there were concerted efforts to establish a separate black Church within the CPSA on the one hand and efforts by blacks from various denominations to form an independent black Church free from white domination. Black Anglicans took a lead in the agitation against white domination of Church structures. Arising out of my research I assess the adequacy of the analysis of the role of the CPSA during this period made by James Cochrane in Servants of Power - The Role of the English-speaking Churches 1903-1930. I show that his ideological analysis is inadequate because it does not take account of the contribution of Carter and others like him. My research seeks to explain how the CPSA changed from being a servant of those in power to serving the powerless.
16
Dorman, Sara Rich. "Inclusion and exclusion : NGOs and politics in Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:99281b24-8104-4699-8e4c-0cdc2a2c716e.
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The thesis explores the changing relations between the Zimbabwean state and local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) after independence. It focuses on debates over the role of NGOs in democratization in developing countries, using Zimbabwe as an example. The thesis argues that the study of democratization is best accomplished through detailed empirical case studies, relying on historical narratives and participant-observation research. Such research reinforces our understanding of democratization as a complex and dynamic process. The thesis proposes a framework for understanding state and society relations in Zimbabwe, emphasizing the ruling party’s use of coercive and consent-generating mechanisms to establish hegemony over the new nation. It examines the changing relationship between NGOs and the state after independence, when the ruling party’s efforts to include most groups within its nationalist coalition extend to NGOs. Case studies of NGO coalitions show how activist NGOs fail to mobilize others owing to the unwillingness of many NGOs to challenge the ruling party’s control over policy-making. The establishment of the National Constitutional Assembly by some NGOs, churches and trade unionists set the stage for an increasingly tense engagement between NGOs and the state after 1997. The constitutional debate opened up the public sphere in new ways. As the ruling party attempted to retain control over the political sphere and the constitutional debate, NGO politics became increasingly polarized. The emergence of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, and the prominence of NGO activists within its leadership, led to further conflict. After losing the February 2000 constitutional referendum, the regime sanctioned violent attacks on white farmers, businesspeople, and NGOs. While the ruling party attempted to shore up its support through nationalist rhetoric and financial incentives, groups perceived to oppose the state were excluded and vilified.
17
Du, Toit Marijke. "Women, welfare and the nurturing of Afrikaner nationalism : a social history of the Afrikaanse Christelike Vroue Vereniging, c.1870-1939." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/26212.
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This thesis focuses on the Afrikaans Christian Women's Organisation (ACVV), placed within the context of Afrikaner nationalist activity, and traces the variety of ways in which white, Afrikaans, middle-class women sought to construct a racially exclusive 'Afrikaner' people. Stereotypical portrayals of Afrikaner women as passive followers of an ideology constructed by men are challenged. The gendered construction of nationalism is initially examined by tracing the transition from a religious, evangelical, late nineteenth century gender discourse to an increasingly explicit Afrikaner nationalist discourse in the early twentieth century. The ACVV participated in the construction of a popular Afrikaner nationalist culture that portrayed Afrikaans women as mothers of the people or volksmoeders. The first ACVV leaders were acutely aware of the 'New Women' who abandoned conventional notions of femininity - they tried to construct a public, political identity for Afrikaans women that met the challenges of the 'modern' world, yet remained true to Afrikaner 'tradition'. The ACVV sought to fashion Afrikaans whites into 'Afrikaners' through philanthropic activity. At first, this was especially true of rural branches, but from the early 1920s, Cape Town's ACVV also responded to the growing influx of 'poor whites' by focusing specifically on social welfare work. One particular concern was the danger that women working together with blacks posed for the volk. Research on the ACVV's philanthropy is complemented by a study of the lives of landless and impoverished whites in the Cape countryside and Cape Town. Archival material and 'life history' interviews are used to explore the working lives of white, Afrikaans-speaking women who moved from rural areas to Cape Town during the 1920s and 1930s. Complex and contradictory strands made up the private and political lives of female Afrikaner nationalists. During the 1920s, they sought to create a political role for themselves by constructing a 'maternalist', nationalist discourse that articulated the notion of separate spheres for men and women -but extended vrouesake (women's issues). In many ways these were conservative women - yet they adjusted, even challenged, conventional gender roles in Afrikaans communities. In the 1930s, the four provincial Afrikaans women's welfare organisations sought to shape state-subsidised social welfare programmes. The ACVV and its sister organisations had increasingly fraught dealings with Afrikaner nationalist men in the state and church. who did not share the women's vision of female leadership in social welfare policy.
