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Journal articles on the topic 'Church government'
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1
Podmore, Colin. "Self-Government Without Disestablishment: From the Enabling Act to the General Synod." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 21, no. 3 (September 2019): 312–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x19000693.
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The process of Church–State separation began 90 years before the 1919 Enabling Act, which gave the Church Assembly legislative powers. The Assembly was conceived not by William Temple's Life and Liberty movement but by aristocratic Conservative politicians, motivated by practical efficiency and High Church principles. With Church lawyers, they dominated it for 40 years. The Church's response to Parliament's rejection of the 1928 Prayer Book, to the Matrimonial Causes Act 1937 and, in the 1950s, to the impossibility of fully articulating in the Church of England's canon law its doctrine on marriage discipline and the seal of the confessional, was united, confident and defiant. The Worship and Doctrine Measure 1974 largely completed efforts to achieve legislative autonomy without disestablishment. The General Synod era has seen changes in both Church and State. The traditions that eclipsed the Church's former ‘Centre-High’ consensus have been less concerned to underline the Church's distinctive identity and doctrines, about which the Synod has been less united. Among MPs, Conservative High Churchmanship and concern for minorities have waned, while expectation that the Church's practice will reflect contemporary social attitudes has increased, placing the long-term survival of the 1919 settlement in question.
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Elizabeth Sauer. "Milton and Caroline Church Government." Yearbook of English Studies 44 (2014): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.5699/yearenglstud.44.2014.0196.
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Sauer, Elizabeth. "Milton and Caroline Church Government." Yearbook of English Studies 44, no. 1 (2014): 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/yes.2014.0006.
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McGrath, Alister. "Book Reviews : Presbyterian Church Government." Expository Times 106, no. 7 (April 1995): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469510600715.
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Wollschleger, Jason. "Church government and religious participation." Rationality and Society 25, no. 4 (November 2013): 470–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043463113504449.
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Ronnick, Michele Valerie. "Milton's Reason of Church Government 1.5." Explicator 52, no. 4 (July 1994): 210–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00144940.1994.9938778.
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Jantzen, Kyle. "Totalitarianism: Propaganda, Perseverance, and Protest: Strategies for Clerical Survival Amid the German Church Struggle." Church History 70, no. 2 (June 2001): 295–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654455.
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The Protestant historiography of the German Church Struggle has been shaped largely by its attention to two fundamental issues. The first has been the intrachurch struggle dominated by two churchpolitical factions: the Faith Movement of the German Christians and the Confessing Church. German Christians whole-heartedly endorsed the government of Adolf Hitler, campaigned to align the organization, theology, and practice of the twenty-eight German Protestant Land Churches with the racial and authoritarian values of the National Socialist regime and worked to create a centralized Reich church under a powerful Reich bishop. The Confessing Church stood for theological orthodoxy and ecclesiastical independence, rejected the authority of the Land Church governments that had fallen under the control of German Christians, and asserted itself as the uniquely legitimate church government in Germany.
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McKim, Denis. "God & Government." Ontario History 105, no. 1 (July 31, 2018): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050747ar.
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This article focuses on a debate that raged in Upper Canada during the early and mid-nineteenth century over the degree to which civil authorities should assume responsibility for promoting societal virtue. Supporters of state-aided Christianity, many of whom were Tories, clashed with critics of close church-state ties, many of whom were Reformers. The catalyst for this conflict was the Clergy Reserves endowment. Drawing on works that situate British North American affairs in an expansive interpretive framework, this article maintains that the Upper Canadian debate over state-aided Christianity was subsumed within a larger conflict regarding the church-state relationship that originated in early modern England and played itself out across the North Atlantic World.
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Guild, Ivor. "Synodical Government in the Scottish Episcopal Church." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 4, no. 18 (January 1996): 493–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00002386.
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‘In Scotland the Church is fortunately in a position of practical independence of the State. Whatever difficulties and hindrances affect the Church in Scotland, and they are many, are more than balanced by the non-interference of the temporal power.’ So wrote Canon Lempriére in 1903, and so it remains. As a result it has adapted to changing circumstances more easily than a body established by law.
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Forsaith. "‘Gracious intentions’: Church, Government, and Colonial Crisis." Wesley and Methodist Studies 11, no. 1 (2019): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/weslmethstud.11.1.0050.
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Kennedy, Sheila Suess. "Government shekels and government shackles revisited: Questions for church and state." New Directions for Philanthropic Fundraising 2005, no. 48 (2005): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pf.106.
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Hasugian, Jairus, S. Pantja Djati, and Eddy Simanjuntak. "Pengaruh Pemahaman Rohaniwan Gereja tentang Model Pemerintahan Gereja terhadap Ketertiban Gereja." DUNAMIS: Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Kristiani 7, no. 1 (September 6, 2022): 254–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.30648/dun.v7i1.694.
