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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Church and state, latin america'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2024

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1

Dunkley, Daive Anthony. "The slaves, the state and the church : slavery and amelioration in Jamaica 1797-1833." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2008. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/876/.

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This study explores slave agency and slave abolitionism during amelioration in Jamaica. The amelioration period was chosen because it offered the slave opportunities to acquire their freedom and improve their condition. Therefore, slave agency and abolitionism occurred more frequently after the start of amelioration, which officially began in Jamaica in 1797 when the planters embarked on a programme designed to improve slavery and prolong its existence. Amelioration continued until the British Parliament voted to abolish slavery in 1833.

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2

Leib, Joelle. "How to be a Good Neighbor: Christianity's Role in Enacting Non-interventionist Policies in Latin America During the 1930s and 1940s." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1069.

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This thesis attempts to demonstrate how Reverend and Professor Hubert Herring’s dedication to Congregationalism motivated him to advocate for the autonomy of Latin American nations through the pursuit of non-interventionist policies, an approach the U.S. government ultimately adopted when it best suited its interests during World War II.

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3

Gouran, Roger David. "A study of two attempts by President Plutarco Elías Calles to establish a national church in Mexico." PDXScholar, 1995. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3561.

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In the one-hundred years between 1810 and 1926 there were many civil wars in Mexico. The last of these wars. La Cristiada, was not fought, as were the previous civil wars, by groups seeking political control of Mexico. Rather, the genesis of this war was a question of who would control the Church in Mexico. The war began when President Plutarco Elias Calles attempted to enforce rigorously certain articles of the Constitution of 1917 as well as two laws which he promulgated. If Calles had succeeded, he would, in fact, have created a church in Mexico controlled by the federal government. The material to support this thesis was taken largely from the Mexican legal documents, the writing of Calles, other sources contemporary with the events described and some secondary sources. This thesis stresses the religious reasons for the La Cristiada and discusses the war itself not at all.

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4

Pinon-Farah, Marco A. "The Mexican Hydra: How Calderón's Pursuit of Peace Led to the Bloodiest War in Mexican History? Will the Mexican People Inherit a Failed State in 2012?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/200.

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THE MEXICAN HYDRA: HOW CALDERÓN’S PURSUIT OF PEACE LED TO THE BLOODIEST WAR IN MEXICAN HISTORY. WILL THE MEXICAN PEOPLE INHERIT A FAILED STATE IN 2012? Abstract Marco Antonio Pinon-Farah The drug-war in Mexico (2006-present) has accelerated at a chilling rate, claiming the lives of 35,000 Mexican people. Since President Felipe Calderón assumed office, Mexico has been battling an internal beast unlike any it has known, the Mexican Hydra. Like the mythical creature, the Mexican cartels have proven capable of not only combating the government forces, but also of regenerating and strengthening themselves in the face of increasing government scrutiny and the loss of several prominent Mexican cartel leaders. Feuding between individual cartels and the Mexican government continue to maintain a significant portion of the country, particularly the states of Chihuahua and Sinaloa, in a paralytic state of fear. Struggling to maintain the safety of all people in Mexico, the military must also contend with the reality that it is often outgunned by the increasingly powerful drug-trafficking organizations (DTOs). Given the historical accusations of corruption in Mexican judicial, military, and police authorities, this branch of the government is constantly fighting for the trust and support of the Mexican people in order to fulfill its duties and obligations. The moral guide of Mexican society since Spanish conquest, the Catholic Church, has been notably missing from the debate until recent years in which it has chosen to speak up more frequently on behalf of those who have suffered human rights violations. In recent months, the Church and the State have been working towards a partnership to publicly condemn the violence and fear that has become all too common in Mexico. This state of chaos has been further examined by the musical phenomenon, “el narcocorrido,” (drug song). Derived from the “corrido,” one of Mexico’s most valued methods of cultural expression and storytelling, this new take on the genre provides a controversial view and analysis of the Mexican drug-trafficker. Much like the American gangsta-rap genre, the narcocorrido glamorizes the lives of individuals who are considered criminals by society. With police being criticized and the government accused of corruption and abuse, the narcocorrido is a manifestation of the sentiments of many Mexican people past and present. This cultural force allows for a greater understanding of the complexity of the drug-war in Mexico, in that it is not simply a struggle between the people and the drug industry, but rather it exposes the nature of the war for what it truly is, a battle between one Mexican presidential administration and the drug trafficking industry. President Calderón’s strategy has been successful in eliminating various important Mexican DTO leaders, however it also has been responsible for a rise in violence between the cartels and government. His strategy has left thousands dead and set a precedent for future Mexican presidents in that they are now all committed to this war, for a withdrawal from the conflict would be catastrophic for the Mexican state. Calderón is already struggling to maintain his government’s legitimacy, and it is becoming increasingly true that his state verges on failure due to its inability to guarantee and protect the rights afforded to its citizens by the Mexican Constitution.