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Van, Rooyen Jan Hendrik Petrus. "Die NG Kerk, apartheid en die Christelike instituut van Suidelike Afrika." Thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/20402.
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Apartheid had long been an everyday practice in South Africa when
the NG Kerk threw its weight behind it during the third decade of
the twentieth century. However, it did not take long before the
church began playing a leading role in this respect. During the
fourth and fifth decades many decisions and publications underscored
the church's conviction that the policy of separate
development was based on Scripture. The South African Government
and the National Party Government, in particular, were certain of
the co-operation of the NG Kerk not only in the establishment of
this policy but also in the extension thereof to cover all the
facets of social, economical and political life.
Although the NG Kerk, on many occasions, reiterated that the
policy should be implemented with justice and compassion, it was
always clear that apartheid as a policy that was based on colour
could only result in discrimination against, and injustice to,
people of colour. This resulted in growing resistance by blacks,
coloureds and Indians since the beginning of the century. The
resistance increased rapidly after the National Party took over
the government of the country in 1948 and proceeded to intensify
this policy by applying it to all levels of the political and
societal life.
On March 21 1960 thousands of blacks marched to the police
station in Sharpeville to protest against the pass laws. This
resulted in the police killing 69 blacks and wounding 180 in a
panic reaction which caused not only a worldwide wave of
indignation and protest but also increased racial tension in
South Africa. The World Council of Churches in conjunction with
the local member churches immediately arranged the Cottesloe
Conference to discuss possible solutions to the racial problems.
The proposals of this conference which was held in December 1960
met with strong opposition from Government and were eventually
completely smothered by the Church leadership. The proposals
were unacceptable because they smacked too much of criticism of
apartheid. Notwithstanding the strong political and ecclesiastical
rejection of Cottesloe, a group of church leaders nevertheless
decided to establish the publication Pro Veritate, and soon
afterwards the Christian Institute of Southern Africa was founded
in an effort to give scriptural witness in South Africa.
Pro Veritate, which later served as the mouthpiece of the Christian
Institute (CI) and the CI itself, were - since their inception
- seen as contentious issues by both the NG Kerk and
Government because of the challenge to apartheid. The church
immediately instituted strong measures to suppress Pro Veritate
and the Christian Institute initiatives. This was applauded from
the political side, particularly in the Transvaal, where certain
Afrikaans newspapers gave their full support to it. Decisions
were taken by the Southern Transvaal Synod to discourage ministers
from contributing to Pro Veri tate and to prevent them from
becoming members of the CI. The CI leaders, in particular, had
to be silenced. After the General Synod finally rejected the
Christian Institute, a long and heart-rending history of church
persecution of Naude as leader and Engelbrecht as theologian of
the CI followed. It all took place within the boundaries of the
Parkhurst parish, of which the Naude and Engelbrecht families
were members. Parkhurst parish was part of the circuit of
Johannesburg. Strong pressure was exerted on the church council
of Parkhurst and the circuit of Johannesburg to censure these
members in order to silence them. Disciplinary measures had to
be employed to get rid of these voices against the policy of
separateness. The church leadership played a prominent role in
these efforts. In the intensity with which the campaign was
waged in and through the circuit of Johannesburg and the Parkhurst
parish, it became evident - as nowhere else - how strong
the NG Kerk felt about apartheid. When eventually the Government
investigated and banned the CI and confined Dr Naude to his home,
the church silently acclaimed what was being done. After all,
the NG Kerk had from the very beginning not differed from the
Government with regard to the CI.
The biblical protest of the CI against apartheid was, of
necessity, also a protest against the close ties of the NG Kerk
with the Government and National Party. With time, however, the
CI also moved into a process of politicisation. Black power and
black political aspirations became the major driving forces
behind the CI. In the middle seventies it became increasingly
clear that a strong relationship had developed between the CI and
the African National Congress (ANC).
The history of the CI ended in immense irony. This organisation
which took its stand on Scripture and courageously warned against
the support by the church of a political party and structural
violence in serving apartheid, ended in close co-operation with
the ANC as a political party which committed itself to the armed
struggle to overthrow the Government.
There was also the irony that in their struggle against the
ali gnment of the NG Kerk wi th the political theology to the
right, the CI and its director aligned themselves to a South
African version of the theology of liberation - a political
theology to the left in which the Gospel of Jesus Christ is
struck in the heart. And just as the NG Kerk in its political
alignment remained silent about the violence of apartheid - so
the CI eventually became silent about the violence of the political
party in its struggle against apartheid.
