Journal articles: 'Church and state in Germany. Germany'

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Cordell, Karl. "The Role of the Evangelical Church in the GDR." Government and Opposition 25, no. 1 (1990): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00744.x.

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The Evangelical Church Faced Harassment and hostility from the state in the immediate aftermath of the foundation of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in October 1949. Indeed, the struggle in which the Evangelical Church is today engaged can be seen as both a consequence and continuation of a struggle which began in 1949. The Soviet Union had gained control in 1945 of that part of Germany which was most staunchly Protestant. Initially there was no central authority for the Evangelical churches in postwar Germany. Instead there were a number of regional churches, eight of which were located in the Soviet Zone. However, in 1948 the Evangelical Church of Germany (EKD) was created as an umbrella organization for the whole country. Indeed the EKD remained intact as an all-German organization until 1969, despite the estrangement and mutual hostility which characterized inter-German relations until that year.

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Blaich, Roland. "A Tale of Two Leaders: German Methodists and the Nazi State." Church History 70, no. 2 (2001): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654450.

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Nazi foreign policy was hampered from the start by a hostile foreign press that carried alarming reports, not only of atrocities and persecution of the political opposition and of Jews, but also of a persecution of Christians in Germany. Protestant Christians abroad were increasingly outraged by the so-called “German Christians” who, with the support of the government, gained control of the administration of the Evangelical state churches and set about to fashion a centralized Nazi church based on principles of race, blood, and soil. The militant attack by “German Christians” on Christian, as opposed to Germanic, traditions and values led to the birth of a Confessing Church, whose leaders fought to remain true to the Gospel, often at the risk of imprisonment. Such persecution resulted in calls from abroad for boycott and intervention, particularly in Britain and the United States, and threatened to complicate foreign relations for the Nazi regime at a time when Hitler was still highly vulnerable. In order to win the support of the German people and to consolidate the Nazi grip on German society, Hitler needed accomplishments in foreign policy and solutions to the German economic crisis. Both were possible only with the indulgence of foreign powers.

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FREIHERR VON CAMPENHAUSEN, Axel. "Church and State in Germany 1996." European Journal for Church and State Research - Revue européenne des relations Églises-État 4 (January 1, 1997): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ejcs.4.0.2002829.

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Barker, Christine R. "Church and State: Lessons from Germany?" Political Quarterly 75, no. 2 (2004): 168–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.2004.00599.x.

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Leibold, Stefan. "Il welfare tedesco: un compromesso confessionale?" SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no. 3 (January 2013): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2012-003004.

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From the end of the 19th century to the present, six political regimes followed one another in Germany: from the monarchy to the Weimar Republic, the national socialist dictatorship, the occupation by the allies after the Second World War, East Germany under Soviet influence, the new established capitalist West Germany and the reunified Germany (the "Berlin Republic" after 1990). Nevertheless, surprisingly enough, the structure of the German welfare state has shown a steady continuity over such a long span of time: Germany is a very prominent example of "path dependency" in matter of welfare state. This direction is characterized by a corporative stance in social policy and it involves economic associations, Unions, private welfare organizations and mainstream Churches as leading actors of this process. The article discusses whether or not the influence of religion is a cause for the distinct features of the German welfare state. It briefly draws on current analysis and a research project in Münster (Germany); it investigates the historical and ideological roots of the typical German welfare model, and the role religion played in that respect. Finally, it focuses upon the German welfare-state model from 1945 to the present.

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Karant-Nunn, Susan C., and Merry E. Wiesner. "Gender, Church and State in Early Modern Germany." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 1 (1999): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544956.

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Hexham, Irving, and Karla Poewe. "““Verfassungsfeindlich““: Church, State, And New Religions In Germany." Nova Religio 2, no. 2 (1999): 208–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.1999.2.2.208.

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ABSTRACT: This paper examines the ideology of the German anti-cult movement. It also discusses the unique problems facing the German government resulting from right-wing extremism and the role of German cult experts in defining new religions as verfassungsfeindlich, hostile to the constitution.

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Henkel, Reinhard. "State–church relationships in Germany: past and present." GeoJournal 67, no. 4 (2007): 307–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10708-007-9063-2.

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McKinney, Blake. "“One Lord, One Faith, One Baptism” in the Land of ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer: The Fifth Baptist World Congress (Berlin, 1934)." Church History 87, no. 1 (2018): 122–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640718000823.

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The interplay of religion, politics, and state in National Socialist Germany continues to defy facile characterizations. In 1934, mere weeks following the Röhm Putsch in which the Nazi regime committed dozens of political assassinations, Berlin hosted thousands of Baptists from across the globe who would unanimously decry nationalism and racialism and advocate for the separation of church and state. Held from August 4–10, 1934, the fifth Baptist World Congress marks the zenith of German Baptist publicity and international Baptist cooperation during the interwar period. The Congress thus provides a focal point for analyzing interwar British and German Baptist relations. This relationship reflected both international cooperation and the gradual divergence of doctrine along nationalistic lines. German Baptists experienced greater freedom of exercise under the Third Reich than under previous regimes, and they leveraged their international connections in order to further their mission. They refused to become involved in the well-documented “Church Struggle” of the Confessing Church and the “German Christian Movement,” and this refusal strained international partnerships. The German Baptist experience challenges many assumptions concerning the churches under the Third Reich as it illustrates the Nazi regime's permissive toleration of a biblicist Free Church group with propagandistically valuable international connections.