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5

Jones, Cameron David. "The Will of God and the Will of the King: The Missionaries of Ocopa and Conflicts between Church and State in Mid-Eighteenth Century Colonial Peru." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1236284274.

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6

Brink, Paul William. "Resources for church planters in urban Latin America." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2005. http://www.tren.com.

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7

Ramirez, Luis Alvaro Mogollon. "Revolutionary violence and state legitimacy in Latin America." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283041.

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8

Levi, Amanda. "Street children in Latin America moral issues and proposed solutions with an emphasis on the work of the Latin America Mission /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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9

Mancini, Mark Ryan. "Liberation theology : politics and religion in Latin America /." Click for abstract, 1997. http://library.ctstateu.edu/ccsu%5Ftheses/1498.html.

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Thesis (M.S.)--Central Connecticut State University, 1997.
Thesis advisor: Lilian Uribe. " ... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Studies." Includes bibliographical references.

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10

Rubio, José Antonio. "An historical survey and theological analysis of the relationship of Roman Catholics and Pentecostals in the Latino community in the United States." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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11

Salazar-Xirinachs, Jose Manuel. "The state, foreign trade and economic integration in developing countries." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282910.

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12

Whitfield, Joseph Michael. "Punitive cultures of Latin America : power, resistance, and the state in representations of the prison." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708874.

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13

Brieba, Daniel. "Disaggregating state capacity : explaining policy effectiveness in Latin America, 1996-2006." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cbad4aec-9020-453a-94b2-93948d73797e.

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In this thesis, I use the concept of state capacity to account for cross-national levels of variation in policy effectiveness in Latin America between 1996 and 2006. In doing so, I make four contributions to the literature. Firstly, I develop a theoretically-grounded conceptualization and an empirically systematic measurement of policy effectiveness for 18 Latin American countries along security, welfare and economic policy dimensions. Secondly, I develop a novel conceptualization and operationalization of state capacity along three key dimensions – infrastructural power, bureaucratic capacity and political capacity. By disaggregating state capacity into these three distinct (but mutually reinforcing) constituent dimensions, I integrate different strands of the literature on state capacity and purport to increase the explanatory power of state capacity as a conceptual variable. Thirdly, I develop a simple but theoretically differentiated model of policy effectiveness which maps out and incorporates different kinds of politics-centred explanations of effectiveness, while situating state capacity as a direct (but not exclusive) cause of effectiveness. The final contribution is empirical: I triangulate statistical methods, crisp-set qualitative comparative analysis and an extended qualitative comparison of two countries (Argentina and Chile) along three policy areas (health, citizen security and economic regulation) to provide a rich analysis of the influence the different dimensions of state capacity have on each policy effectiveness dimension. My results suggest, firstly, that state capacity differences are indeed large and important for explaining within-region differences in effectiveness; secondly, that the use of this disaggregated approach provides important theoretical and empirical payoffs for understanding the multiple ways in which states affect outcomes; and thirdly, that differentiating ‘institutions as organizations’ (such as the state) from the standard understanding of ‘institutions as rules’ allows us to improve on standard institutionalist accounts of the influence of politics on development.

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14

Galloway, Michael L. "The development of separation of church and state in America." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1987. http://www.tren.com.

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15

McKinlay, Paul. "Neoliberalism and its effect on education in Latin America /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2005. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19063.pdf.

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16

Birchall, Thomas A. "A theological evaluation of the growth of the Pentecostal church in Latin America." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1994. http://www.tren.com.

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17

Holland, Alisha Caroline. "Forbearance as Redistribution: Enforcement Politics in Urban Latin America." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11648.

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Why do governments tolerate the violation of their own laws and regulations, and when do they enforce them? Conventional wisdom is that state weakness erodes enforcement, particularly in the developing world. In contrast, I highlight the understudied political costs of enforcement. Governments choose not to enforce state laws and regulations that the poor tend to violate, a behavior that I call forbearance, when it is in their electoral interest.
Government

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18

Garcia, Andres. "State Building and Regionalism in Latin America: Central America and the Rio De La Plata, 1810-1850." FIU Digital Commons, 2000. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3836.