19
Mafuta, Willy. "Imagined Communities: The Role of the Churches During and After Apartheid in Sophiatown." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34262.
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Many around the world have come to know South Africa as the rainbow nation, yet this notion has been subject to enormous critiques in the political discourse. The rainbow nation was conceived by the Government of National Unity that came to power in 1994, but it failed to materialize. What post-apartheid South Africa has yielded instead is a nation, or an imagined community, where race and ethnicity never receded. Although they are no longer pathological, race and ethnicity have become normative typifications of an overarching identity. Churches in particular have played a major role in creating a new identity.
Churches have managed to move beyond the yoke of race and ethnicity enforced during the Apartheid under the Group Areas Act and the Resettlement Acts, and epitomized by the destruction of the vibrant city of Sophiatown and, in its place, the building of Triomf, an Afrikaner imagined community. Churches have led the way in deconstructing the perceived or realized power or disempowerment that is residual to the Apartheid. In reconstructing the community, they have re-imagined an environment where race and ethnicity remain the standard component of the South African national identity. This re-imagining requires that race and ethnicity be constructed as relational rather than hierarchical. Moreover, it requires that one acknowledge the woundedness (e.g., shame, anger, guilt, hurt, humiliation, betrayal, fear, resentment) that racial typifications create. As a social construction, Churches in Sophiatown are fostering this ethical environment where these values are embraced.
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Obikwelu, Polycarp Chuks. "Contextual application of Christian social teaching on political ethics in the light of the pronouncements of the bishops of Africa and Madagascar in the era of globalisation : with particular reference to English-speaking sub-Saharan Africa /." Frankfurt am Main ; Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York Oxford Wien : Lang, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015043196&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Haddad, Beverley Gail. "THE ROLE OF THE CHURCH OF THE PROVINCE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA IN THE SOCIAL TRANSFORMATIO OF THE WESTERN CAPE 1960 - 1990." University of Western Cape, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7652.
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Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS)This study reflects the vital role the church should play in the social transformation of society. It undoubtedly has the potential to be a strategic organisation for social change. However, in the past it has failed to reach that potential. The hope for the future is that the church will embrace that potential and become active in the process of social transformation. The Church of the Province of Southern Africa (CPSA) has been the researcher's spiritual home for her entire life. During this time, and particularly over the past five years, she has sought to find her place in the church's inflexible, bureaucratic and patriarchal structure. While this study was in the final stages of being written, the CPSA took the historic decision to ordain women to the priesthood. Her personal struggle had been vindicated. However, more importantly, the church's decision attests to that organisation's potential for creative change. Thus this study is dedicated to the members of the CPSA in the Diocese of Cape Town, in the hope that they will embrace the challenge, both as individuals and as a community to become active agents of social change. The field research was conducted during the period March 1989 to March 1990 by the researcher herself, who was a paid employee of the Diocese of Cape Town at the time. Both the promoter and co-promoter of this thesis supervised this research. The results were first published in August 1990 by the Diocese of Cape Town in a report entitled, Voices of the Church: An Anglican perspective on welfare and development in the Diocese of Cape Town. Permission to use the research material in this study has been granted by the Most Reverend Desmond Mpilo Tutu, and is acknowledged with thanks. There are many people who during that period enabled the research to take place because of their willingness, enthusiasm and interest: the Most Reverend Desmond Tutu; Bishop Edward the liaison Bishop; members of Chapter and Diocesan Council; the support committee; the 130 people in the parishes who so willingly shared of themselves and their opinions, and in many instances opened their homes; and the clergy of the diocese, who participated wholeheartedly in the process.
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Klaaren, Jonathan Eugene. "A contextual history of Christian institutional involvement in legal assistance to the victims of apartheid, 1960-1982." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14340.
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Bibliography: leaves 120-126.The perspective of this dissertation is one grounded in taking an option for the poor and the oppressed in the South African context. Ultimately, this perspective is a theological belief. The perspective is thus that of an explicit choice against apartheid and for social justice. This choice is made on the basis of a social analysis of the South African context. The attempt to write this dissertation from the perspective of the poor and the oppressed is unlikely to succeed completely. As a privileged white, the perspective of the author cannot be fully identified with that of the poor and the oppressed in South Africa. Nonetheless, the attempt is made to write this dissertation from a liberating perspective.
