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Journal articles on the topic 'Church Missionary Society. Niger Mission'
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1
Williams, C. Peter. "From Church to Mission: An Examination of the Official Missionary Strategy of the Church Missionary Society on the Niger, 1887–93." Studies in Church History 23 (1986): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840001072x.
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Crowther’s consecration in 1864 did not produce a church on the Niger which was entirely independent of the CMS. It remained financially dependent. Nonetheless, though technically still a mission, it had a very great deal of independence and, in some respects, it seemed to symbolize the Venn ideal - a self-governing native church. That the events of the nineties in the Niger represented a major disenchantment with Henry Venn’s vision of an independent church under African administration cannot be questioned. The curtailment of Bishop Crowther’s powers, the appointment of European missionaries on the Niger, the public criticism and dismissal of African ministers, and the replacement of Crowther by a European all made the point eloquently.
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WARIBOKO, WAIBINTE E. "I REALLY CANNOT MAKE AFRICA MY HOME: WEST INDIAN MISSIONARIES AS ‘OUTSIDERS’ IN THE CHURCH MISSIONARY SOCIETY CIVILIZING MISSION TO SOUTHERN NIGERIA, 1898–1925." Journal of African History 45, no. 2 (July 2004): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703008685.
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Informed by the notion of racial affinity, the European managers of the Church Missionary Society Niger Mission had required all black West Indians in their employ to make Africa their home. However, because the African posting involved a substantial devaluation in the material benefits to be derived from missionary service, West Indians vigorously objected to the idea of making Africa their home. They demanded instead to be perceived and treated as foreigners on the same footing as Europeans. Although they were subsequently defined as part of the expatriate workforce of the Mission, they were still denied parity with Europeans in the allocation of scarce benefits on the basis of racial considerations. Unresolved tensions over the redistribution of scarce resources led to the premature collapse of the West Indian scheme. This essay is an analysis of how the pursuit of socioeconomic self-interest affected the construction and representation of race and identity among the West Indians in the Niger Mission.
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Daggers, Jenny. "Transforming Christian Womanhood: Female Sexuality and Church Missionary Society Encounters in the Niger Mission, Onitsha." Victorian Review 37, no. 2 (2011): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vcr.2011.0033.
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Kolapo, Femi J. "The 1858–1859 Gbebe Journal of CMS Missionary James Thomas." History in Africa 27 (January 2000): 159–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172112.
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James Thomas, whose journal is transcribed and appended to this introduction, was a ‘native agent’ of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) at Gbebe and Lokoja at the confluence of the Niger-Benue rivers between 1858 and 1879. A liberated slave who had been converted to Christianity in Sierra Leone, he enlisted in the service of the CMS Niger Mission headed by Rev. Samuel A. Crowther. Thomas was kidnapped around 1832 from Ikudon in northeast Yoruba, near the Niger-Benue confluence. He lived in Sierra Leone for twenty-five years before returning as a missionary to his homeland.Gbebe was an important mid-nineteenth-century river port on the Lower Niger. It was located on the east bank of the Niger, a mile below its confluence with the Benue, and about 300 miles from the Atlantic. Aboh, Onitsha, Ossomari, Asaba, Idah, and Lokoja were other famous mid-nineteenth century Lower Niger towns. From an 1841 estimated base of about 1,500, its population rose to about 10,000 by 1859. Contemporary exploration and trading reports by W. B. Baikie, S. Crowther, T. Hutchinson, and J. Whitford indicate that the town occupied an important place in the commercial life of the region.However, little is known about the town's sociopolitical structures and processes, and still less is known about its relationship with its neighbors. Hence the internal sociopolitical and economic basis for the settlement's economic role in the region is largely unresearched. The reports of James Thomas, Simon Benson Priddy, and Charles Paul, CMS missionaries resident in the town for several years, contain evidence that would be useful for such an endeavor.
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Kangwa, Jonathan. "Mindolo Mission of the London Missionary Society: Origins, Development, and Initiatives for Ecumenism." Expository Times 131, no. 10 (October 15, 2019): 423–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524619884162.