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Hyde, Simon. "Roman Catholicism and the Prussian State in the Early 1850s." Central European History 24, no. 2-3 (1991): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900018884.

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The relationship between the Roman Catholic church and the state in nineteenth-century German history appears to have been plagued by discord and mistrust. From the secularization of church lands and the dissolution of sovereign ecclesiastical territories at the beginning of the century to the Kulturkampf of the 1870s, church and state found themselves repeatedly at loggerheads. One thinks of the negotiations between Prussia and Rome on a concordat after 1815, the Cologne mixed marriage controversy of 1837, the Frankfurt Parliament's debates on Article III of the Reich Constitution in 1848, and the hostility aroused by the Raumer decrees of 1852. In a recent article on the Catholic church in Westphalia during the 1850s and his book on popular Catholicism in nineteenth-century Germany, Jonathan Sperber has challenged the validity of this picture of conflict between church and state.

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Jasiński, Grzegorz. "The situation in the Masurian diocese of the Evangelical-Augsburg Church in the light of statistical data from 1956–1959." Masuro-⁠Warmian Bulletin 293, no. 3 (2016): 579–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-135043.

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Based on static data, changes in the diocese of the Masurian Evangelical-Augsburg Church were caused by the mass movement of Lutheran people to both German states. The number of faithful in the diocese decreased by 41.8% (from 39,811 to around 23,200), the parish council disintegrated, and the diocese’s income fell drastically (although the percentage of Church contributions paid by the faithful remained at the previous level). Along with the faithful, seven priests went to Germany; two state authorities were removed from the Masurian territories because of their pro-German views. 1959 is also a time of intensified efforts by the state authorities to procure the rectory and other non-religious buildings from the Church, which greatly undermined the Church’s pastoral and social work, and undermined the material basis of its existence.

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Schafer, Bernd. "State and Catholic Church in Eastern Germany, 1945-1989." German Studies Review 22, no. 3 (1999): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432269.

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Simojoki, Henrik, and Jan Woppowa. "Konfessionell-kooperativer Religionsunterricht. Zwischenbilanz und Zukunftsperspektiven." Evangelische Theologie 80, no. 1 (2020): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2020-800105.

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Abstract Enshrined in the Basic Law, Religious Education (RE) in Germany at schools is .confessional. - and hence closely linked to the religious communities, in particular the Catholic and the Protestant church. This does, however, not imply a mono-denominational structure (and even less a catechetical approach) of RE in Germany. On the contrary, due to the ongoing pluralisation, educational innovations and ecumenical progress, inter-denominational cooperation has become a decisive feature of RE in Germany in the last decades, with a plurality of forms and regional variations. This article gives an overview over the current state of this specific type of RE in German federal states. It accentuates conceptual innovations and structural improvements, but also critically reflects on some underlying tendencies which contradict the basic ecumenical and inclusive intention of inter-denominational cooperation. Finally, perspectives for further development are presented.

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Kranz, Jerzy. "Wollt ihr den totalen Krieg? Legal, Political, and Moral Aspects of the Resettlement of German Population." Polish Review of International and European Law 7, no. 2 (2020): 9–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/priel.2018.7.2.01.

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Germany had started the Second World War in an intentional and conscious manner, obviously being aware that every action can have unpredictable and unwanted consequences. The Potsdam decisions were taken by the Great Powers after assuming supreme authority in Germany. They constituted a manifestation of the Allies’ rights and responsibilities. The territorial changes of Germany and the transfer of population were part of the general regulation of the effects of the Second World War. These decisions were not a simple matter of revenge. They must be perceived in a wider political perspective of European policy. The resettlement by Germany of ethnic Germans to the Reich or to the territories it occupied constituted an instrument of National Socialist policy. This German policy turned out in 1945 to be a tragic irony of fate. The resettlement decided in Potsdam must be perceived in the context of German legal responsibility for the war’s outbreak. The individual perception of the resettlement and individual guilt are different from the international responsibility of the state and from the political-historical responsibility of the nation. In our discussion we made the distinction between the individual and the collective aspect as well as between the legal and historical/political aspect. We deal with the guilt of individuals (criminal, political, moral), the international legal responsibility of states, and the political and historical responsibility of nations (societies). For the difficult process of understanding and reconciliation between Poles and Germans, the initiatives undertaken by some social circles, and especially the church, were of vital importance. The question of the resettlement became a theme of numerous publications in Poland after 1989. In the mid 1990s there was a vast debate in the media with the main question of: should we apologize for the resettlement? Tracing a line from wrongdoing/harm to unlawfulness is not easy. In 1945 the forcible transfer of the German population was an act that was not prohibited by international law. What is significant is that this transfer was not a means of war conduct. It did not apply to the time of a belligerent occupation, in terms of humanitarian law, but to a temporary, specific, international post-conflict administration. Maybe for some people Potsdam decisions will always be seen as an illegal action, for others as an expression of strict international legal responsibility, for some as a kind of imperfect justice, and still for others as an opening of a new opportunity for Europe.