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Ugwu, Sylvester Uche [Verfasser]. "Church and Civil Society in 21st Century Africa : Potentialities and Challenges Regarding Socio-Economic and Political Development with Particular Reference to Nigeria / Sylvester Uche Ugwu." Frankfurt a.M. : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1144803012/34.
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Yekela, Drusilla Siziwe. "The life and times of Kama Chungwa, 1798-1875." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001849.
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Few students of History understand the derivation and/or origin of the Gqunukhwebe oath "Ndifung' uChungw' efel' ennyameni: I swear by Chungwa who is lying dead at Mnyameni (Alexandria)." A desire to eludicate this point and other related facts inspired me to undertake a close examination of the history of the Gqunukhwebe people, selecting as my main theme the life-work of Chief Kama. In the first chapter I am discussing the creation of the Gqunukhwebe Chiefdom under Khwane by the Xhosa King, Tshiwo. The central theme here is the Black-White confrontation of the 17th - 18th centuries on the Cape Eastern Frontier. As a result of the collision the Gqunukhwebe people were forced to make a home on the banks of the Thwecu River along the east coast. It was here that Kama reached early manhood. The second chapter describes the establishment of Wesleyville Missionary Station by William Shaw in 1823, the first Methodist Missionary Institution in all Xhosaland. In chapter three the discussion centers on the significance of Kama's conversion. An unforeseen outcome of his public profession of the Christian faith was that it not only stigmatized the latter religion as a force destructive of the old order in Xhosa society, but it also reshaped Kama's political image for the good of his religious life. He not only fled from the neighbourhood of his relations and sojourned in a strange land, but also reinforced the Colonial forces in the contemporary frontier struggles. His integrity, self-sacrifice and pro-Colonial inclination eventually won him Middledrift. Chapter four opens with Kama's settling in Middledrift. The theme here is two-pronged. It presents the 'Cattle-Killing' delusion as a source of new trials for the 'priest-chief', and at the same time exposes the Colonial Government's efforts to gain ascendancy above the Xhosa chiefs. Kama's land was the first testing ground in this respect, and the Chief was initially agreeable to the scheme. Chapter five alludes to instances of Chief Kama's unco-operative attitude as signs that his compromising spirit had its limits. An atmosphere of disregard towards Kama pervades the period. But the adversities that threatened to dominate his later life did not by any means shake his Christian principles and convictions. The traces of his good works may to this day be seen in Middledrift, the traditional home of the Kamas.
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Korf, Lindie. "D.F. Malan : a political biography." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3991.
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Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism. This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.
26
Lewis, Berrisford. "African-Caribbean pentecostal church leaders and socio-political engagement in contemporary Britain." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.600403.
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The rapid growth and development of African-Caribbean Churches in Britain since the Second World War has contributed to the communal life and vitality of British society and the burgeoning plural theological landscape. However, the socio-political contributions of African-Caribbean Pentecostal church leaders at one level remain unacknowledged and at another unknown. As a consequence there is a strong general belief that African-Caribbean church leaders shun worldly political engagement.
27
Claffey, Patrick. "Hope or Dope: Christian Churches and Socio-Political Development in Africa." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 2008. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,3136.
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Feinberg, Sarah A. "Stanley Hauerwas's true politics in the church." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1996. http://www.tren.com.
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SIST. "Politics, Social Change and the Church in Nigeria." Kingsley's, 2007. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/spiritanbook,10670.
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Table of Contents -- General Introduction -- (p. v) -- One: A welcome address -- (p. 1) -- Two: Keynote address -- (p. 5) -- Three: Fully Catholic, Fully Political: Exploring the Biblical Grounds for active Christian participation in politics -- (p. 15) -- Four: Factors that Militate against the active involvement of Christians in politics and societal transformation in Nigeria -- (p. 16) -- Five: The Church and the State in Nigeria: Partners in Dialogue towards a better Nation -- (p. 75) -- Six: Elections of Selection, Ethnic and Money Politics in Nigeria: Lessons from the past towards a better tomorrow -- (p. 101) -- Seven: Art, Media and Lterature as Catalyst of Socio-Political change: The Nigerian Experience and the role of the Church -- (p. 119) -- Eight: The Church as an Alternative Society: A Critical Examination of Ecclesiastical Structures, Leadership and Prophetic witness in Nigeria today -- (p. 137) -- Nine: Diocesan Justice and Peace Departments and their Contributions as agents of Conscientization, Education and Motivation of Christians for Political Responsibility and other Civic Duties -- (p. 183) -- Communique -- (p. 199) -- Contributors -- (p. 203 -- Symposium Co-ordinators -- (p. 206)
30
Ozawa-de, Silva Brendan Richard. "The 'Church in socialism' : Protestant Church leaders and the East German State, 1969-1989." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273323.