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This paper considers the origins and development of Mindolo Mission of the London Mission Society in Zambia. First, the factors that led to the formation of the mission are analyzed. Second, the paper traces the shifts in ownership of Mindolo Mission and the negotiations to attain church union and increased ecumenism resulting in the foundation of the Church of Central Africa in Rhodesia (CCAR), United Church of Central Africa in Rhodesia (UCCAR), the formation of Mindolo Ecumenical Foundation (MEF) and the United Church of Zambia (UCZ). Third, the present paper discusses the ownership of the mission land. The paper concludes that Mindolo Mission is an offspring of the ecumenical movement and the churches who were the forerunners of the UCZ and the MEF.
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Te Paa, Jenny Plane. "From “Civilizing” to Colonizing to Respectfully Collaborating? New Zealand." Theology Today 62, no. 1 (April 2005): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057360506200108.
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The article traces the mission imperatives of the two groups responsible for the establishment and ongoing development of the Anglican Church in New Zealand. Beginning in 1814 with the Church Missionary Society, initially a vulnerable fledgling Anglican missionary presence, the CMS was to impact irrevocably upon indigenous Maori. Theirs was ostensibly a “civilizing” mission. Approximately three decades after the CMS, the colonial Anglican Church arrived replete with its substantial wealth and political patronage. Theirs was indisputably a “colonizing” mission, one that ultimately disenfranchised the CMS and, by implication, those within the Maori church or Te Hahi Mihinare. Beginning around 1984, the Anglican Church attempted to redeem its unjust colonial past by reviving the original promise of gospel-based partnership relationships. This article explores the effect upon the church's mission of using political solutions to resolve historic ecclesial injustices.
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Davidson, Allan K. "Völkner and Mokomoko: ‘Symbols of Reconciliation’ in Aotearoa, New Zealand." Studies in Church History 40 (2004): 317–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002965.
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On 2 March 1865, the Revd Carl Sylvius Völkner, a Church Missionary Society (CMS) missionary, was hanged from a willow tree close to his own church and mission station at Opotiki in the Bay of Plenty, New Zealand. John Hobbs, who had arrived as a Methodist missionary in New Zealand in 1823, reported on ‘the very barbarous Murder of one of the best Missionaries in New Zealand’ and noted that Völkner’s death marked ‘a New Era in the history of this country’. Völkner was the first European missionary of any denonomination to be killed in New Zealand since missionary work began in 1814.
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McKee, Gary. "Mission, Empire, and the Ultimate Good: Colonel John Munro, Benjamin Bailey, and the Church Missionary Society “Mission of Help” to Travancore (1816–18)." Mission Studies 37, no. 2 (June 19, 2020): 218–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341716.
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Abstract The Church Missionary Society “Mission of Help” to the Syrian Church of Travancore in the nineteenth century provides much instructive food for thought concerning debates that continue in mission up to the present day. In particular, the episode shows that the links between mission and empire cannot be reduced to seeing mission as a mere handmaiden to imperial concerns, although empire certainly provided a context to missionary endeavor throughout the imperial period. In this specific instance it was the forceful personality of Colonel John Munro who ensured that the Mission of Help became more intertwined with empire than might otherwise have been the case. Another effect of this imperial context for the Mission of Help was that the nature and scope of mission inevitably ended up being broadened to include aspects of societal transformation. It is shown that Benjamin Bailey was not primarily motivated by such concerns, yet was not unconcerned about them. Bailey’s thinking through of these tensions perhaps provide a way to think today about the links between the “Great Commission,” the “Great Commandment,” and cultural transformation.
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Garcev, I. A. "Российские миссионерские журналы о деятельности скандинавских религиозных миссий в конце XIX-начале XX века(Scandinavian missions in the materials of the Russian Orthodox magazines (from the late 19th and early 20th centuries))." Poljarnyj vestnik 1 (February 1, 1998): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/6.1436.