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Stolz, Jörg, Detlef Pollack, and Nan Dirk De Graaf. "Can the State Accelerate the Secular Transition? Secularization in East and West Germany as a Natural Experiment." European Sociological Review 36, no. 4 (2020): 626–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcaa014.

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Abstract Germany was a divided country from 1949 until 1989. During this period, West Germany remained a rather religious country, while East Germany became, under socialist rule, one of the most secular regions in the world. We use this case of socialist state intervention as a natural experiment to test Voas’ model of secular transition, which states that all Western and Central European countries follow the same path and speed of secularization. We employ ESS, GSS, and KMU surveys, as well as church statistics, to show that Voas’ model holds for West Germany but not for the East. In East Germany, the state accelerated the secular transition substantially: through coercion, incentive structures, and education, it succeeded in triggering mass disaffiliations from the church irrespective of age, and in discouraging parents from socializing their children religiously. This led to a self-perpetuating process that resulted in a rapid increase in the number of people who were never socialized religiously at all.

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Tshaka, Rothney S. "A confessing church at war with itself: The significance of the relationship between the concepts “Gospel and law”." STJ | Stellenbosch Theological Journal 1, no. 2 (2016): 683. http://dx.doi.org/10.17570/stj.2015.v1n2.a32.

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The confessing movement of Germany has influenced the South African confessional movement. Although the confessing movement of Germany was successful in alerting some Christians of the ills of nationalism and the concoction of nationalism with theology, this movement was not without its own challenges. One major challenge was revealed in terms of how the concepts Gospel and Law were related with one another. Being constituted by different ecclesial traditions, it lacked a clear consensus of how to deal with secular law, which was considered to be of concern by the state. A separation between gospel and law, which is sometimes insisted upon especially in some theological traditions is seen in this article as one contributing factor to the German church’s late reaction to the Jewish question.

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Koehne, Samuel. "Nazi Germany as a Christian State: The “Protestant Experience” of 1933 in Württemberg." Central European History 46, no. 1 (2013): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938913000046.

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The study of German Christian responses to the Nazis is undoubtedly a growing field of historical inquiry. Within this topic much of the focus has been on larger church organizations, such as the Catholic Church or on those who were engaged in the “Church Struggle” (Kirchenkampf)––the Confessing Church (Bekennende Kirche, BK) or the German Christian Faith Movement (Glaubensbewegung Deutsche Christen,GDC). There are numerous such works that form excellent studies of church organizations, as well as individual theologians.

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Engelhardt, Hanns. "Legal Problems of Anglicanism in Germany." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 5, no. 25 (1999): 272–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00003628.

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As in other countries on the Continent, there have been a considerable number of Anglican chaplaincies and churches in Germany. They were established—loosely speaking, not in the sense of churches as ‘by law established’—either by merchants or by people of means who toured the Continent, and settled occasionally in fashionable spas or other similar places. These chaplaincies may be grouped—from a legal point of view—according to their status under German law which may be different with regard to the German system of law governing the relationships between the state and the churches.

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Nord, Ilona, Katharina Alt, and Thomas Zeilinger. "Digitization in the Evangelical Church(es) in Germany: Exemplary Insights." Ecclesial Practices 7, no. 1 (2020): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22144417-bja10006.

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This article presents exemplary insights into the state of digitization and the corresponding efforts of selected Evangelical Churches in Germany (the federal ekd and three of its member churches) to address an array of challenges triggered by the digital transformation. Three short reports on broader studies demonstrate how the church is responding to these challenges as an actor within civil society, as well as an organization and a community of faith. This preliminary assessment suggests that the ekd is capable of both: taking part in the societal debate as well as designing and reinventing itself anew in the digital realm. Nevertheless, it will do well to figure out more context-sensitive solutions while stimulating both ethical and theological discussions.

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Ross, Ronald J. "TheKulturkampfand the Limitations of Power in Bismarck's Germany." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46, no. 4 (1995): 669–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900080489.

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Few conflicts in imperial Germany were more important than theKulturkampf, a major dispute between the Catholic Church and the Prussian State and a notorious example of the destructive character of Bismarckian politics. TheKulturkampfbegan in 1871, gathered in intensity and bitterness until 1878, and then continued with slowly diminishing severity down to 1887. Despite all its drama (the attempted assassination of governmental officials, the arrest and trial of prominent churchmen, even riots and mass demonstrations) and its undeniable political importance, theKulturkampfremains among the neglected problems of nineteenth-century German history. For the most part what has been written is so contradictory and prejudiced that even now – more than one hundred years later – the issues remain controversial and, in many respects, obscure.

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Szuppe, Paweł. "Nazizm w encyklice Piusa XI Mit brennender Sorge." Studia Historyczne 61, no. 3 (243) (2018): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.61.2018.03.05.