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Nagar, Marcel Felicity. "Democratic development states in Southern Africa : a study of Botswana and South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20111.
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In light of the growing consensus surrounding the need for the emergence of Democratic Developmental States in Africa, this thesis analyses the concept within the context of two Southern African states: Botswana and South Africa. In this regard, it critically analyses the extent to which Botswana and South Africa can be considered to be Democratic Developmental States by making use five benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State. It does so by firstly exploring and defining the concept and theory of the Developmental State as well as the concept of the Democratic Developmental State. Secondly, the thesis surveys the contributions made by five key authors, namely, Richard Sklar, Adrian Leftwich, Mark Robinson, Gordon White and Omano Edigheji, to the topic of the Democratic Developmental State and outlines the following five benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State: Development-Oriented Political Leadership; Effective and Well-Insulated Economic Bureaucracy; Developmental Success; Consolidated Electoral Democracy; and Popular Participation in the Development and Governance Process. Thirdly, the five benchmarks are used to critically analyse whether Botswana and South Africa can truly be regarded as Democratic Developmental States. In this regard, the thesis finds that neither state fully exhibits all five outlined benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State: While Botswana exemplifies most of the five outlined benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State, this thesis finds that South Africa still has a long to go before it can be regarded as a Democratic Developmental State. In this manner, this thesis provides possible recommendations which will assist both Botswana and South Africa towards becoming fully-fledged Democratic Developmental States.
32
Chung, Heera. "The church defence problem in Conservative politics, 1841-1847." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.401142.
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Penosen, Tayo E. "An analysis of the black church in Atlanta politics." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2011. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/243.
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The black church plays a significant role within the black community. However, an examination of the changing role of the black church is necessary as it continues to evolve. This study examines the types and patterns of participation of black churches within the political arena and the community so that: (1) an understanding of past and present contributions of the black church to the political welfare needs of African Americans can be developed and (2) based on the above, the potential of the black church as an institution for social service and social action can be considered in the formulation of the future of political policy and social planning.
The research also proved that it is necessary to further define the traditional black church as a necessary shaper of public policy. In fact, what can be inferred from the research is that the traditional black church must reflect in its leadership persons who are active participants in the life of the community. In this regard, the research is emphatic about the role of the traditional black church that it is to continue to be an advocate for community needs, expectations, and system change. This research reemphasized the role of the church as a public conduit for relating community needs and engaging societal issues.
34
Mhlaba, Mabalana Wilson. "Judging and politics." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2052.
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Aspden, Kester. "The English Roman Catholic bishops and politics, 1903-1943." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272804.
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Silke, Daniel. "The broadcasting of politics in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18271.
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Bibliography: pages 240-265.This dissertation studies the broadcasting of politics in South Africa from 1920 to the end of the P. W. Botha era in 1989; that is, the reaction of radio and television to the changing political environment. Since 1948 South Africa's broadcasting system has increasingly been influenced by the ruling National Party as they strengthened their authority. This follows the Lasswell communications model which emphasizes the role of the controller in the communications flow as well as Fagen's and Siebert's description of authoritarianism as a national political system. A study of the historical legacy of broadcasting in South Africa clearly shows an authoritarian orientation. This is accomplished through an investigation utilizing historical material including Tomaselli as well as press reports and Hansard. The advent of television has seen this maintained in a variety of forms. The key question confronting the reader is whether or not there exists change away from the authoritarian model to a more liberalistic trend. The author details a number of visible inconsistencies and anomalies that are present both within radio and television. These are shown to markedly contradict with the control model of the past and highlight fundamental shifts in the media orientation. These contradictions are a reflection of the socio-political pressures that have recently emerged to influence the National Party. This is a function of the reforming of their past ideology as well as of internal economic advances and political upheavals which increase the influence of non-State elements upon the electronic media as depicted in the De Fleur model. The broadcasting system is increasingly shown to reflect an inclusive picture adapting to the political and economic realities in which it operates. The emerging trend moves away from authoritarianism in a more liberal and pluralistic direction.