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The Russian Orthodox magazines - Pravoslavny Blagovestnik, Missio- nerskoe obozrenie, Amerikansky pravoslavny vestnik, and others - are important and interesting sources. These periodicals describe missionary activity in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Naturally, these magazines were primarily concerned with the missionary attempts of the "Great Powers". But the work of Scandinavian missions was also covered. The material can be divided into three categories: historical reviews, statistics, and so-called "missionary problems". The reviews deal with the history of all influential Scandinavian missionary organizations - The Norwegian Missionary Society, The Norwegian Covenant Mission, The Danish Missionary Society, The Church of Sweden Mission. The statistical material - the number of missionary organizations and missionaries, native assistants, converts, financial support - offers a chance to compare Scandinavian missionary activity on an international scale. At the turn of the 19th century the problems between missionaries and native inhabitants became very topical. These problems, too, were touched upon in Russian religious magazines. On the whole, the role of Scandinavian missions in the missionary movement was evaluated in an objective manner.
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Cherry, Jonathan. "Visual Images of Mission as Propaganda: The Irish Church Missions in Nineteenth-Century Ireland." International Bulletin of Mission Research 44, no. 2 (April 9, 2019): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939319841519.
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The Society for Irish Church Missions to Roman Catholics (ICM) in Ireland during the nineteenth century has been relatively neglected in discussions regarding the promotion of missionary organizations. Through an examination of six drawings commissioned by the ICM in the late 1850s and an accompanying guidebook, the imaginative geographies of mission in Ireland are explored. This investigation uncovers the missionaries’ attempts to convert Roman Catholics to Protestantism, the challenges faced, and accounts of their achievements. Through constructing particular imaginative geographies among the mission’s English supporters, the most significant British missionary society in nineteenth-century Ireland sustained itself through turbulent years.
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Kwon, Andrea. "The Legacy of Mary Scranton." International Bulletin of Mission Research 42, no. 2 (April 11, 2017): 162–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939317698778.
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Mary Scranton was an American missionary to Korea, the first missionary sent there by the Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society (WFMS) of the Methodist Episcopal Church. During her more than two decades of service, Scranton laid the foundations for the WFMS mission in Seoul and helped to establish the wider Protestant missionary endeavor on the Korean peninsula. Her pioneering evangelistic and educational work, including the opening of Korea’s first modern school for girls, reflected Scranton’s commitment to ministering to and with Korean women.
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DARCH, JOHN H. "The Church Missionary Society and the Governors of Lagos, 1862–72." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 2 (April 2001): 313–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046901005942.
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This article examines conflict between spiritual and temporal power in nineteenth-century West Africa – the uneasy relationship between the Church Missionary Society in Yorubaland and the official British presence in the nearby port of Lagos. Having encouraged Britain to intervene in Lagos in order to extirpate the slave trade, the mission soon found itself disagreeing with the policies of the colonial government concerning both the expansion of the Lagos colony and relations with the largely Christian Egba tribe. The dispute developed into a concerted attack on the colonial governors both from missionaries in the field and from the CMS headquarters in London.
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Müller, Retief. "War, Exilic Pilgrimage and Mission: South Africa's Dutch Reformed Church in the Early Twentieth Century." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 1 (April 2018): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0205.
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The main subject of inquiry here is the interrelationship between war, mission and exile in South Africa's Dutch Reformed Church at the turn of the twentieth century. The first setting of note is the Anglo—Boer War (1899–1902) when a group of Boer soldiers decided to form the Commando's Dank Zending Vereniging (Commando's Thanksgiving Mission Society) after visiting a Swiss missionary station in the northern Transvaal. Next follows Boer experiences of exile on the islands of St Helena, Ceylon and elsewhere as prisoners of war. A number of these POWs were evangelised and recruited for mission through revivalist sermons preached by their chaplains. After their return, a substantial number of ex-POWs signed up for the DRC's missionary enterprise into wider Africa, most prominently Nyasaland. The missionary experience itself often lasted for several decades. These missionaries did not refer to their life contexts as pilgrimages as such, but they often described the mission field as a place of danger and adventure populated by wild and dangerous people and animals. This article therefore suggests that the missionary careers of the Anglo—Boer War recruits approximate voluntary sacred exile, which in having originated from their forced exile as POWs acquires a pilgrimage-like character.