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The purpose of this study is to account for regional disintegration in Central America and the Río de la Plata following Independence. It is a comparison of the two regions that once existed as the Kingdom of Guatemala and the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. After independence these regions became nine separate states: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica in Central America; Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Argentina in the Río de la Plata. The methodology used is the study of the late colonial period, the aftermath of the breakup of centralization, and the rise of the political strongman. Through this research I establish that the roots of nationalism never existed in the two regions. The research demonstrates that the states of Central America and the Río de la Plata exhibited signs of regionalism from their beginnings as colonial administrative centers to the formation of their political boundaries in the middle of the nineteenth century.

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19

Lauriello, Christopher Lewis. "Church and State in Dante Alighieri's "Monarchia"." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104155.

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Thesis advisor: Robert C. Bartlett
This study examines Dante Alighieri's presentation of the relation between Church and State and of their foundations in either the Christian faith or philosophic reason. It seeks to demonstrate how Dante's unmodern acceptance of a teleological understanding of the world and man’s place in it allows him to distinguish the two while also showing how both work together even as they understand differently the role that reason should play in human life. It is because of this distinction that Dante's Monarchia shares in the political principle of “separation” that underlies the secular regimes of the West, thereby making his work immediately accessible to modern-day readers. It is because of the way reason and faith also work together in his political treatise, however, that Dante does not endorse, as readers today would, the further separation of his State from Society. This is because for Dante the very ideas of Church and State not only presuppose the existence of the highest goods of man -namely, that terrestrial good that pertains to man insofar as he is a natural being, and that spiritual good that pertains to man insofar as he is a creature capable of being transfigured by the divine grace of God. They also are intended to embody and publicly promote these two goods. Thus for Dante the Church is meant to help man attain his immortal end, which consists in the supernatural act of seeing God "face to face," while the State is meant to help man attain his mortal end, which consists in grasping philosophic truths. And so it is for these teleological and illiberal reasons that Dante's work remains as inaccessible as it does familiar to readers today. Yet it is by virtue of his refusal to forge our distinctively modern course, and so because of his acceptance of an "outdated" Aristotelian principle of teleology, that Dante's philosophic politics establishes a clearer demarcation between Church and State or reason and faith than modern political philosophies do. His Monarchia is therefore an invaluable guide for all those who wish to acquire a better understanding of the nature and limit of each. This latter claim can prove to be true, however, only if the end of his treatise is understood in light of what many scholars have either ignored or denied in their reading of the Monarchia, and that is Dante’s "Latin Averroism."
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

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20

Tsolakis, Andreas. "Globalisation and the reform of the Bolivian state, 1985-2005." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2047/.

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The present study theorises and empirically investigates the transformations of the Bolivian state between 1985 and 2005, from a historical materialist perspective. It argues that state transformations have formed part of the latest phase of capital globalisation, and hypothesises that these transformations are captured effectively by concepts of ‘internationalisation’, ‘polyarchy’ and ‘depoliticisation’. Relying on substantive dialectical logic and qualitative methods (documentary analysis and interviewing), the thesis investigates reflexively whether, how and why processes of internationalisation and liberalisation of the Bolivian state, concurrent to the depoliticisation of economic management, have been taking place in the period under focus. I argue that the internationalisation of the Bolivian state was not superimposed upon an ‘endogenous’ process of political and economic liberalisation by external forces; rather, by consolidating a transnationalised elite fraction in Bolivia and the depoliticisation of economic management, the internationalisation of the state sustained polyarchy after the hyperinflationary crisis of 1985. The engagement of Multilateral Development Institutions (MDIs) and transnational private banks by a nucleus of competitive and ‘denationalised’ Bolivian elites in 1985, and in turn their unconditional integration into an expanding transnational historic bloc of elite social forces drove the internationalisation of the Bolivian state. Internationalisation, in turn, consolidated the structural power of the transnational bloc in Bolivia by concurrently locking-in the depoliticisation of central government agencies and polyarchy. Polyarchy was an attempt to legitimise elite domination and the restructuring of society and state through a procedural conception of democracy. Following the more ‘open’ tradition of historical materialist thinking, the research conceptualises the state as a contradictory organisation of subjection, a social relation embedded in broader production relations, which both reflects and constitutes a particular configuration of forces within the social space bound by its institutions. The state is a terrain of intra-elite and class struggle. Aforementioned processes of state transformation have thus been shaped by the confrontation between a transnational elite bloc, domestically-oriented elites and labour forces, in ‘civil society’ but also within the institutions of the Bolivian state itself. The radical program of social and state restructuring engineered by the staffs of MDIs in collaboration with a transnational fraction of Bolivian businessmen and technocrats from 1985 to 2005 was systematically undermined by social resistance. Equally, efforts to depoliticise state agencies – to functionally relate them to capital reproduction – contained their antithesis in recurrent attempts by domestic forces to capture and instrumentalise them.