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Nazism in Pius XI's Encyclical Mit brennender Sorge The article presents Nazism in Pius XI’s encyclical Mit brennender Sorge. The genesis and context of this papal document, which was written in the German language and directed to the German nation, are presented, as well as reactions from the German state it evoked. This encyclical constitutes a synthesis of numerous statements by the Church in its struggle against the anti-Christian ideology and practice. In it we find references to the breaches in the concordatbetween Germany and the Holy See, and falsifications of Church teachings and language undermining the moral order, hope and love, as well as natural law. It is addressed to young people, the clergy and the laity. In it we find attempts to uncover the Nazi bestiality in the time when Hitler was admired and praised by many contemporary politicians. It does express hope that the German nation will return to the true faith and mission prepared for it by God

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Neubert, Ehrhart. "Politische Kultur und Rechtsbewußtsein in Ostdeutschland-Folgen der Diktatur." Zeitschrift für Evangelische Ethik 39, no. 1 (1995): 174–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/zee-1995-0134.

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Abstract The author examines the consequences of dictatorship upon the conciousness of law and justice in the postsocialist society of East-Germany. This society and even the Church are characterized by a moralizing thinking of justice- according to the German tradition of paternalistic state: the state grants justice and represents community. Ever after theseGermans regard themselves as inferiors, who want to get adjusted into a disciplined order. This leeds to disappointments and radical criticism of the democratic constitutional state. Law is not able to realize ultimatejustice. For the aceptance ofthe constitutional state it will be necessary to restore civil society and overcome a fundamentalistic criticism of civilisation.

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Scribner, R. W. "Pastoral Care and the Reformation in Germany." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 8 (1991): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001575.

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Of the numerous criticisms and expressions of grievance directed at the Church in Germany on the eve of the Reformation, the most devastating was the charge of inadequate pastoral care. Reformers of all complexions bewailed the poor state of the parish clergy and the inadequate manner in which they provided for the spiritual needs of their flocks. At the very least, the parish clergy were ill-educated and ill-prepared for their pastoral tasks; at the very worst, they exploited those to whom they should have ministered, charging for their services, treating layfolk as merely a means of increasing their incomes, and, above all, resorting to the tyranny of the spiritual ban to uphold their position. The popular propaganda of the early Reformation fully exploited such deficiencies, exposing the decay in root and branch of a system of pastoral care depicted as no more than an empty shell, a facade of a genuine Christian cure of souls. The attack on the traditional Church was highly successful, successful enough to provoke an ecclesiastical revolution, and almost a socio-political revolution as well. It was, indeed, so successful that generations of historians of the Reformation have seen the condition of the pre-Reformation Church largely through the eyes of its critics and opponents. This negative image was matched by an idealized view of what succeeded it: where the old Church had failed the Christian laity, indeed, so much that they had virtually fallen into the hands of the Devil, the new Church offered solutions, a new way forward, a new standard of pastoral care and concern that created a new ideal, the Lutheran pastor, who cared for his flock as a kindly father, a shepherd who would willingly give up his life for his sheep.

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Burgess, J. P. "Church-State Relations in East Germany: The Church as a "Religious" and "Political" Force." Journal of Church and State 32, no. 1 (1990): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/32.1.17.

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Jütte, R. "Shorter notice. Gender, Church, and the State in Early Modern Germany." English Historical Review 114, no. 458 (1999): 976. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/114.458.976.

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Jutte, R. "Shorter notice. Gender, Church, and the State in Early Modern Germany." English Historical Review 114, no. 458 (1999): 976. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.458.976.

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Berkmann, Burkhard J. "The covid-19 Crisis and Religious Freedom." Journal of Law, Religion and State 8, no. 2-3 (2020): 179–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-2020013.

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Abstract The article provides an overview of anti-covid-19 measures in Germany, especially in Bavaria. Public worship services were banned for seven weeks, but have been permitted again since the 4th of May, 2020, under safeguards. By comparing state law and Catholic canon law, the article investigates whether church norms merely “react” to state norms or are independent of them. Do they correspond to them or even go beyond them in their content? The article also examines whether state orders violate religious freedom. To this end, the relevant case law in Germany is analyzed. Since church and state have coordinated their actions, believers find it more difficult to exercise religious freedom.

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Charbonnier, Lars, and Lena-Katharina Roy. "Religion – Alter – Demenz." International Journal of Practical Theology 16, no. 2 (2013): 349–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijpt-2012-0021.

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Abstract The demographic future offers intensive challenges for society as present in Germany not only with regard to the social or economic system, but also with regard to religion and the Christian church’s practice in its different fields. This research report presents the current state of research on religion and aging as far as it is relevant for practical-theological reflection, mostly limited to German-speaking context. The perspective of gerontology is considered as well as research from sociology and psychology of religion or reflections on the fields of church practice like pastoral care and counselling or education/life-long-learning. A special focus is set on the specific challenges arising for theological reflection as well as church-practice from the phenomena of dementia.

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Mittmann, Thomas. "The Lasting Impact of the ‘Sociological Moment’ on the Churches’ Discourse of ‘Secularization’ in West Germany." Journal of Religion in Europe 9, no. 2-3 (2016): 157–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-00902006.