14
Hölzl, Richard. "Educating Missions. Teachers and Catechists in Southern Tanganyika, 1890s and 1940s." Itinerario 40, no. 3 (December 2016): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000632.
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This article concentrates on Catholic mission teachers in Southern Tanzania from the 1890s to the 1940s, their role and agency in founding and developing the early education system of Tanzania. African mission teachers are an underrated group of actors in colonial settings. Being placed between colonized and colonizers, between conversion and civilising mission, between colonial rule and African demands for emancipation, between church and government and at the heart of local society, their agency was crucial to forming African Christianity, to social change and to a newly emerging class of educated Africans. This liminal position also rendered them almost invisible for historiography, since the colonial archive rarely gave credit to their vital role and European missionary propaganda tended to present them as examples of successful mission work, rather than as self-reliant missionary activists. The article circumscribes the framework of colonial education policies and missionary strategies, it recovers the teachers’ active role in the colonial education system as well as in missionary evangelization. Finally, it contrasts teachers’ self-representation with the official image conveyed in missionary media.
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Colberg, Kristin. "Ecclesiology today and its potential to serve a missionary church." Missiology: An International Review 46, no. 1 (January 2018): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091829617739842.
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This article engages the theme of the 2017 meeting of the American Society of Missiology: “Missiology’s Dialogue Partners: Practitioners and Scholars Conversing about the Future of Mission.” It seeks to contribute to that conversation by providing a survey of the discipline of ecclesiology with an eye towards how it might learn from the field of mission and how it might inform it. This exploration begins by defining some of the goals, methods, and boundaries of the field of ecclesiology. It then considers three critical issues at the forefront of ecclesiological work today: 1) questions emanating from the ecumenical sphere; 2) shifting demographics within Christianity and corresponding calls for new ecclesial structures, and 3) the necessity of a more robust engagement between ecclesiology and the social sciences. The concluding section offers some reflections about how the current state of ecclesiology might provide glimpses of the future of ecclesiology and what light it might shine on the future of missiology.
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Kritzinger, J. J. "Missionêre perspektiewe op Teologiese opleiding." Verbum et Ecclesia 22, no. 1 (August 11, 2001): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v22i1.624.
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In the light of the transformation in society and in tertiary education, renewed attention should be given to the church, its mission, and the mission of its theological schools. If it were true that the church is the Body of Christ, called to continually be involved in God's outreach to his world, then the training of missionaries and the place of mission in the theological curriculum should also receive renewed attention. The author re-iterates the need for both a focused Missiology and the development of a true missionary theology in the theological faculty. He also indicates a need for academic Missiology to become involved in the training of missionaries.
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Smith, Susan. "The Holy Spirit and Mission in Some Contemporary Theologies of Mission." Mission Studies 18, no. 1 (2001): 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338301x00207.
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AbstractIn 1990, Pope John Paul II spoke of the Spirit as "the principal agent of mission," a statement that can provoke a variety of perceptions of the contemporary practice of mission. In this article I wish to show how the mission of the Spirit enjoys chronological and spatial priority over the mission of Jesus through an examination of the work of some contemporary theologians. An emphasis on the chronological and spatial priority of the Spirit opens up, first, new possibilities for those who favor interreligious dialogue rather than an emphasis on proclamation and proselytization as privileged ways of being missionary. Second, it offers support to women who have long experienced the negative impact of androcentric Christologies in both church and society. Third, the universal presence of the Spirit in creation is an invitation for contemporary women and men to redefine their relationship to the rest of creation, for the Spirit's immanence in all creation should call for a retreat from exploitative attitudes to nature. Fourth, the energizing and vivifying power of the Spirit could challenge that institutional inertia that can encourage the church to think of church expansion and growth as the legitimate goal of missionary activity. But to speak of the Spirit as "the principal agent of mission" also requires that we need to redefine our understanding of the relationship between the Spirit and the Jesus of history. This redefinition is important, for to move from a narrow Christocentrism or theocentrism to a theology of mission that could appear to delink the Spirit from the Father and Son in favor of understanding the Spirit as a "cosmic force," a "cosmic energy" is as limiting as the problem it tries to resolve.