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Boodoo, Gerald Uzukwu Elochukwu Eugene. "GLOBALIZATION, POLITICS AND RELIGION IN POSTCOLONIAL AFRICA." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 2013. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1233.
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Okoye, Chukwuma J. "The Synod Challenges the Church in Africa." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1994. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,455.
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Phillips, Andrew Michael. "An examination of the effect of church attendance on African American political ideology in the 2004 Presidential Election." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/646030252/viewonline.
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Brassloff, Audrey Mary. "The politics and theology of the Spanish church, 1962-1982." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261774.
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Williams, P. J. "The Catholic Church and politics in Nicaragua and Costa Rica." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376017.
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Posthumus, Meyjes Guillaume Henri Marie Grayson J. Chris. "Jean Gerson - apostle of unity : his Church politics and ecclesiology /." Leiden ; Boston ; Köln : Brill, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37208120h.
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Potocki, Piotr. "The Catholic Church and Scottish politics, c.1878-c.1939." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/12246.
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This thesis examines the significance of Catholicism as a political force in Scotland in the years between the restoration of the ecclesiastical hierarchy in 1878 and the Spanish Civil War, exploring the ways in which the Roman Catholic Church sought to assert its presence in Scottish politics and society. Through an examination of the power of the Scottish Church, its affiliated lay organisations and the political attitudes of the laity, this study redresses a historiographical imbalance which has focussed traditionally on the Church's denominational interests in education. The thesis thus provides a reassessment of the political articulation of Catholicism in modern Scotland, of the degree of ideological coherence amongst Catholics, and of the sources of internal division within the community. The issues covered include expatriate Irish nationalism, the growth and consolidation of the political labour movement, the emergence in the early-to-mid 1920s of the Catholic Action movement as well as the relationship between the Catholic Church and the other major Christian denominations in Scotland. Special attention is paid to the formation of the Catholic-Labour electoral alliance, highlighting its overall importance in providing a new impetus to Catholic political engagement. This thematic approach not only permits concentration on different aspects of Catholic interactions with the wider society, but also enhances understanding of the variety of Catholic responses to contemporary political and social developments.
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Robb, Charles A. "The impact of leadership on organisational politics." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1634.
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Today‘s workforce consists of employees with diverse personalities, cultural backgrounds, nationalities, needs and wants, thus creating new challenges for today‘s leaders. One of the primary functions of leadership is the management of employee perceptions that influence organisational outcomes. Among these perceptions the perception of politics is an influential type of organisational phenomenon. There is no denying the fact that leadership greatly affects the performance of organisations. According to DuBrin (2010:8), an overview of research on managerial succession conducted over a 20 year period provides support that leadership has an impact on organisational performance. The analysis of the research found that leaders might be responsible for somewhere between 15 per cent and 45 per cent of a firm‘s performance. From the above mentioned research, it can be seen that the importance of leadership cannot be underestimated when regulating the effect of politics in the working environment and to achieve the company goals and objectives. Part of the challenge today‘s leaders face is to help employees to see the different perspectives of political actions as a positive force, rather than seeing these as negative processes that cause internal competition for resources, recognition and promotions. Company politics does not have to be about back stabbing, internal rivalry, manipulation for power and lack of trust. With the development of proper skills and personal and organisational goals, positive organisational politics provides the real foundation for competitive advantage to benefit the employee as well as the organisation. The main purpose of this research paper is to identify the influence of leadership on organisational politics. The first step was to complete a literature study on the iii selected factors which contribute to organisational politics. The factors selected were those of job ambiguity, scarcity of resources, personality, uncertainty and fairness. The literature study also includes the outcomes of organisational politics. These outcomes include job satisfaction, job performance, turnover intention and job stress. An empirical study was then used to analyse the views of staff in various departments. These questions were based on the selected factors mentioned in the previous paragraph. This involved the staff completing questionnaires. Based on the findings of the literature study and the empirical study, the last step is to make recommendations to the selected company on managing the perceptions of organisational politics. Recommendations are also made as to what leadership styles would best fit different situations
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Chan, Wa-yan Jonathan. "The politics of identity : exploring christian pedagogy in a protestant school : a case study /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2000. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B22706367.
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Gilheany, Barry. "Post-Eighth Amendment Irish abortion politics." Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313087.
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Calfano, Brian Robert Oldmixon Elizabeth Anne. "Politics and the American clergy sincere shepherds or strategic saints? /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3991.