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Abstract. Organizations and positions in the Church exist for the purpose of bringing about order. However, there are often tensions and frictions between clergy and laity caused by an understanding of the government of the Church. The purpose of this study was to analyze the level of understanding of the Church's clergy about the model of Church government and its influence on Church order. The method used is descriptive exploratory, with a quantitative approach. The research variables consisted of the Sinodal Presbyterian government model (X1), Laikal (X2), Elders (X3), and order (Y). The object of research is the clergy of the Church of Isa Almasih (GIA), with a total sample of 193 people. The results showed that the level of understanding of the GIA clergy on the Sinodal Presbyterian model of government was very low compared to the understanding of the Laikal or Elder government model. Thus, it can be concluded that the tensions and frictions that occur are due to a lack of understanding of the model of government adopted by the Church Synod.Abstrak. Organisasi dan jabatan dalam Gereja ada dengan tujuan agar terwujud ketertiban. Namun, sering kali justru terjadi ketegangan dan gesekan di antara rohaniwan dan kaum awam yang disebabkan oleh pemahaman tentang pemerintahan Gereja. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis tingkat pemahaman rohaniawan Gereja tentang model pemerintahan Gereja dan pengaruhnya terhadap ketertiban Gereja. Metode yang digunakan adalah deskriptif eksploratif, dengan pendekatan kuantitatif. Variabel penelitian terdiri atas model pemerintahan Presbiterial Sinodal (X1), Laikal (X2), Kepenatuaan (X3), dan ketertiban (Y). Obyek penelitian adalah para rohaniwan Gereja Isa Almasih (GIA), dengan jumlah sampel 193 orang. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa tingkat pemahaman rohaniwan GIA tentang model pemerintahan Presbiterial Sinodal sangat kurang dibandingkan dengan pemahaman terhadap model pemerintahan Laikal atau Kepenatuaan. Dengan demikian, dapat disimpulkan bahwa ketegangan dan gesekan yang terjadi adalah oleh karena pemahaman yang kurang terhadap model pemerintahan yang dianut Sinode Gerejanya.
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Egorov, Andrey N. "Minister of Confessions A.V. Kartashev and confessional policy of the Provisional Government." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, no. 3 (2021): 843–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-3-5.
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The article considers the views of A. Kartashev, an outstanding theologian, Minister of Confessions of the Provisional Government, on relationship between church and state in Russia and the measures he proposed in order to reform them. What Kartashev advocated was not the complete separation of church and state, but rather such a “growing distance” between them which would give the Russian Orthodox Church independence and would allow the state to be secular rather than unilaterally confessional. During the short period when the Ministry of Religious Confessions was working, Anton Kartashev tried to be less involved into church administration, defended the interests of the religious department in the government, and supported a number of proposals from the Local Council. Kartashev began to implement the legal registration of the multi-confessional state system and consistently defended the interests of the Orthodox Church in other ministries and government departments. He gradually moved away from the doctrinal guidelines of the Provisional Government on the separation of church and state and became inclined to strengthen the influence of the church in the life of society, seeing its activities as a guarantee of the spiritual salvation of Russia. This approach did not coincide with the ideas about the role of the church in the life of society which had developed in liberal and socialist circles of that time and led to a discrepancy between the declarations of the Provisional Government and the activities it carried out in the church sphere. The article considers the reasons why Kartashev was able to pursue his line of confessional policy. The most important of these reasons was that neither the Provisional Government nor the Constitutional Democratic Party or the Socialist Revolutionary Party considered the problems of church-state relations a priority. They treated such problems in the context of general problems of the democratic transformation of Russia and attributed the right to solve them to the Constituent Assembly. It is emphasized that in the tense atmosphere of 1917 neither the Provisional Government nor the Russian Orthodox Church wanted to conflict with each other. In this situation, the compromise policy of Anton Kartashev suited both sides and softened the negative attitude of the church circles towards the activities of the Provisional Government.
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Doll, Peter M. "American High Churchmanship and the Establishment of the First Colonial Episcopate in the Church of England: Nova Scotia, 1787." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 1 (January 1992): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900009659.
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The creation in North America of the first overseas diocese of the Church of England was undoubtedly one of the most remarkable and unlikely of the changes in British colonial policy which resulted from the American Revolution. Before the war, the Anglican campaign for the appointment of colonial bishops had been a major reason for the colonial fear of British tyranny; many Americans, particularly Nonconformists, vigorously protested against a scheme which they saw as a bid to recreate a Laudian ecclesiastical tyranny. But the post-war colonial policy envisaged the colonial bishop as a focus of political stability and loyalty. The new prestige and political responsibility accorded by the government to the Church was equally remarkable in view of the government's Erastian suppression of Convocation since 1715 and its politic responsiveness to Dissenting sensibilities. Despite occasional outbreaks of clerical frustration at the Church's inability to act independently, the Church of England had been unable to escape this political domination. This paper will attempt to explain why, given the government's prior hostility to the design, ministries in the 1780s should have decided to extend the church hierarchy to the colonies.
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Cummins, Victoria Hennessey. "Imperial Policy and Church Income: The Sixteenth Century Mexican Church." Americas 43, no. 1 (July 1986): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007120.
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The long-traditional view of the Roman Catholic Church in Spanish America as a monolithic, wealthy, and all powerful institution has been gradually modified by successive studies over the last thirty years. From these examinations emerges the picture of a complex institution characterized by diversity, and internal conflict. New research continues to enlarge and clarify understanding of the Church's role as an institution of the Spanish empire.What follows will, in highlighting the colonial Church's relationship to the Spanish crown, add to this view of it as a complex and diverse institution. An examination of crown policy with regard to Church finance in the sixteenth century shows that the episcopal hierarchy of the Mexican colonial Church had a subordinate relationship to the crown in the era of the Counter Reformation. Rather than a strong Church influencing the crown, what emerges is the portrait of a relatively weak, dependent institution, supported by the king. The secular church hierarchy had only enough power to carry out its function and serve as a counterpoint to the religious orders, not enough to achieve financial independence on its own. The basis for this relationship lies in the patrimonial nature of Castilian government and its dominant position over the Church hierarchy because of the Patronato Real.