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21

Rafferty, Oliver Plunkett. "The Church, the State and the Fenian threat, 1861-75." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319035.

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22

Nascimento, Filho Antonio Jose do. "The role of social concern in evangelism and mission in Latin America today." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1992. http://www.tren.com.

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23

Tedesco, Laura. "The crisis of the Argentinian State : democratisation and economic restructuring, 1976-1989." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1994. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2352/.

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This thesis examines the crisis of the Argentinian state during the period of the 1983-1989 democratic government. It suggests that the 1976 military dictatorship attempted to resolve the crisis of the Argentinian state by implementing an economic structural reform and State Terrorism. The consequences of the economic structural reform and State Terrorism constrained the margin of manoeuvre of the 1983 democratic government. The main economic constraints were the huge external debt and the impoverishment of the working class. The main political constraint was the need to bring the military to trial while avoiding a direct confrontation with the Armed Forces. The huge external debt constrained not only Argentina's economic growth but also the Radical government's economic strategies. A 'monetarist' restructuring of the state was imposed on debtor countries through IMF 'conditionality' loans. While the Radical government initially opposed such a restructuring, it later gradually began to implement the IMF's requirements. The impoverishment of the working class intensified the government's confrontation with the trades union movement. The Radical government unsuccessfully attempted to control and demobilise the working class. The trades union movement and the workers were able to block state policies, becoming the ultimate barrier to the restructuring policies adopted by the state. The attempt to bring the military to trial exacerbated the relationship between the Radical government and the Armed Forces. The government was unable to implement its own policies towards human rights violations, which prevented a definitive solution to this problem. In addition, the failure to resolve this problem intensified internal unrest within the Armed Forces, fostering the breakdown of the Army's hierarchy. The main political objective of the Radical government was to consolidate democracy. The economic legacy of the military dictatorship obliged the government to deepen the 'monetarist' restructuring of the state and the impoverishment of the workers while consolidating democracy. Implementing 'market-oriented' reforms made the transition to democracy more difficult. The thesis suggests that the Radical government, although unable to resolve the crisis of the Argentinian state, was able to begin the path towards consolidating democracy due to its policies towards human rights violations, which undermined the political role of the Armed Forces.

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24

Schneider, Christopher A. "The neoliberal reform of the state in Latin America, a look at Mexico." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0020/MQ47963.pdf.

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25

Caballero, José. "Revisiting regional integration theory : the state and normative elites in Central American regionalisation." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2744/.

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The thesis develops a Central Americanised model of regional integration by building on neofunctionalist concepts through the use of a constructivist approach. Distortions, strategic modification and stagnation phases of integration in that region are conventionally attributed, often implicitly, to the “unwillingness” of the governments. The problem with this approach, however, is that it neglects the role of what I identify as Normative Elites in the process. In order to overcome this limitation, the thesis formulates the concept of Social Will, conceptualised as the interplay of the ideas, identity and interest of the Central American normative elites—and it refers to the predisposition or disinclination of these elites to support the integration process. The formulation of social will leads the analysis to re-conceptualise the interaction between the state and normative elites. This reconsideration necessitates the elaboration of modified models of socialisation and norm diffusion—which I label Ideational Drive and Circumscribed-Statist respectively—to reflect certain Central American specificities. Empirically, the thesis assesses the existence and role of both political will and social will in Central America by using discourse analysis of a series of interviews and detailed readings of published position documents. Regarding political will, it identifies a latent integrative strategy and a significant ideational convergence among the participants in the study. It concludes that indeed in that region there is a fair degree of political will. This conclusion is partially supported by the uncovering of Constitutional Regionalism, or the constitutional bestowals of special citizenship status on nationals of other Central American countries, and the inclusion of specific constitutional provisions conducive to integration. The thesis contemplates the existence of social will at two points: the reactivation of the Central American integration process during the 1990s, and in the 2005-08 period. In the first instance, the thesis identifies the leading role that normative elites, through economic groups, played in the reactivation of the process. In that sense, it argues that at that time there existed a degree of social will. In the second instance, the thesis identifies discursive differences among normative elites. One discourse conceives of the region from a Central Americanist view striving for the development of the region and crucially, its people. The other discourse is Instrumentalist aiming at improving the region’s competitive positioning in the global economy. This ideational incongruence signals a limited degree of social will. The thesis concludes by arguing that partial social will delimits and imposes meaning on the spaces wherein the political will could thrive. Hence the process experiences distortions, strategic modifications and stagnant phases.