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VanNess Simmons, Richard. "An Early Missionary Syllabary for the Hangzhou Dialect." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 59, no. 3 (October 1996): 516–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00030639.
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A picture of the phonology of the Hangzhou dialect at the turn of the century is found in a short book entitled Sound-table of the Hangchow dialect that was published in 1902 by the Church Missionary Society in Shàoxīng. The author of the book is not identified, but its production was no doubt associated with Bishop George Evans Moule, who for over 40 years, beginning in 1864, operated a mission in Hángzhōu affiliated with the Church Missionary Society. The spellings used in this book, which presents a syllabary of the Hángzhōu dialect, presumably reflect the system used in two textbooks on the dialect and a prayer book in colloquial Hángzhōu all written by Bishop Moule. The same spelling system was also used in a Hángzhōu vernacular translation of Matthew from the New Testament which was published sometime in the late nineteenth or early twentieth century.
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Hughes, Rebecca C. "“Grandfather in the Bones”." Social Sciences and Missions 33, no. 3-4 (September 24, 2020): 347–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-bja10011.
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Abstract Evangelical Anglicans of the Church Missionary Society constructed a triumphal narrative on the growth of the Ugandan Church circa 1900–1920. This narrative developed from racial theory, the Hamitic hypothesis, and colonial conquest in its admiration of Ugandans. When faced with closing the mission due to its success, the missionaries shifted to scientific racist language to describe Ugandans and protect the mission. Most scholarship on missionaries argues that they eschewed scientific racism due to their commitment to spiritual equality. This episode reveals the complex ways the missionaries wove together racial and theological ideas to justify missions and the particularity of Uganda.
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McKee, Gary. "Benjamin Bailey and the Call for the Conversion of an Ancient Christian Church in India." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 2 (August 2018): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0216.
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Benjamin Bailey (1791–1871) was one of the first English-born Church Missionary Society missionaries to go to India. Along with Joseph Fenn and Henry Baker, Sr, he was part of what has been called the Travancore Trio. Their objective was to reform the ancient community of Syrian Christians in Travancore so that they in turn might be a great native missionary force in India. Their mission was known as the ‘Mission of Help’ to the ancient Syrian Church. The mission was distinctive from others in India at that time which sought more directly to call for the conversion of the country's massive Hindu and Muslim populations. This article will show that Bailey seriously underestimated doctrinal differences between the CMS and the Syrians. Moreover, the place of the Syrians in the complex social fabric of Travancore was not adequately understood. Unlike other missions, this one may almost be said to have as its aim the conversion of an existing church. That call for conversion, however, arose from fundamentally divergent understandings of Christian belief and practice. The article concludes by considering further some of the sources of these divergences and engaging with some of the critique that the Mission of Help has received.
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Laksito, Petrus Canisius Edi. "PLANTATIO ECCLESIAE DAN PAROKI MISIONER DALAM ARDAS KEUSKUPAN SURABAYA 2020-2030." JPAK: Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Katolik 21, no. 1 (April 22, 2021): 34–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.34150/jpak.v21i1.304.
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Plantatio Ecclesiae is a particular term elaborated in missiology in the first half of the 20th century, and then used by the Vatican Council II in the decree on the mission activity of the Church Ad Gentes (1965) to designate the definition of mission and its goal, as well. From this perspective, it is believed that mission is not merely a question about converting souls and, therefore, bringing them to eternal salvation, but especially a “plantation of the Church” in the lands not yet touched by christian faith. Thus, mission is not only about individual salvation, but particularly about the formation of new christian communities comprised of indigenous people with their own hierarchical leaders, who live their own native values and culture contributing themselves for the local development and the good of their own society, enlightened by christian faith and strengthened by christian love. Being used to determine the ideal of a missionary parish in the Basic Orientation (Arah Dasar) of the Diocese of Surabaya 2020-2030, this term is important to be studied. This study tries to learn how the ideal of a missionary parish, seen from the perspective of plantatio Ecclesiae theology, could be realized by the Catholic Church of the Diocese of Surabaya in the years to come.