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Turcescu, Lucian, and Lavinia Stan. "Church–state conflict in Moldova: the Bessarabian Metropolitanate." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 36, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 443–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2003.09.004.
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The article’s main focus is the relationship between the re-established Bessarabian Orthodox Metropolitanate and the government of the post-Soviet Republic of Moldova. The article demonstrates that the Moldovan government refused recognition to the nascent church until 2002 primarily for two reasons: first and foremost, the Moscow Patriarchate opposed the idea of another Orthodox Christian church in Moldova outside of its jurisdiction; second, the government feared that the newly independent Republic of Moldova would fall under the influence of neighboring Romania, whose Orthodox Church offered patronage to the Bessarabian Metropolitanate. After a historical overview of the Orthodox Church in the Republic of Moldova, the article first presents and analyzes the history of the conflict between the Bessarabian Metropolitanate and the post-Soviet Moldovan government, and second, the European Court of Human Rights verdict ordering the government to recognize the Metropolitanate, before verdict’s implementation, and reactions to it. All these are done with an eye on intra-national relations among Moldova, Romania, and Russia, as well as those between the Romanian Orthodox Church and the Russian Orthodox Church in connection with this conflict.
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Hofmann, Mary Ann. "The Church and the Tax Law: Keeping Church and State Separate." ATA Journal of Legal Tax Research 13, no. 1 (February 1, 2015): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/jltr-51086.
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ABSTRACT In a democracy characterized by the separation of church and state, what role does the federal government play in regulating the activities and the financial transactions of churches and other religious nonprofit organizations? What are the current federal requirements regarding tax exemption for churches, tax deductibility of donations to churches, and political activity by churches, and are these requirements justified? Rather than interfering with the free exercise of religion, does the federal government actually come closer to violating the establishment clause of the First Amendment by providing inappropriate tax benefits to churches and clergy? This paper discusses tax laws and federal court decisions relating to these and other issues.
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Cranmer, Frank. "Government and Parliamentary Report." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 21, no. 2 (April 12, 2019): 213–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x19000085.
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HM Land Registry has published an updated Practice Guide on the property aspects of converting a charitable trust into a Charitable Incorporated Organisation (‘CIO’). Church of England parishes cannot convert themselves into CIOs, but congregations in some smaller denominations have either done so already or are contemplating conversion.
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Luka Ariko Ekitala. "Relevance of the Reformed Church Polity Principles: An Analysis of the Constitution of the Reformed Church of East Africa (RCEA)." Editon Consortium Journal of Philosophy, Religion and Theological studies 1, no. 1 (July 31, 2021): 27–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.51317/ecjprts.v1i1.243.
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This paper drawing to the foundations of both Presbyterian and Reformed church polity principles, evaluates the constitution of the Reformed Church in East Africa providing a proposed church order for the future of RCEA. The distinctiveness of church law is that it must also derive from the Bible what entails Christ’s will for His church and then implement it for contemporary times (Coertzen, 1998, p. 7). In Church and Order, A Reformed Perspective the principles of Reformed Church law and church government are exclusively and extensively treated as well as the historical development of Reformed church government and the practice of the subject as part of the theological curriculum.Presbyterianism negates that all church power vests in the clergy: that the apostolic office is perpetual, and that each individual Christian congregation is independent. It is upon this principle that RCEA was born having adopted the Constitution of the Presbyterian Church of East Africa (PCEA) in 1963 prompted by the government’s requirement to be registered as an organization. However, whether the Reformed Church in East Africa (RCEA) is Reformed or Presbyterian in its government is a question to be discerned.
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Lin, Yaotang Peter. "The development of Catholic-State relations: harmony or conflict." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 349–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-10-2018-0160.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to conduct a brief survey on the Catholic Church in Taiwan since its establishment by the Spanish missionaries in 1662 until today on its internal development and external relationship with the government. It is interesting to discover that, mostly, the Church has a harmonious relationship with the government, except a very few cases in which its foreign missionaries following the social teaching of the Church antagonize the government. However, it does not affect the close relationship between the Church and government in Taiwan. Design/methodology/approach It is a qualitative research on archive and books to research on the events of the Catholic Church in Taiwan in the discipline of social sciences. Historical research is in the majority of events. Findings The finding is acceptable because it is one of the few writings on the Catholic Church in Taiwan when writing on the Protestant Churches in Taiwan is flooding. Originality/value This is a ground-breaking work with academic value.
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Borza, Peter. "Activity of the Communist Government Appointed in the Greek-Catholic Episcopal Office in Prešov." E-Theologos. Theological revue of Greek Catholic Theological Faculty 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2011): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10154-011-0009-y.
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Activity of the Communist Government Appointed in the Greek-Catholic Episcopal Office in Prešov The paper deals with the activities of the government appointee in the Greek Catholic Episcopal office in Presov before the violent destruction of the Greek Catholic Church in 1950. The government appointee was used by the communists in the Episcopal office to limit the freedom of the hierarchy of the Catholic Church in Slovakia. This was an unprecedented intrusion into the jurisdiction of bishops, which contravened the church, but also democratic principles. Government appointees were part of the planned fight against the Church, which was at that time, the last real force, capable of contradicting the emerging totalitarian regime.