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26

Macaulay, Fiona. "Private Conflicts, Public Powers: Domestic Violence in the Courts in Latin America." Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2936.

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No
During the last two decades the judiciary has come to play an increasingly important political role in Latin America. Constitutional courts and supreme courts are more active in counterbalancing executive and legislative power than ever before. At the same time, the lack of effective citizenship rights has prompted ordinary people to press their claims and secure their rights through the courts. This collection of essays analyzes the diverse manifestations of the judicialization of politics in contemporary Latin America, assessing their positive and negative consequences for state-society relations, the rule of law, and democratic governance in the region. With individual chapters exploring Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela, it advances a comparative framework for thinking about the nature of the judicialization of politics within contemporary Latin American democracies.

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27

Grenda, Christopher S. "Debating liberal values the heritage of church and state from early America /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/280.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2003.
Thesis research directed by: History. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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28

Dreisbach, D. L. "The New Christian Right in America and attitudes towards church and state." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371628.

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29

Cordey, Pierre-André. "Business and state relations in Latin America the role of transnational corporations in Peru /." Fribourg Switzerland : [s.n.], 2005. http://ethesis.unifr.ch/theses/CordeyPA.pdf.

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30

Scherlis, Gerardo. "Presidents and parties in Latin America: the exceptionality of peronism in the Latin American context." Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91944.

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Political parties have ceased fulfilling substantial representative functions. Their legitimacy lies now on their role as governmental agencies. This led to an increasing interpenetration between parties and the states, and to the empowerment of those leaders that occupy executive offices. In the Latin American context these features are particularly intense in the case of ruling parties in countries where traditional parties collapsed or suffered significant brand dilution. In these cases the president controls the ruling party, while the «really existent» party organization is built up on the basis of networks recruited by the elected leader to run the government. The central argument of this article is that Peronism is the sole political force which has managed to adapt successfully to the conditions of electoral competition in contemporary Argentina. The president´s autonomy in terms of public policies´ in relation to a political machine sustained on the basis of the control of sub-national states makes it possible to disentangle the legitimacy of the party from that of its current national leadership. This scheme provides Peronism with a successful self-preservation mechanism, which is exceptional in the Latin American context.
Los partidos políticos han dejado de cumplir funciones representativas significativas para legitimarse a partir de su rol como agencias de gobierno. Esto ha implicado la creciente inter- penetración entre partidos y estados, así como la concentración de recursos en los líderes que ocupan cargos ejecutivos. En el contexto latinoamericano, estas características alcanzan mayor intensidad en los partidos de gobierno de países en los que se ha producido el colapso o la dilu- ción del valor de la etiqueta de los partidos tradicionales. En estos casos, el presidente controla al partido de gobierno, mientras la estructura partidaria realmente existente se constituye sobre la base de las redes reclutadas por el líder electo para el ejercicio del gobierno.El argumento central del artículo consiste en que el peronismo es la única fuerza política que ha logrado adaptarse exitosamente a las condiciones de la competencia electoral en la Argentina contemporánea. La autonomía del presidente en términos de orientación de políticas públicas frente a una máquina partidaria sostenida sobre la base del control de los estados subnacionales hace posible escindir la legitimidad del partido respecto a la de su coyuntural liderazgo. Esto provee al peronismo de un exitoso mecanismo de preservación, excepcional en el contexto latinoamericano.

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31

Ambursley, Fitzroy. "The Grenadian revolution, 1979-1983 : the political economy of an attempt at revolutionary transformation in a Caribbean mini-state." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/108795/.