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Arbuckle, Gerald A. "The Evolution of a Mission Policy: A Case Study." Missiology: An International Review 14, no. 2 (April 1986): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968601400201.
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Vatican 11 introduced into the Catholic Church major theological, administrative, and pastoral changes relating to its view of mission. Since the council, these changes have been further refined. This article is about how one missionary religious congregation, the Society of Mary (Marist Fathers), reacted to these changes. Prior to the council, the congregation accepted the Euro-centric superiority view of the church with unfortunate consequences for all concerned. Today the congregation has absorbed at least in theory the new changes. Internalization of the new mission emphases is slower. The case study illustrates inter alia the importance of leadership being fully aware of theological and anthropological insights for the development of a mission policy.
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Moe, David Thang. "Being Church in the Midst of Pagodas." Mission Studies 31, no. 1 (February 26, 2014): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341307.
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Abstract The Protestant Christian existence in Myanmar can be characterized by three significant phases: the first phase led by foreign missionaries; the second led by foreign missionary-trained local pastors; and the current third phase in which the local Christian churches need to be theologically and missiologically rooted. Despite its two hundred years of existence in the nation (since Adoniram Judson’s mission in 1813), Christianity remains alienated in society, primarily because of Christians’ exclusion from the national religion, Buddhism. Taking the third phase as a major concern for a theology of mission in the twenty-first century in Myanmar’s pluralistic context, where the churches exist in the midst of the Buddhist pagodas, I will propose a theology of embrace as a missiological response to the problem of exclusion.
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Womack, Deanna Ferree. "The Authenticity and Authority of Islam." Social Sciences and Missions 28, no. 1-2 (2015): 89–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02801005.
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This paper examines the concept of Islamic authority in relation to early twentieth-century Protestant missionary writings on Islam and Muhammad Rashid Rida’s commentaries on mission publications in his Cairo-based journal, al-Manar. While Rida’s Salafi reformism has been the subject of much discussion, scholars have given little attention to the content of the missionary writings Rida engaged. Treatments of Rida’s work have also neglected to address the vision of Islamic authority that emerges from his responses to Christian polemics. This paper gives both subjects further consideration as it discusses Protestant missionary approaches to Islam, examines Rida’s writings on Christianity, and assesses his response to a widely circulated article on Islam by Temple Gairdner, a prominent British missionary with the Church Missionary Society in Egypt.
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Yates, Timothy. "The Idea of a ‘Missionary Bishop’ in the Spread of the Anglican Communion in the Nineteenth Century." Journal of Anglican Studies 2, no. 1 (June 2004): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/174035530400200106.
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ABSTRACTIn the 1830s, among those associated with the Tractarian revival in England and also among certain figures in the (then) Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States (PECUSA), the idea of the ‘missionary bishop’ was propagated, which presented the bishop as a pioneer evangelist as the apostles were understood to be in New Testament times and saw the planting of the Church as necessarily including a bishop from the beginning for the ‘full integrity’ of the Church to be present. This view of the bishop as the ‘foundation stone’ was not held by the Evangelicals of the Church Missionary Society (CMS), who saw the bishop by contrast as the ‘crown’ or coping stone of the young churches. Two main protagonists were the High Churchman, Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, and the honorary secretary and missionary strategist, Henry Venn. The party, led by C.F. Mackenzie as Bishop and mounted by the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) in 1861 to the tribes near Lake Nyassa, was the outworking of this Tractarian ideal.
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Mndolwa, Maimbo, and Philippe Denis. "Anglicanism, Uhuru and Ujamaa: Anglicans in Tanzania and the Movement for Independence." Journal of Anglican Studies 14, no. 2 (September 9, 2016): 192–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355316000206.