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Perry, Michael J. "Liberal Democracy and the Right to Religious Freedom." Review of Politics 71, no. 4 (2009): 621–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670509990714.
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AbstractThe Roman Catholic Church was famously late to embrace the right to religious freedom. Some have plausibly maintained that when, in 1965, the cardinals and bishops at the Second Vatican Council overwhelmingly adopted the Declaration on Religious Freedom—known by the first two words of its official Latin version: Dignitatis Humanae—the church betrayed one of its most traditional and established theological teachings. The right to religious freedom, according to international law, rests in part on respect for human dignity. Thus there is a prima facie link between the liberal democratic justification and the church's 1965 justification. But, as I will argue, the appeal to human dignity is not a preserve of modern liberal democracy. Indeed, we can imagine a government that limits religious freedom because it wishes to save souls, and this precisely out of a respect for human dignity. A similar view was held by the pre-Vatican II church. Thus the appeal to human dignity is not evidence of a fundamental shift by the church. What then does account for the church's undeniable change of direction? Human dignity by itself cannot provide the fundamental justification for the right to religious freedom. Another ingredient is needed: distrust, born of long historical experience, of government authority to adjudicate questions of religious truth. The church in Dignitatis Humanae accepted this lesson of history, a lesson available to believers of a variety of stripes as well as nonbelievers.
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Park, Tae Hyeun. "Presbyterian Church Government and Its Practice in Korea." Gospel and Praxis 54 (February 20, 2020): 106–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25309/kept.2020.2.15.106.
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Ford, Norman. "When Does Human Life Begin? Science, Government, Church." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 1, no. 3 (October 1988): 298–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x8800100305.
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A survey is made of the varying views on the moment of the beginning of human life held by scientists, government commissions, and church bodies. Philosophical issues are then discussed in the light of the scientific facts. Some implications of this discussion for moral theology are then considered.
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Skyba, Ivanna. "GOVERNMENT-CHURCH RELATIONS IN HUNGARY IN 1956 – 1989." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (42) (May 20, 2020): 232–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(42).2020.202263.
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Slack, Stephen. "Synodical Government and the Legislative Process." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 14, no. 1 (December 5, 2011): 43–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x11000755.
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This article reviews the exercise of the legislative function of the General Synod of the Church of England over the last 25 years. Beginning with a summary of the principles of synodical government in the Church of England, it goes on to describe the establishment of the Synod, its composition and its functions. The different forms of legal provision available to the Synod in exercise of its legislative function are then considered, followed by an account of the impact of the Human Rights Act, the procedures applicable to the conduct of legislative business and the role of Parliament in the legislative process. After an assessment of the general pattern of synodical legislation over the last 25 years, the main areas of legislative change during that period are reviewed. The article ends with an assessment of possible areas for future legislative activity.
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Mhandara, Lawrence, Charity Manyeruke, and Sharon Hofisi. "The Church and Political Transition in Zimbabwe: The Inclusive Government Context." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 3, no. 1 (April 2, 2013): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v3i1.3379.
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This article explores the role of the church in Zimbabwe’s political space with emphasis on the transitional epoch set in motion with the consummation of the Inclusive Government after the signing of the Global Political Agreement on 15 September 2008. Being exploratory in approach, the study preferred a qualitative research design were secondary sources were the major source of data. Departing from the view point that the church and the state are complementary in satisfying human needs, the research established that the church is replete with political activists who are partaking in key political processes envisaged under the transitional phase and the enormity of their participation vary depending on the national issue at hand. More clearly, the church’s association with the political parties in the government has been mostly that of a horse-rider relationship where politicians use the church to score cheap political points.
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Anierobi, Christopher, and Cletus O. Obasi. "Urbanization and Rural-Urban Migration: Toward Involving the Church in Addressing Pro-Poor Urban Housing Challenges in Enugu, Nigeria." SAGE Open 11, no. 3 (July 2021): 215824402110401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211040123.
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Policy measures of governments toward addressing urban housing provisions seem to neglect the urban poor, especially in Nigeria. Presently, the world population estimated at 50% urban is aggravated by rural-urban migration. This is true of Enugu city in Nigeria, where urban housing challenges affect the poor residents. Enugu is one of the major Christian populaces in Nigeria where the Catholic Church is conspicuously a fulcrum for socioeconomic attractions. This makes it imperative for the Catholic Church to be involved in addressing pro-poor housing challenges. This study therefore examined urban public housing provision in Enugu metropolis with a view to determine pro-poor housing policy delivery involving the Catholic Church. Mixed research method was adopted. Interviews and observations were conducted randomly within the identified 23 informal/slum or squatter settlements adjourning the 18 formal neighborhoods of Enugu metropolis while the social inclusion theory formed the basis of the study. Findings showed that the identified 118 Catholic parishes also canonically engage in socioeconomic development of the neighborhoods as the available public housing provisions in Enugu were skewed away from the urban majority who are low-income earners. This indicates poor government attention to the housing needs of low-income households who resort to informal/squatter settlements. This article therefore recommends Catholic Church-Government collaboration toward inclusive, holistic, and proactive pro-poor housing delivery in Enugu. Effective utilization of housing cooperative societies, as well as a single-digit interest loan package for housing finance, was also recommended for the Government-Church collaboration to achieve inclusive social housing delivery in the city.
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Hattenhauer, Hans. "Avctoritas Apostolica St. Martin in Trier AD 385/386." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 101, no. 1 (August 1, 2015): 399–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgka-2015-0114.