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This study is primarily concerned with making an assessment of the social and economic policies pursued by the People's Revolutionary Government (PRG) of Grenada between 1979 to 1983. It is the first sociological study of the Grenadian revolution, and is longer and more detailed than any other study that has been written on the subject. The thesis mainly examines developments inside Grenada. It therefore breaks entirely new ground since most of the existing literature views the revolution from the perspective of international relations. The principal methods of investigation used were library research in London and the Caribbean; and six months of field work in Grenada, Barbados and Jamaica, where I attended important political events and conducted interviews with politicians, businessmen, government officials and representatives' of international agencies. The thesis is divided into ten chapters. Chapter one sets the scene for the study by providing information on the culture, geography, history, sociology and economy of Grenada, and traces the events that led to the revolutionary seizure of power in 1979. Chapter two discusses the main theoretical issues raised by the revolution, and chapter three analyses the institutions of popular power established by the PRG. Chapters four to eight examine the principal features of the economic strategy of the revolutionary government, and chapter nine seeks to explain the factors that led to the downfall of the revolution. The concluding chapter contains a very brief summary of the main findings of the study. The central argument put forward in the thesis is that the. revolutionary ideology which guided the PRG was highly authoritarian in character, and led to the implementation of policies that were not suited to Grenadian society. The ultimate downfall of the revolution was caused by the authoritarian practices of the PRG which resulted in a vicious power struggle in which the Prime Minister and over 100 of his supporters lost their lives. This implosion of the post-revolutionary regime gave the United States' government an adequate pretext to invade Grenada and dismantle the institutions of the revolution.

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32

Orton, Tena L. "The concept of Mariology in the Roman Catholic Church in Spanish speaking Latin America an evangelical missiological response /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1987. http://www.tren.com.

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33

Brunson, Ronnie L. "The San Luis plan (1987) a guide to contextualized church planting in the Latin America urban context /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1987. http://www.tren.com.

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34

Muskus, Eddy José. "The origins and early development of liberation theology in Latin America with particular reference to Gustavo Gutiérrez." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683134.

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35

Pilarski, Geraldo. "Food security in Latin America and grass roots political economy an ethical approach to poverty, hunger and integral liberation /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1998. http://www.tren.com.

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36

Mixcóatl, Tinoco Gerardo. "Implementing anti-poverty programmes in Mexico : the National Solidarity Programme in the State of Campeche." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/104948/.

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The subject matter of this thesis is the analysis of implementation of three of the programmes of the National Solidarity Programme-PRONASOL. A study of the implementation of PRONASOL is essential because the relationship between policy success or failure and policy implementation has been poorly studied for the Mexican context This thesis aims to provide a detailed analysis of the process of implementation of three of the programmes of the PRONASOL in the state of Campeche, Mexico, which will be used to test relevant theoretical assumptions about policy implementation. In terms of policy implementation the dissertation explores empirically the link between individual behaviour and the political, economic and legal context in which the action takes place by considering contextual variables. The thesis uses the case study method to test the adequacy of theory of policy implementation to explain the cases under analysis. This method was useful first, because it allowed to emphasise contextual conditions which may have significant influence on the phenomenon under study. Second, because the research aimed to describe cases in which the conclusions of national studies based on aggregated data were not helpful. A contrasting strategy was used to extent the explanatory potential of the case study method which was achieved through the selection of programmes and also through the selection of municipalities and localities in which the study was carried out The dissertation contributes to the understanding of the link between concrete and immediate day-to-day decisions by particular actors with the longterm structural features of Mexican society and so, to shed light on the historical trends, institutional processes, and political decisions that are interwoven in the implementation of public policies.

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Casas-Zamora, Kevin. "Paying for democracy in Latin America : political finance and state funding for parties in Costa Rica and Uruguay." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251438.

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Lewis, John B. "Jesus and the Maya, the Inter-Church Committee on Human Rights in Latin America and the indigenous peoples of central America and southern Mexico." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ28714.pdf.

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Zywina, Cameron Richard. "Martyrdom in Latin America, Gustavo Gutiérrez challenges the traditional concept of authenticated martyrdom in the Roman Catholic Church." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq23574.pdf.

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Romero, Sigifredo. "The Progressive Catholic Church in Brazil, 1964-1972: The Official American View." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1210.

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This thesis explores the American view of the Brazilian Catholic Church through the critical examination of cables produced by the U.S. diplomatic mission in Brazil during the period 1964-1972. This thesis maintains that the United States regarded the progressive catholic movement, and eventually the Church as a whole, as a threat to its security interests. Nonetheless, by the end of 1960s, the American approach changed from suspicion to collaboration as the historical circumstances required so. This thesis sheds light on the significance of the U.S. as a major player in the political conflict that affected Brazil in the 1964-1972 years in which the Brazilian Catholic Church, and particularly its progressive segments, played a fundamental role.