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Fine, Robert. "Labour and politics in South Africa, 1939-1964." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1989. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/55901/.
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The core of my dissertation is devoted to a re-interpretation of the history of the liberation movement in South Africa in two critical periods of its development. The first I call in short 'the 1940s' but shall be referring more specifically to the years between 1939 and the rise of apartheid in 1948; the second I call 'the 1950s' but shall refer to the years between the emergence of apartheid and the defeat of the liberation movement in 1964. Both the 1940s and the 1950s were marked by fierce class struggles which brought with them hopes of a new democratic order in South Africa; both closed on the sombre note of defeat for democracy and triumph for the forces of reaction and racism. Motivated by a dissatisfaction with prevailing interpretations, I shall explore what went wrong in these years in order to deepen our understanding of the political culture and social base of the liberation movement. I have focussed on these two historical periods because I see the basic parameters of the contemporary liberation movement as set by the class struggles which occurred within them. My central hypothesis is that, although class relations do not on the whole manifest themselves directly on the surface of the liberation movement, they have nonetheless been the crucial determinants of its pattern of evolution. My introductory chapter will be devoted to a theoretical discussion of the relation between nationalism and socialism in the South Africa liberation movement. It was written after the historical research and its ideas reflect a considerable change of mind which resulted from the research; the ideas expressed within it provide a necessary foundation for understanding what I wish to say through the substantive history. My final section will be an attempt to outline the major lessons which I draw from the history of these class struggles; it focusses on what I see as the unresolved conflict between the two traditions of 'radical liberalism' and 'insurrectionism' which run through the history of the liberation struggle and on defining what I see as the 'absent centre' of this history: social democracy or more accurately the social democratic movement of the working class.
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Lieres, B. E. von. "Marginalisation and politics in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369350.
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Meyer, Alice Patricia. "Poetry and politics in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/270292.
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This thesis explores the ability of poetry to articulate political critique in Post-Apartheid South Africa. The aim of the project is to evaluate the extent to which poetry provides criticism of a contemporary political climate marked by government corruption, rising social inequality and widespread immiseration. I argue that both ‘poetry’ and ‘post-Apartheid’ are developing and contested concepts that acquire meaning in concrete circumstances and continue to take on fresh resonance in South Africa today. I contend that poetry does not passively reflect historical circumstances nor docilely take its place in a post-Apartheid political climate. Instead, it actively engages with the milieu within which it finds itself and contributes in a meaningful way to our understanding of what the post-Apartheid era actually means. My study focuses on six poets who represent the innovative and politically charged character of post-Apartheid poetry. The writers I choose to examine are Ari Sitas, Seitlhamo Motsapi, Lesego Rampolokeng, Mxolisi Nyezwa, Vonani Bila, and Angifi Dladla. All of these poets lived through Apartheid and were young, or of middle age, at the dawn of liberation. Eager and able citizens willing to build a new democracy, these artists have been bitterly disappointed by the African National Congress’s abandonment of South Africa’s black majority. The poets in question have set about bearing witness to unrelenting social ills through drawing upon the dynamism of poetry in order to rejuvenate public language, dialogue and debate. Confronted with the over-simplification of information in an epoch of late-capitalism, the poets in this thesis seek to revitalise language, through innovative use of form, in order to fashion new perceptions of the world in which they live. All of the writers in this thesis have been involved in politics or activism and make a point of incorporating these real world experiences into their work. Thus, Sitas invokes worker chants from his time spent in Durban’s labour movement and Dladla remains fascinated by the Gauteng prisons where he has taught creative writing. The poetry I examine is moulded by the active public life of its writers and in turn seeks to participate in a wider world. In this line of thought, many of these poets have started their own literary journals and publishing initiatives, often with strong ties to social justice movements and grass-roots communities. Here, one can mention Nyezwa’s development of the English/isiXhosa multicultural arts journal Kotaz in the Eastern Cape and Bila’s Timbila publishing in the Limpopo province. Through autonomous methods of poetic production and distribution, poets are able to create spaces in which non-commercial and potentially revolutionary art can be heard. My doctorate spotlights the artistic and political victories of a pioneering group of poets, who are little known both locally and abroad. My research underscores the politically critical qualities of poetic form and thus has resonance beyond a narrowly South African context. Indeed, I believe my PhD can contribute in a valuable way to debates pertaining to the social relevance of poetry in the world today.