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This paper focuses on the effect of the religious sociology on the churches’ discourse of “secularization.” The research results refer to transformations within the Catholic and Protestant Church(es) in West Germany since the 1950s. At this point the purpose is not to give comprehensive insight into that topic. Rather, a few general trends are to be considered here. The secularization discourses within the West German Churches can be described as a periodization with three stages. In the period from 1945 to the late 1950s “secularization” was used to give an orientation after the devastating experiences of the Second World War. The concept was at that stage most understood in the classical meaning of a religious decline. “Secularization” was the mirror-image of past, present, and more importantly, the future. The chance of a religious revival on the one hand and the fear of a godless communism on the other hand were the main topics of the secularization discourse in the postwar period. In the 1960s we can find a kind of “theologization” of “secularization.” Based on the work of theologians such as Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Paul Tillich, and Friedrich Gogarten it was the aim to integrate a changed understanding of “secularization” in the sense of a necessary “Verweltlichung” or “Weltlichkeit” into a “modern” and future oriented church model. The churchly debate was influenced and inspired by the general politicization of the West German society. The third period began in the 1970s, but was fully developed in the 1980s. The secularization discourse followed the trend of a scientification of the Churches. The definition of “secularization” was more and more affected by sociological patterns and the theological dimension moved into the background. The churchly discussion benefited primarily from the extension of Church Sociology to Sociology of Religions. This impact of the “sociological moment” improved the future prospects of the Churches, as long as they were willing to adapt to modern society by changing their symbolic, ritual, and institutional form. Already, at the end of the 1970s the first indications of a changed perception of the significance of religion were seen. This also involved attempts to replace the theory of secularization with more plausible accounts of the future of religion.

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Myjak, Krzysztof. "SCHOOL AND PARISH CATECHESIS IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN RELATION TO CANON AND UNIVERSAL LAW." Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 1, no. XXI (2021): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.2492.

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The article deals with the topic of the school and parish catechesis in the Federal Republic of Germany. The author presents the legal basis of the catechesis, in the Church and in the State. The catechetic teaching is defined in the Code of Canon Law. Information on this can be found in the second chapter of the title “The Ministry of the Divine Word” in this code. After a brief outline of the legal basis the author proceeds to presenting the history of religious education in Germany. Its origins lie in the 16th century at the time of Reformation and Counter-Reformation. As Rainer Winkel stated, when one studies the history of education, there are seven fields of education to be distinguished: 1. pedagogy, 2. religion, 3. ethics, 4. economics, 5. science, 6. politics, 7. art. Each of them is based on the development of one of seven “athropina”, i. e. features that are characteristic for human beings. All in all, it can be said that the religious education must be an integral part of all-round education. In a further part of the article the author describes the current catechetic teaching in Germany. Since the 1960s we can observe a development from catechesis to religious studies in the religious education at school. Instead of forming and educating pupils religiously, knowledge of religions is imparted at school. It is taught that there are many equally valid systems of values. The truths of faith and the sacraments are omitted during lessons. Above all, it can be observed that the German society is misinformed about the sacrament of penance. Besides, the passion of Christ, its meaning for a Christian and the role of the Holy Virgin Mary are not among the topics in school. On the other hand, parish catechesis is not very popular. The reason for this is probably the disappointment of the young people about the institutional character of the Church. In addition, there is a high percentage of atheists (especially in the former East Germany). Therefore, the author claims that there is a need of a renewed evangelisation instead of catechesis in Germany, in order that people believe in Jesus and the Mother of God again.

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Czermak, Gerhard. "Grundfragen des deutschen Religionsverfassungsrechts in Theorie und Praxis Ein kritischer Überblick." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 63, no. 4 (2011): 348–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007311798293665.

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AbstractThe article outlines the development and most important features of the religious constitutional law of the Federal Republic of Germany, as constituted in the Grundgesetz (the German Costitution) and the decisions of the Federal Constitutional Court. Under the basic principle of neutrality, it constitutes a system of separation with single aspects of cooperation of the state and religious communities. It is also a system of wide freedom and of kindness to religion. Non-religious worldviews are explicitly equated for individuals as well as for religious and non-religious associations. This system is in theory exemplary, but holed by contradictory laws, church-state-treaties and one-sided financial subventions in a huge dimension. The indirect influence of the large Christian churches is remarkable. Christian institutions dominate the social services – with unpleasing consequences for over 1 million employees, who are subject to a special employment law. Meanwhile, low-level discrimination of small religious communities continues.