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Abstract Avctoritas Apostolica - St. Martin in Trier AD 385/386. The transformation of the Christian church into the Roman Empire’s state-church in the 4th century gave rise to the question of how the relation between church and secular governments should to be ordered. It was partly answered AD 385/386 at Trier in the trial of the heretic bishop Priscilian before Emperor Maximus Magnus. Whereas Bishop Saint Martin maintained that the church should regulate its inner-ecclesiastical conflicts by its own sanctions only, the majority of bishops requested the emperor’s help in their fight against heresy. Martin’s protest was in vain. Maximus Magnus condemned and executed Priscilian. This case was the first Christian heresy trial by a secular-government in European history.
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Chan, Shun-hing. "Changing Church and State Relations in Contemporary China: The Case of Mindong Diocese, Fujian Province." China Quarterly 212 (November 23, 2012): 982–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012001178.
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AbstractThis study examines church–state relations in Mindong diocese, Fujian province, from the perspective of state–society relations. The article seeks to identify the salient patterns of church–state relations in Mindong diocese, and the social factors that contribute to the formation of such patterns. I elaborate on the essential characteristics of the Mindong model in the paper. I argue that the three key factors affecting church–state relations in Mindong diocese are the competition between the open and underground churches, the mediating role of the Vatican, and the pragmatism of local government officials. I describe the Mindong model as a “negotiated resistance,” meaning that the underground church resists the control of the government and seeks organizational autonomy through continued negotiation with officials of the government. In conclusion, I discuss the implications of this church–state model in advancing religious freedom in Chinese society.
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McEVOY, JAMES GERARD. "A DIALOGUE WITH OLIVER O'DONOVAN ABOUT CHURCH AND GOVERNMENT." Heythrop Journal 48, no. 6 (November 2007): 952–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2007.00351.x.
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Evans, John. "Government Support of the Church in the Modern Era." Journal of Law and Religion 13, no. 2 (1998): 517. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051483.
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Hailu, Tseday Gizaw. "The Holy See: The Government of the Catholic Church." International Journal of Children’s Rights 25, no. 3-4 (November 17, 2017): 779–816. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02503011.
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The Holy See ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (crc) in its dual personae as the government of the Catholic Church, and as the government of Vatican City State (vcs). The extent of the Holy See’s obligations under the crc in its former capacity is a current international debate, and the focus of this paper. The Committee on the Rights of the Child in its recent review process concluded that by ratifying the crc, the Holy See committed to its implementation, not only within the territory of vcs, but worldwide on behalf of Catholics “under its authority.” Conversely, the Holy See restricts its duty to that of the transmission of moral principles recognised in the crc to all people. This paper critically reviews the Committee’s concluding observations on the Holy See’s second periodic report, and ends by presenting possible alternatives to the Committee’s recommendations.
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Elena (E.P. Garanova), Nun. "Clergy Participation in Elections, Political Parties and Government from the Perspective of Secular and Church Law." Orthodoxia, no. 1 (September 4, 2021): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2021-1-1-175-190.
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This article presents a comparative analysis of solving the issue of Orthodox clergy's participation in elections, political parties and public bodies previously and in modern times from the standpoint of secular and church law. At different stages of history, there were both times when the clergy took active part in the legislative bodies of our country and abstained from it. The relevance of this question is conditioned by the following fact: while the Church is unified and its establishments are inviolable, there are historically many states of many types, and the relations between them should always be adjusted specifically to each case. There is no general theoretical formula that would suit them all. The clergy participated in political parties, elections and the State Duma before the revolution, but the results of this participation were very mixed. In the post-Soviet years, after the constitutional crisis of October 1993, the Church made the only right decision. At an expanded session on October 8, 1993, the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church adopted a resolution that instructed clergy to refrain from participating in the elections to the Federal Assembly as candidates for deputy, and to abstain from membership in political parties under the penalty of prosecution. As for the Church law, the canons of the Orthodox Church do not permit clergymen to hold secular positions of authority. This is confirmed by the Apostolic Rules and decrees of the Ecumenical Councils. Adopted in 2000 by the Jubilee Council of Bishops, “The Fundamentals of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Church” reflected the official position of the Moscow Patriarchate in its relations with the state and secular society . The Fundamentals formulate a concept of the state-church relations, the key concept of which is “the cooperation between state and church”. However, by prohibiting the clergy to participate in government bodies, the Church emphasizes its another resource: the participation of Orthodox laymen in the activities of government bodies and parties. The contemporary challenges include an enormous increase in the influence of the Internet, mass media, the ethical problems of modern technology, the lack of an Orthodox component in educational programs — they are only a few problems and challenges to the dialogue between church and state.
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Stokolos, Nadiya G. "An attempt at the ethno-confessional transformation of Orthodoxy in Poland (1923-1939)." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 24 (November 26, 2002): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2002.24.1369.
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Neounia is one of the common names of the new unified church, which was introduced by the Polish Roman Catholic bishop on the Ukrainian and Byelorussian lands of Poland during the interwar period (1923-1939). This church had a number of other names: Catholicism of the Eastern Rite, Eastern Rite, Biblical (double-rite) union. Officially, it was called the Parishes of the Catholic Church of the Eastern Catholic Rite or of the Roman Catholic Church of the Eastern Rite. The Church, through which the Vatican sought to convert the "united East" into the bosom of Catholicism, was often referred to as a "government union", since it was in some cases facilitated by local government officials. The unofficial name - neounya - contrasted with the "old union" proclaimed in Brest in 1596.