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Contreras, Carranza Carlos. "Soifer, Hillel David. State Building in Latin America. Nueva York: Cambridge University Press, 2015, xvi + 307 pp., ilust." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/122019.

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Jones, Elanor. "“In God We Trust” – A Legal History of the Emergence, Development and Influence of the Sexual Abuse Scandal within America’s Catholic Clergy." Thesis, Department of History, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7976.

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The position of the Catholic Church within American civic culture has been irreparably altered by the emergence of widespread allegations of sexual abuse by Church officials between 1960 and 2005. This thesis examines the role of the law in the development of this scandal: how the legal position of the Church contributed to its creation, how civil litigation produced its exposure and how the secular legal system answered its demand for legal reform. In doing so, it will argue that, contrary to traditional legal assumptions, private lawsuits were the defining influence on the public crisis that confronted the Church. The allegations of abuse and their expression through this litigation debunked the regulatory autonomy of the Church and thereby caused a powerful rupture in the historical relationship of Church and State.

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Lombera, Juan Manuel. "Civil Society, the Church, and Democracy in Southern Mexico: Oaxaca 1970-2007." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2009. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/23093.

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Political Science
Ph.D.
This dissertation examines the process of transition to democratic governance in developing nations. In particular, it explores the role of civil society and of the progressive Catholic Church as a significant part of it in the democratization process at a sub-national level. The regional-temporal focus of this study is southern Mexico from the 1970s to the present, more specifically the predominantly indigenous state of Oaxaca. This dissertation fills a gap in the literature on the application of a concept, that of civil society, that arose in the context of the modernizing West to the democratization process of a Latin American and largely indigenous society. The choice of Oaxaca as an area for study allows for two main perspectives of analysis: first, it highlights the differences in state-society relationships that take place at a sub-national as compared to a national level, and the types of regimes resulting from these differences. Second, it emphasizes the way in which the highly indigenous character of Oaxaca's population shapes the nature and goals of this state's civil society. The central point of this dissertation is that civil society has been a significant factor in inducing democratization in Oaxaca by transforming the state-society relationship from co-optation to contestation, as well as in conveying the culturally determined political demands of the indigenous peoples to liberal political institutions. The success of civil society on this endeavor, however, depends not only on the composition of civil society itself but also on the complex array of rights, leaders, political opportunity for reform, and cultural environment in which civil society develops. More specifically, the processes of democratization and de-democratization in Oaxaca depend in large measure on the ways in which national and sub-national actors shape the balance between cooperative, confrontational, and radical forms of civil society. Where political opportunities for reform allow confrontational forces to gain great capacity to challenge categorical inequalities, the processes of democratization have greater chances of succeeding. Where national and sub-national elites are able to use cooperative and radical spaces in civil society to restrict contestation, de-democratization should be expected.
Temple University--Theses

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Clary, William. "Escritura, estética y el poder despótico en tres países de la Hispanoamérica finisecular /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1996. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9841210.

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Gillies, Allan Jack Joseph. "State-narco networks and the 'war on drugs' in post-transition Bolivia, with special reference to 1989-1993." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7742/.

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This thesis examines the development of state-narco networks in post-transition Bolivia. Mainstream discourses of drugs tend to undertheorise such relationships, holding illicit economies, weak states and violence as synergistic phenomena. Such assumptions fail to capture the nuanced relations that emerge between the state and the drug trade in different contexts, their underlying logics and diverse effects. As an understudied case, Bolivia offers novel insights into these dynamics. Bolivian military authoritarian governments (1964-1982), for example, integrated drug rents into clientelistic systems of governance, helping to establish factional coalitions and reinforce regime authority. Following democratic transition in 1982 and the escalation of US counterdrug efforts, these stable modes of exchange between the state and the coca-cocaine economy fragmented. Bolivia, though, continued to experience lower levels of drug-related violence than its Andean neighbours, and sustained democratisation despite being a major drug producer. Focusing on the introduction of the Andean Initiative (1989-1993), I explore state-narco interactions during this period of flux: from authoritarianism to (formal) democracy, and from Cold War to Drug War. As such, the thesis transcends the conventional analyses of the drugs literature and orthodox readings of Latin American narco-violence, providing insights into the relationship between illicit economies and democratic transition, the regional role of the US, and the (unintended) consequences of drug policy interventions. I utilise a mixed methods approach to offer discrete perspectives on the object of study. Drawing on documentary and secondary sources, I argue that state-narco networks were interwoven with Bolivia’s post-transition political settlement. Uneven democratisation ensured pockets of informalism, as clientelistic and authoritarian practices continued. This included police and military autonomy, and tolerance of drug corruption within both institutions. Non-enforcement of democratic norms of accountability and transparency was linked to the maintenance of fragile political equilibrium. Interviews with key US and Bolivian elite actors also revealed differing interpretations of state-narco interactions. These exposed competing agendas, and were folded into alternative paradigms and narratives of the ‘war on drugs’. The extension of US Drug War goals and the targeting of ‘corrupt’ local power structures, clashed with local ambivalence towards the drug trade, opposition to destabilising, ‘Colombianised’ policies and the claimed ‘democratising mission’ of the Bolivian government. In contrasting these US and Bolivian accounts, the thesis shows how real and perceived state-narco webs were understood and navigated by different actors in distinct ways. ‘Drug corruption’ held significance beyond simple economic transaction or institutional failure. Contestation around state-narco interactions was enmeshed in US-Bolivian relations of power and control.