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AbstractThe Anglican Church in Tanzania emerged from the work of the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) and the Australian Church Missionary Society (CMSA). The Anglican missions had goals which stood against colonialism and supported the victory of nationalism. Using archives and interviews as sources, this article considers the roles and reaction of the Anglican missions in the struggle for political independence in Tanganyika and Zanzibar, the effects of independence on the missions and the Church more broadly, and the responses of the missions to ujamaa in Tanzania.
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Ngetich, Elias Kiptoo. "CATHOLIC COUNTER-REFORMATION: A HISTORY OF THE JESUITS’ MISSION TO ETHIOPIA 1557-1635." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (November 17, 2016): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1148.
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The Jesuits or ‘The Society of Jesus’ holds a significant place in the wide area of church history. Mark Noll cites John Olin notes that the founding of the Jesuits was ‘the most powerful instrument of Catholic revival and resurgence in this era of religious crisis’.[1] In histories of Europe to the Reformation of the sixteenth century, the Jesuits appear with notable frequency. The Jesuits were the finest expression of the Catholic Reformation shortly after the Protestant reform began. The Society is attributed to its founder, Ignatius of Loyola. As a layman, Ignatius viewed Christendom in his context as a society under siege. It was Christian duty to therefore defend it. The Society was formed at a time that nationalism was growing and papal prestige was falling. As Christopher Hollis observed: ‘Long before the outbreak of the great Reformation there were signs that the unity of the Catholic Christendom was breaking up.’[2] The Jesuits, as a missionary movement at a critical period in the Roman Catholic Church, used creative strategies that later symbolised the strength of what would become the traditional Roman Catholic Church for a long time in history. The strategies involved included, but were not limited to: reviving and nurturing faith among Catholics, winning back those who had become Protestants, converting those who had not been baptised, training of the members for social service and missionary work and also establishing educational institutions.[1] Mark A. Noll. Turning points: Decisive moments in the history of Christianity. (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1997), 201.[2] Christopher Hollis. The Jesuits: A history. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1968), 6.
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Stanley, Brian. "‘The Miser of Headingley’: Robert Arthington and the Baptist Missionary Society, 1877–1900." Studies in Church History 24 (1987): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008457.
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A gravestone in a Teignmouth cemetery displays the following inscription: Robert ArthingtonBorn at Leeds May 20th, 1823Died at Teignmouth Oct. 9th, 1900His life and his wealth were devoted to the spread of the Gospel among the Heathen.That unassuming epitaph bears testimony to one of the most remarkable figures in the story of Victorian missionary expansion. The missionary movement from both Britain and North America depended for its regular income on the enthusiasm of the small-scale contributor, but the munificence of the wealthy was essential to the financing of special projects or the opening up of new fields. The role of, for example, the jam manufacturer William Hartley as treasurer of the Primitive Methodist Missionary Society, or of the chemical manufacturers James and John Campbell White in providing much of the finance for the Free Church of Scotland’s Livingstonia Mission, is relatively well known.
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WEI-TSING INOUYE, MELISSA. "Cultural Technologies: The long and unexpected life of the Christian mission encounter, North China, 1900–30." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 6 (August 2, 2019): 2007–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000525.
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AbstractThis article uses the case of the London Missionary Society (LMS) in China to argue that disruptive cultural technologies—namely organizational forms and tools—were just as significant within Christian mission encounters as religious doctrines or material technologies. LMS missionaries did not convert as many Chinese to Christianity as they hoped, but their auxiliary efforts were more successful. The LMS mission project facilitated the transfer of certain cultural technologies such as church councils to administer local congregations or phonetic scripts to facilitate literacy. Once in the hands of native Christians and non-Christians alike, these cultural technologies could be freely adapted for a variety of purposes and ends that often diverged from the missionaries’ original intent and expectation. This article draws on the letters and reports of missionaries of the London Missionary Society in North China from roughly 1900 to 1930—the period during which self-governing Protestant congregations took root in China and many places around the world. The spread of church government structures and a culture of Bible-reading enabled Chinese within the mission sphere to create new forms of collective life. These new forms of community not only tied into local networks, but also connected to transnational flows of information, finances, and personnel. Native Christian communities embraced new, alternative sources of community authority—the power of God working through a group of ordinary people or through the biblical text—that proved both attractive and disruptive.