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Tampake, Tony, and Setyo Budi Utomo. "IDENTITAS GEREJA SUKU: Konstruksi Identitas Gereja Kristen Jawa (GKJ) Margoyudan dalam Pelayanan Sosial Gereja di Surakarta." KRITIS 28, no. 1 (June 24, 2019): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24246/kritis.v28i1p53-72.
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This article discusses the identity of the church Pasamuwan Kristen (community members) of Gereja Kristen Jawa/Java Christian Church (GKJ) Margoyudan, Surakarta, Central Java. Pasamuan Kristen GKJ Margoyudan’s identity construction is based on two factors: internal identity and external identity. By employing documents/literature review and in-depth interviews, this research found that the construction of internal identities of Pasamuan Kristen GKJ Margoyudan was built from the long history of Zending Missionary’s role from the Netherlands. The Zending Missionary had delivered the first identity of GKJ Margoyudan as a church which has characteristic of Javanese fellowship but still following many agreements of European social identity, Javanese culture domination as the main identity, and the church building as community solidarity identity. From the external side, the support came from synod of GKJ as the center of evangelism and the government, especially Central Java government. Synod of GKJ and the government support the church community to preserve Javanese culture through Javanese songs, Javanese language, and other related culture activities. They also transformed the church building into a cultural heritage in order to assimilate it with the social identity. The research found a conclusion that stronger acceptance from others to GKJ Margoyudan is partly because of the social role of the church in education and health since long ago. GKJ Margoyudan is accepted in the wider community as an assimilationist identity.
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Langston, Marc B. "Rediscovering Congressional Intelligence Oversight." Texas A&M Law Review 2, no. 3 (January 2015): 433–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/lr.v2.i3.3.
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This Article compares a historical model of congressional intelligence oversight, as demonstrated by Church’s leadership as chairman of the U.S. Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (“Church Committee”), with current intelligence oversight deficiencies that have induced a growing population of citizens to demand greater protections against government overreach and wrongdoing. By examining the difficulties Church and the Church Committee experienced in gathering evidence of government misconduct and publicly disseminating such information, a more historical perspective may reveal the viability of alternative methods of congressional intelligence oversight.
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Moroz, Volodymyr. "Doctrine of Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church about government election as a way to social change." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 73 (January 13, 2015): 244–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2015.73.530.
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Author analyses the teaching of the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church over importance of democratic elections. The principles, which Church proposes as background to participation in elections, are explored.
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Van Aarde, R. B. "Die Barmhartigheidsbediening van die NG Kerk van Natal - afhanklik en eksklusief?" Verbum et Ecclesia 21, no. 2 (September 9, 2000): 371–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v21i2.1265.
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The ministry of compassion of the Dutch Reformed Church in Natal - dependent and exclusive?This study highlights two major concerns in the history of the Dutch Reformed Church of Natal’s ministry of compassion. The church’s work became financially too dependent on government subsidies. The work originally started off with church finances, but was later financed by government. In principle there is nothing wrong with such a partnership, but the present financial dependency will have to make room for an independent ministry of compassion. The church’s ministry of compassion was also mainly focussed on the Afrikaner nation. In this the church supported the apartheid system of the day and started the perception that services of compassion are for the White community while missionary work is focussed on the Black communities. What history teaches us in this field of compassion and caring can help to rectify the ministry of compassion of the Dutch Reformed Church in KwaZulu/Natal and help the church to avoid the same mistakes in future
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Morris, Philip. "Governing Body of the Church in Wales." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no. 1 (December 13, 2010): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x10000888.
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2010 marked the 90th anniversary of disestablishment; and the Archbishop noted in his April Presidential Address to the Governing Body that though disestablishment had been forced on the Church and its result had been to deplete assets, congregations had twice raised sufficient money to secure the Church's territorial ministry. Though the Church now had fewer attenders, clergy and ordinands than hitherto, it had survived greater challenges in the past. In his September address, as well as looking outwards and comparing the relationship between Gaza and Israel with apartheid in South Africa, he warned that the ‘Big Society’ might merely make life harder for the most vulnerable and reminded the Government that everyone needed good quality education, health and other public services.
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Vengeyi, Obvious. "Israelite Prophetic Marks among Zimbabwean Men of God: An Evaluation of the Conduct of Selected Zimbabwean Church Leaders in Recent Politics." Exchange 39, no. 2 (2010): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016627410x12608581119795.
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AbstractWhat does it mean to be prophetic during political turmoil? Does it mean opposition to the government or opposition to any opposition to the government? This article offers a Biblical theological response to this question as it evaluates the behaviour of the clergymen and church representative bodies in Zimbabwe. Although the immediate context is the violence that engulfed the nation soon after 29 March 2008 election, over the years since 2000, the church has spoken with contradictory voices. There are churches and individual church leaders who openly displayed their allegiance to the government irrespective of all glaring misgivings. On one hand there existed some Christian leaders who opposed whatever the government did, hence they openly clamoured for regime change. While all this was happening, the common man benefitted only confusion as to who really is prophetic, that is who really represents God and the people.
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Tadros, Mariz. "VICISSITUDES IN THE ENTENTE BETWEEN THE COPTIC ORTHODOX CHURCH AND THE STATE IN EGYPT (1952–2007)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 2 (May 2009): 287a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809091004.