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Bespalova, L. N. "“Kulturkampf” as the confrontation of the catholic church and the imperial government of Germany in the 70s of the XIX century." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/20-4/02.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the origins and content of the kulturkampf policy initiated by the German Reich Chancellor in the 1870s. The Struggle for Culture played a decisive role not only in the formation of the Center party as one of the most influential political parties of the Reichstag in the second half of the 19th century, but also in the history of Germany as a whole. The political orientation of the first German Reich Chancellor towards the strong secular state controlling and limiting church structures was initially in favor of the empire united in 1871 and in line with the trends of the times. But the Reich Chancellors harsh, restrictive laws led to police arbitrariness and infringement on the Catholic population of the German Empire. The author identifies the main reasons that led to the persecution and repression of the Catholic minority of the German Empire. The problems of the unification of the German Empire, particularism, federalism, ultramontanism and confessional conflicts are considered in close connection with the topic under study. The research is based on the works of Russian and German researchers and on the legislative acts of Prussia and the German Empire. In addition, the materials of parliamentary debates presented in the verbatim records of the Reichstag and extracts from the memoirs of contemporaries of the event were used.

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Blumi, Isa. "Muslims and the State in Britain, France, and Germany." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 4 (2005): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i4.1666.

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The expanding Muslim communities in Western Europe have become asource of consternation in European capitals. Central to the issue ofEurope’s growing Muslim population is how far the secular state is willingto accommodate religious practices deemed to be antithetical to “European”values. Fetzer and Soper’s timely comparative study effectively addressesthe issue’s historical foundations as well as clearly explains the EuropeanMuslims’ disparate political responses.The authors’ central focus is how three core European states haveaccommodated the needs of Muslims flooding their borders since the 1960s.Exploring Europe’s surprisingly disjointed response to Muslim immigrationproves to be both theoretically interesting and an invaluable exercise indebating what options are available to elected governments that are beingincreasingly pressured by right-wing activism when it comes to accommodatethe practice of Islam in Europe.The questions raised in the book’s six chapters, three of which are dedicatedto the countries in question and the others to presenting the data collectedvia the authors’ surveys, should prove helpful to larger discussions inEuropean studies about what the contemporary dilemmas facing Germany,Britain, and France are in the context of the so-called war on terrorism.While most studies on Islam in Europe, particularly migration and genderstudies, focus on how Muslims mobilize their socioeconomic resources,Fetzer and Soper contend that developing a public policy on Muslim religious(and political) rights is actually mediated in significant ways by thedifferent institutional church/state patterns within each country.This move away from the assumption that Muslims, if organized in theright way, could expect certain institutional concessions in “democraticEurope” proves to be a helpful intervention into a sometimes doctrinally ...

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PUZA, Richard. "Relations between Church and State in the Federal Republic of Germany in 1999." European Journal for Church and State Research - Revue européenne des relations Églises-État 7 (January 1, 2000): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ejcs.7.0.565573.

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PUZA, R. "Relations between Church and State in the Federal Republic of Germany in 2000." European Journal for Church and State Research - Revue européenne des relations Églises-État 8 (January 1, 2001): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ejcs.8.0.505010.

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PUZA R. "Relations between Church and State in the Federal Republic of Germany in 2000." European Journal for Church and State ResearchRevue europ?enne des relations ?glises-?tat 8, no. 1 (2005): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ejcs.8.1.505010.

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PUZA, R. "The Development of the Relationship between Church and State in Germany in 2001." European Journal for Church and State Research - Revue européenne des relations Églises-État 9 (January 1, 2002): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ejcs.9.0.505207.

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PUZA R. "The Development of the Relationship between Church and State in Germany in 2001." European Journal for Church and State ResearchRevue europ?enne des relations ?glises-?tat 9, no. 1 (2005): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ejcs.9.1.505207.

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Soper, J. Christopher, and Joel S. Fetzer. "Religious Institutions, Church–State History and Muslim Mobilisation in Britain, France and Germany." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33, no. 6 (2007): 933–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691830701432780.

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Goeckel, Robert F. "Church–State Relations in the Post-Communist Era: The Case of East Germany." Problems of Post-Communism 44, no. 1 (1997): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.1997.11655713.

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von Arx, Jeffrey P. "Archbishop Manning and the Kulturkampf." Recusant History 21, no. 2 (1992): 254–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320000159x.

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It is not surprising that Henry Edward Manning had strong opinions about the Kulturkampf, Otto von Bismarcks effort in the early 1870’s to bring the Roman Catholic Church in Germany under the control of the State. As head of the Catholic Church in England, it appropriately fell to Manning to condemn what most British Catholics would have seen as the persecution of their Church in the new German Empire. Moreover, Manning knew personally the bishops involved in the conflict with Bismarck from their time together at the Vatican Council. Indeed, he was well acquainted with some of them who had played important rôles, either for or against, in the great controversies of the Council that led to the definition of Papal Infallibility. MiecisIaus Ledochowski, Archbishop of Gnesen and Posen, imprisoned and expelled from his see by the German government in 1874, had, together with Manning, been a prominent infallibilist. Paulus Melchers, Archbishop of Cologne, and leader of the German inopportunists, suffered the same penalty. The bishops of Breslau, Trier and Paderborn, all of whom had played significant rôles at the Council, the first two against, the latter for the definition, were either imprisoned, expelled, or both. Manning considered these men to have suffered for the cause of religious liberty, and could not understand the indifference of British politicians, especially of liberals like Gladstone, to their fate.

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BRODIE, THOMAS. "Between ‘National Community’ and ‘Milieu’: German Catholics at War, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (2017): 421–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000169.