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Mills, Thomas. "Anglo-American relations in south America during the second world war and post-war economic planning." Thesis, Brunel University, 2010. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4493.

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This thesis examines relations between the United States and Great Britain in South America between 1939 and 1945. It does so in the broader context of the economic planning for the post-war world undertaken by the US and Britain during the Second World War. Traditional interpretations of Anglo-American post-war economic planning have tended to focus on a process whereby the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration advocated a multilateral system, based on equality of access to markets and raw materials. Doubting Britain’s ability to compete successfully in such a system, the British government baulked at the US proposal and clung to its autarkic structures constructed during the interwar years. This thesis argues that relations between the US and Britain in South America followed a different and more complex pattern. In this region it was in fact Britain that eventually took the lead in advocating multilateralism. This policy was adopted following a lengthy evaluation of British policy in Latin America, which concluded that multilateralism represented the surest means of protecting British interests in South America. The US, on the other hand, demonstrated exclusionary tendencies in its policy toward Latin America, which threatened the successful implementation of a global economic system based on multilateralism. In explaining this divergence from multilateralism in the Roosevelt administration’s post-war economic planning, this thesis pays particular attention to the influence of different factions, both within the administration and in the broader US political and business establishment. By exploring Anglo-American relations in this previously neglected region, this thesis contributes toward a greater understanding of the broader process of post-war economic planning that took place between the US and Britain during the Second World War.

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Fox, Timothy R. "Base ecclesial communities of the Catholic Church in Latin America a socio-ecclesial ferment seeking to be a church of and for the poor in a context of margination and oppression /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com.

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Wittig, Mark E. "A cultural approach to evangelism in Latin America an analysis and proposal for the work of evangelism in Medellin, Colombia /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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Uribe, Simón. "State and frontier : historical ethnography of a road in the Putumayo region of Colombia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/781/.

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This dissertation is concerned with a road in the Colombian region of Putumayo. The history of this road spans from the mid nineteenth century up to the present, and encompasses a wide range of characters and events, from nineteenth and twentieth century statesmen and missionaries’ ambitious colonization projects to ongoing peasant land conflicts regarding the road’s future. Together, these characters and events could be conceived or read as many different fragments and voices, past and present, of the same story. My main aim, however, is not to assemble these voices and fragments into a single narrative of the road, as much as to place them in the broader historical geography of state and frontier. I focus primarily on the multiple dialectical entanglements, conflicts, and encounters through which the state and the frontier have been discursively and materially constructed in this specific region. In doing so, I will argue that this historical geography of state and frontier has been primarily shaped by a relation of “inclusive exclusion”, or a relation where the assimilation or incorporation of the frontier to the spatial and political order of the state has historically depended on its exclusion from the imaginary order of the nation. Through a historical and ethnographical approach to the road, I emphasize the rhetorical and physical violence embedded in this relation, as well as the everyday practices through which this relation has been challenged and subverted in time and through space.

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Maihold, Günther. "Wahlen im Schatten des organisierten Verbrechens : Mexiko zwischen State Capture und Staatsversagen." Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/5989/.

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Kurz vor der Wahl am 1. Juli steht Mexiko vor großen Turbulenzen: Parteien beschuldigen sich gegenseitig, Mitglieder oder -läufer der organisierten Kriminalität zu sein. Der Krieg gegen die Drogen, der zuvor noch nationale Einheit heraufbeschwor, wird jetzt zum Instrument der Verleumdung des politischen Gegners. Wie kann angesichts brüchiger Staatlichkeit eine sichere Wahl gewährleistet werden?

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