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This paper asserts that in 1952 an entente was forged between the Coptic Orthodox Church and the Egyptian government that provided the church with concessions in return for its political allegiance to the regime. The period prior to 1952 also witnessed the Coptic church leadership forging alliances with regimes in power; however, its ability to represent Copts vis-à-vis the state was rivaled by other Coptic voices in civil society such as the Majlis al-Milli. From 1952 on, the inhibition of Copts' voices in civil society increased the church's political power, and it developed into the undisputed voice representing the Coptic community. The relationship between church and state in the past fifty years has been volatile, affected not only by the nature of the relationship between leaders of the church and state but also by the emergence of other important players within and outside these two entities. Strains characteristic of the period leading up to the temporary dissolution of the entente in the 1970s are becoming visible today in the church–state relationship. This paper suggests that the current entente between the church and the state is being stretched to its limit although it is not likely to be dissolved.
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Serukhina, Oksana. "Special features of the anti-church repression in Nizhny Novgorod province and the response of the diocesan authorities in 1918–1921." St. Tikhons' University Review 109 (December 30, 2022): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturii2022109.106-118.
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The article examines the transformation of relations between the state and the Church in the aspect of the repressive policy of the Soviet government on the example of the Nizhny Novgorod diocese in the period 1918 – 1921. This study reflects issues directly related to the reaction of the church administration to the unfolding full-scale persecution. The author compares the situation in the Nizhny Novgorod diocese with the historical circumstances in other dioceses of the Russian Orthodox Church and finds that the Nizhny Novgorod scenario is typical. Nevertheless, there are some features of the historical picture on the Nizhny Novgorod land, due to certain circumstances and personal characteristics of representatives of both secular and Ecclesiastical authorities. This article hypothesizes that the loyal position of the ruling bishop and the diocesan council in relation to the Soviet government did not lead to the cessation of persecution, but contributed to a partial improvement in the state of church affairs in the field. The analysis of the historical situation shows how the degree of loyalty of the diocesan administration towards the new government has changed, taking into account the aggressive pressure from the ruling circles. Russian Russian Orthodox Church. The results of this study can be used in works aimed at studying the history of the Russian Orthodox Church during the period of the beginning of the persecution to obtain a holistic picture of church life, the life of believers in Russia on the example of the Russian province.
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Karicha, Jona Mbaabu, Stephen I. Akaranga, and Telesia K. Musili. "The Roman Catholic Church, Education and Health Care Provision in Meru County- Kenya." East African Journal of Traditions, Culture and Religion 5, no. 1 (August 9, 2022): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajtcr.5.1.764.
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In Kenya, it is the church that complements the government in dealing with diverse issues which are related to citizens. This paper examines the role of the Roman Catholic Church in addressing educational and health issues in Meru County. The historical background of the Ameru, the inroads of the Roman Catholic Missionaries in this county and the various initiatives that have been adopted by the church in educational and health care issues are discussed accordingly. The research was conducted in Meru County and was further corroborated with relevant literature to ascertain the Roman Catholic Church’s involvement. It is evident that the church collaborates with the government in the provision of quality education and sustained health care services to the residents of Meru.
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Griffin, Leslie C. "What Can We Expect of Law and Religion in 2020?" SMU Law Review Forum 73, no. 1 (April 2020): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.25172/slrf.73.1.9.
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The United States is in a religion-friendly mood—or at least its three branches of government are. The Supreme Court is turning away from its Free Exercise Clause analysis that currently holds that every religious person must obey the law. At the same time, the Court is rejecting its old Establishment Clause analysis that the government cannot practice or support religion. The old model of separation of church and state is gone, replaced by an ever-growing unity between church and state. This Article examines how much union of church and state this Court might establish.
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Reyes, Sofía Crespo, and Pamela J. Fuentes. "Bodies and Souls." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 36, no. 1-2 (2020): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.243.
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This article examines debates about the bodies and souls of women prostitutes in Mexico City that confronted the revolutionary Mexican government with the Catholic Church in the 1920s. We analyze the philanthropic activities of women’s organizations such as the Damas Católicas through the Ejército de Defensa de la Mujer and the ways in which they engaged in political roles at a time of fierce political struggle between the Catholic Church and the Mexican government. For both the government and Catholic women, it was deemed necessary to isolate and seclude the prostitutes’ bodies to cure them of venereal diseases and rehabilite them morally. While the government interned them at Hospital Morelos, Catholic women established a private assistance network, as well as so-called casas de regeneración, where former prostitutes had to work to sustain themselves while repenting for their sins and receiving the sacraments. By exploring the tension-filled interaction about women prostitutes between the Mexican government and the Catholic Church, we seek to contribute to the understanding of sexuality and prostitution in Mexico City in the 1920s.
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Rogowska, Barbara. "Attitude of the Vatican towards the Authoritarian and Totalitarian State as Seen in the Church Social Teaching." Polish Political Science Review 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 116–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2020-0008.