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This article examines German Catholics’ sense of community and identity during the Second World War. It analyses how far they were able to reconcile their religious faith with support for Nazism and the German war effort and questions the extent to which Catholicism in the Rhineland and Westphalia represented either a sealed confessional subculture or a homogenising Nazified ‘national community’ (Volksgemeinschaft). The article argues that, in their pure forms, neither of these analytical paradigms accounts for the complexities of German Catholics’ attitudes during this period, which were far more contested and diverse than outlined by much existing historiography. Religious socialisation, Nazi propaganda and older nationalist traditions shaped Catholics’ mentalities during the Third Reich, creating a spectrum of opinion concerning the appropriate relationship between these influences and loyalties. At the level of lived experience, Catholics’ memberships of religious and national communities revealed themselves to be highly compatible, a tendency which in turn exerted a restraining influence on church–state conflict in wartime Germany.

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Pearce, Augur. "International Conference on the Unification of Europe and the Relationship of Society, State and Church." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 6, no. 28 (2001): 58–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00004282.

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Under the auspices of the Wolfsburg Catholic Academy, invited delegates from England and Wales, France, Germany, Poland, Hungary and Spain assembled in Canterbury for three days in September 2000 to consider the present state of the Church/nation relationship in their home jurisdictions and the possible implications of a variety of European developments.

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Towfigh, Emanuel V. "Die Entwicklung des Verhältnisses des Bahá’í-Rechts zum säkularen deutschen Recht." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 72, no. 3 (2020): 286–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700739-07203005.

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Bahá’í law differentiates between a secular and a sacred legal sphere, intertwining both by positing a religious duty for its adherents to abide by secular (state) law. In Germany, it encounters a secular legal framework that aims at something similar – creating an equilibrium between state law and religious law by establishing the principle of the division of State and Religion, while at the same time facilitating religious freedom; it provides a secular justification for the recognition of religious law. With this, both orders provide mechanisms ensuring that state law and religious law are able to enforce their own claim of validity, while at the same time avoiding conflicts between the respective legal orders. The article argues that this unique interaction between Bahá’í law and the German constitutional law framework impacted both legal orders. For German law, on the one hand, it proved to be crucial for the development and opening of this legal field – whose original purpose was the regulation of the relationship between the state and the (two) Christian churches – for other religious traditions. The interaction with state law has impacted the Bahá’í Community of Germany, on the other hand, by catalyzing a number of developments that in other comparative law contexts have been dubbed “constitutionalization” effects.

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Diec, Joachim. "The Hamburg Circle: A Thoroughly Structured Expression of the German Conservative Revolution in the Weimar Republic." Politeja 18, no. 3(72) (2021): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.72.06.

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The members of the Hamburg Circle: W. Stapel (the leading figure), H. Bogner, A.E. Günther, G. Günther, are usually attributed to the ‘young conservative’ trend of the conservative revolution in the Weimar Republic. The main platform of their expression was the Deutsches Volkstum, a monthly published in Hamburg between 1898 and 1938. The activists of the circle opposed the realities of the Weimar Republic, negating the foundations of a democratic and liberal society as it did not express the ‘national will’ of Germans. Their ideal was not exactly in the revival of monarchy but they proposed a national state which was supposed to promote the traditionally structured society. In the area of religious policy, Stapel and his colleagues aimed at a non-secular state with a form of traditionalistic church life in spite of the religious diversity in Germany. Christianity was not perceived from a purely spiritual perspective, but as a doctrine that should be a strong pillar of the state. The Hamburg Circle claimed that to achieve these goals Germans ought to reject liberalism and pacifism, which appeared to be a dangerous consequence of the ideological pressure from assimilated Jewry.

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Cremer, Tobias. "Nations under God: How Church–State Relations Shape Christian Responses to Right-Wing Populism in Germany and the United States." Religions 12, no. 4 (2021): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12040254.

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Right-wing populists across many western countries have markedly intensified their references to Christianity in recent years. However, Christian communities’ reactions to such developments often vary significantly, ranging from disproportionate support in some countries to outspoken opposition in others. This paper explores the role of structural factors, and in particular of Church–State relations, in accounting for some of these differences. Specifically, this article explores how Church–State relations in Germany and the United States have produced different incentives and opportunity structures for faith leaders when facing right-wing populism. Based on quantitative studies, survey data, and 31 in-depth elite interviews, this research suggests that whereas Germany’s system of “benevolent neutrality” encourages highly centralised churches whose leaders perceive themselves as integral part and defenders of the current system, and are therefore both willing and able to create social taboos against right-wing populism, America’s “Wall of separation” favours a de-centralised religious marketplace, in which church leaders are more prone to agree with populists’ anti-elitist rhetoric, and face higher costs and barriers against publicly condemning right-wing populism. Taking such structural factors into greater account when analysing Christian responses to right-wing populism is central to understanding current and future dynamics between politics and religion in western democracies.

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KREUZER, GUNDULA. "“Oper im Kirchengewande”? Verdi's Requiem and the Anxieties of the Young German Empire." Journal of the American Musicological Society 58, no. 2 (2005): 399–450. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2005.58.2.399.