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AbstractThe attitude of the Church towards the authoritarian and totalitarian state was originally determined by the fact of existence of the Ecclesiastical State. Its downfall contributed to the change in the optics of the papist policy. Leo XIII initiated open realistic policy. He declared the Church’s readiness to co-exist (co-operate) with any form of government or social system which would not disturb the essential ecclesiastical tasks. The opinion which won was that the objectives to be attained by the Church were beyond systems and politics. This approach allowed to develop a concept, that evangelization activity should be pursued in any socio-political reality, with adapted methods. Acceptance was granted to those state systems which declared that they would defend of the Church’s position, as evidenced by establishment of political relationships between the Holy See and III Reich, fascist Italy, Spain of gen. Franco. On the other hand, the communist (totalitarian) countries were accused of rejecting “the moral norms of co-existence defined by the Church”. One can state that the Vatican offered support to those governments or totalitarian and authoritarian states whose internal and foreign policy agreed with the interests of the Church.During the pontificate of John XXIII, the Church started to express not only willingness to co-operate with each form of government, but also the need to have respect for other philosophies of life, including the leftist ones. As regards economic and political questions, the communist doctrine was not deprecated, unless in its extreme version. However, the doctrinal principles of materialism and programmatic atheism were consistently condemned and negated. Also, the Vatican decided to enter into dialogue with the extreme Left. Certainly, the papacy realised that the communist doctrine and totalitarian state in their very essence were enemies of the Church and religion. True evolution in the attitude towards different forms of governments and states was triggered by the II Vatican Oecumenical Council. While political struggle and discussion were avoided, disputes pertaining to philosophical views on life were undertaken. Agreement of any form was refused when atheism was “administratively succoured”.During the pontificate of Paul VI specific guidelines, principles and rules of procedure were introduced to regulate co-operation with totalitarian communist states. In order to ensure functioning of the Church in totalitarian systems, the Vatican resigned from any polemics as related to capitalism and communism. In turn, the Church demanded from totalitarian regimes to cease imposing the totalitarian world-view on the society. And thus, the Church’s fight for the Christian outlook on life was not given up.Depending on internal and external socio-political situation, and also on the form of the State and government concerned, the Church defined different conditions indispensable to be satisfied for its successful functioning. The evangelization mission was given superiority.
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Ferkov, Klaudiia-Stefania. "FORMATION OF THE REFORMED CHURCH DISTRICT WITHIN SUBCARPATHIAN RUS." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (44) (June 27, 2021): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(44).2021.232463.
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The article expresses the author’s attempt to outline the process of organizational and institutional design of the Reformed Church District within Subcarpathian Rus. It is noted that the Hungarian Reformed communities of the region found themselves isolated from the Reformed Church leaders after the First World War. That uncertainty negatively affected the overall tone of the Hungarian population, despite its religious affiliation. Two camps originated among the Reformed Church activists who remained on the territory of the newly formed Czechoslovakia concerning the future of the Reformed dioceses of Subcarpathian Rus. Some, including the newly elected Bishop Zinke, considered the possible alignment of the Transcarpathian dioceses to the Slovak Prytysyn Church District. Others argued for the separation and formation of an independent church district within Subcarpathian Rus. The Government circles “encouraged” that suggestion. The process of arranging the Reformed Church District within Subcarpathian Rus began almost after Saint-Germain and Trianon and ended only in 1923. As noted by the author, the relationship between the Reformed Church and the state remained complex and tense. The state did not openly restrict the autonomous rights of the church. However, several problems remained unsolved and caused conflicts: the issues of church officials’ and teachers’ citizenship, payment of congrues and promised state subventions, church school status, the language of instruction in church schools, national and religious affiliation of church school students, etc. The government was also dissatisfied with the candidacy of B. Bertok, the elected bishop of the Reformed Church of Subcarpathian Rus. For almost a decade (1932), the authorities de jure recognized the status of the Reformed Church District of Subcarpathian Rus but failed to admit Bertok’s status as the elected church head.
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Wahab, Abdul Jamil, and Takiyudin Takiyudin. "MODERATE ATTITUDE OF THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY OF BEKASI REGENCY AND THE PROBLEM OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE MOTHER CHURCH TERESSA CIKARANG." Penamas 35, no. 1 (June 27, 2022): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31330/penamas.v35i2.538.
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Catholics in Bekasi Regency don’t yet have a permanent and licensed church building, even though the number of Catholics in Bekasi Regency is relatively large, around 12 thousand people. building the Mother Teresa Church in Cikarang did not materialize, although it had been proposed since 2015 with complete requirements according to existing regulations, the Bekasi Regency Government did not issue a permit. Through research with an approach approach, it was found that there are several factors that can be categorized as supporting and inhibiting factors. The inhibiting factor is the unresponsive attitude of the Bekasi Regency Government and discriminatory administrative regulations. Meanwhile, the supporting factor is the moderate attitude of local residents who provide support for the establishment of the church. The delay in building permits for the church has resulted in obstacles in terms of worshiping Catholics and getting proper religious education. The attitude shown by the Bekasi Regency Government has violated the basic rights of Catholics to practice religious worship which are guaranteed in the constitution and statutory regulations.
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Fossouo, Pascal. "Missionary Challenges Faced by the First African Church Leaders in Cameroon and Ghana." Exchange 37, no. 3 (2008): 263–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254308x311983.
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AbstractThe practice of the Christian faith in Ghana and Cameroon changes in details according to the leaders exercising power in church and in the religious traditional system of government known as Sacral Rule. African church leaders were expected to show more understanding in affirming African tradition or in undermining white missionaries' attitudes, thought and rules. They were called to fill the omissions of their predecessors and to solve the problem of spiritual emptiness of the modern state bequeathed to Africa by the colonial practices. More of all, African leaders have to manage the presence of people with dual responsibility in Church as well as in the traditional African system of government.