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Abstract When, in 1874, Hans von Bülow denounced Verdi's Requiem as an “opera in ecclesiastical robes,” he perpetuated the view (previously common among German critics) that Italian music amounted to little more than Italian opera, a genre thought inferior to German music. However, this article shows that Bülow's polemic was motivated by personal resentment and far from typical of German-language responses. Partly because of Verdi's 1875 tour—during which he conducted the work in Vienna to sensational acclaim—the Requiem was widely disseminated, triggering a multifaceted discourse about genre and style, national traits, and the essence of “truly religious” music. I argue that this fervent discourse opens fresh vistas onto German musical culture and its socio-political implications after the unification of 1871. It chimed in with debates about Cecilian church-music reforms and challenged both long-cherished notions of German cultural superiority and recent attempts in Germany to bolster “cultural Protestantism.” Both foreign and popular, the Requiem thus provided a unique screen on which musical, regional, confessional, and national hostilities could be enacted. Ultimately, critics in the new German Empire grappled not only with Verdi's appearance in a new (stylistic, generic) dress but—amidst Bismarck's Kulturkampf—with the foundation of their own cultural identity in the “lesser German” nation-state.

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Schirinsky, Oleg. "THE EXERCISE OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN GERMANY AND BELARUS: A COMPARATIVE STUDY." Administrative law and process, no. 4 (27) (2019): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2227-796x.2019.4.08.

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Germany and Belarus are in a comparable position with regard to the religious landscape. Both countries have two large religious communities that decisively shape religious life. Relations between the state and the church also develop in a similar direction in both countries after the fall of the communist ideology and have the model of a cooperation relationship. Belarus as a young democracy, of course still needs time to get to European human rights standards, but Belarus can do well when it comes to ensuring freedom of religion. However, the article deals with the existing deficits in Belarusian administrative practice. Given that Belarus is still not a member of the Council of Europe and does not belong to the system of the European Convention on Human Rights, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights cannot be applied directly here. The legal practice of the mature German democratic state is therefore taken as a yardstick. According to the author of this article, the greatest need to catch up in Belarus compared to Germany is in the area of ensuring religious instruction in public schools and theology in higher education. In Belarus there is also a strict regulation for the establishment of new religious communities that do not belong to the four traditional denominations – Orthodox, Catholics, Jews and Muslims. In Germany, however, religious freedom applies indiscriminately to all religious communities. These and other differences are examined and compared in this article, which should contribute to a better understanding between Germany, the EU and the Council of Europe on the one hand and Belarus on the other. Although Belarus is not yet integrated into the pan-European institutional and legal area, the European perspective for the country does not have to be disregarded. Recently, intensive negotiations between Belarusian and European partners on the modalities of a possible accession of the Republic of Belarus to the Council of Europe have been conducted. Notably, Belarus has made two such applications for accession in recent years and considered the case law of the ECHR to be binding in some of the decisions of the Constitutional Court. The effective guarantee of religious freedom can bring Belarus even closer to Europe.

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Sommer, Elisabeth. "A Different Kind of Freedom? Order and Discipline among the Moravian Brethren in Germany and Salem, North Carolina 1771–1801." Church History 63, no. 2 (1994): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168589.

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On 19 January 1774, Joseph Müller was expelled from the town of Salem, North Carolina for becoming engaged to Sarah Hauser without the permission of the Elders Conference. On 23 August 1775 Mattheus Weiβ was likewise expelled forwriting a “bad letter” to friends in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, and on 4 November 1789, Jacob Bonn Jr., who hadbeen struggling with chronic debt, was expelled for refusing to sell his house and accept a steward for his finances. Theexpulsion of inhabitants for such offenses seems odd in a century labelled the “age of enlightenment.” It might well be viewed by good American constitutionalists as an unacceptable intrusion into the private lives of the individuals concerned. For the Moravian Brethren who built Salem on an ideal molded in Germany, the behavior of such offending Brethren represented a conflict between two different concepts of freedom: that of individual freedom, whichcame to be identified by both the European and American leadership of the Brethren as “American,” and that ofa spiritual freedom, which found expression in the submission to the good of the whole and obedience to Christ as literallord of the community. Historian A. G. Roeber has pointed out that many Germans were puzzled by “the American freedom” especially in the post-revolutionary years and did not always even agree among themselves over its precise meaning. Clearly, however, for many of them it represented a sharp departure from the more communal orientation of German society and government. Even the greater spiritual freedom offered by the lack of a state church was often viewed ambiguously. We can gain insight into the particular meaning of the conflict for the Brethren by first looking at the origins of the Moravian behavioral ideal, then at the way in which the dynamics of church/town discipline illustrate the tension between communal ideal and individual freedom, and finally by considering the specific impact of the translation of this ideal to an American setting.

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Steffen, Lloyd. "The Dark Side of Church/State Separation: The French Revolution, Nazi Germany and International Communism." Political Theology 17, no. 2 (2016): 217–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462317x.2016.1161315.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Church and state in Germany. Germany'

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