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Turner, Emily. "The Church Missionary Society and Architecture in the Mission Field: Evangelical Anglican Perspectives on Church Building Abroad, c. 1850-1900." Architectural History 58 (2015): 197–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x0000263x.
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The Gothic Revival occupies a central place in the architectural development of the Church of England in the nineteenth century, both at home and abroad. Within the expanding British colonial world, in particular, the neo-Gothic church became a centrally important expression of both faith and identity throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. From a symbolic and communicative perspective, the style represented not only a visual link to Britain, but also the fundamental expression of the Church of England as an institution and of the culture of Englishness. As such, it carried with it a wide range of cultural implications that suited the needs of settler communities wishing to re-established their identity abroad. Expansion during this period, however, was not only limited to the growth of settler communities but was also reflected in growing Anglican missions to the non-Christian peoples of annexed territories. The two primary organs of the Church of England in the field, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG) and the Church Missionary Society (CMS), actively employed the revived medieval style throughout the Empire as missions were solidified through infrastructure development. As a popular style with direct connotations to the Christian faith, revived medieval design became increasingly popular with Anglican missionaries abroad in the period between the early 1840s and the end of the century. Not only did its origins in ecclesiastical buildings make it attractive, but it was also stylistically distinctive, and set apart as a sacred style from both secular and ‘heathen’ structures.
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Nana Opare Kwakye, Abraham. "Returning African Christians in Mission to the Gold Coast." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 1 (April 2018): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0203.
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The transatlantic slave trade created an African diaspora in the Western world. Some of these diaspora Africans encountered and embraced the religion of their Western masters. Life in the Caribbean diaspora provided an opportunity for the nestling of ideas that were to shape the establishment of the Christian faith in Africa. Following the failures of European missionaries to make an impact in Africa in the early nineteenth century, freshly emancipated Christians from the Caribbean became agents of social transformation in the Gold Coast, Cameroun and Nigeria. Using archival records from Basel in Switzerland and Ghana, this paper explores the missionary initiative of Jamaican Christians who worked under the aegis of the Basel Evangelical Missionary Society from 1843 to 1918. It provides evidence that these Jamaican Christians became principal agents for the success of the Basel Mission's enterprise in the Gold Coast in the nineteenth century. The paper argues against a Eurocentric approach to mission historiography that has obviated the roles of Africans in the nineteenth century and demonstrates the legacy which these returning Africans have left the church in Africa.
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Lysenko, Yuliya A., and Marina N. Efimenko. "The Kyrgyz Anti-Islamic Mission of the Orenburg Diocese (1890s to early 20th century)." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 793–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-4-793-809.
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As a contribution to the history of the institutional development of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Central Asian parts of the Russian Empire, the present article analyzes the emergence of missionary structures in the Orenburg diocese. The research is based on a wide range of administrative documents of the Orenburg diocese (preserved in the State Archive of the Orenburg region), and on materials published in the Orenburg Diocesan Gazette. The contribution explores the reasons for the creation of the regional Committee of the Orthodox Missionary Society and the Kyrgyz Mission, and identifies the stages of their activities. It also highlights the features of the organization of Orthodox missionary work among the Kazakhs of the Urals and Turgay regions. The authors argue that Orthodox missionary work in the Steppe was meant to exclude the Kazakhs from the ongoing all-Russian Muslim consolidation. The strategy that the Russian state chose to control regions with a dense inorodtsy (non-Russians) population was acculturation, to control the respective populations by inclu- ding them into the cultural and religious Russian-Orthodox space. On the spot, however, the officials of the Kyrgyz Mission faced a whole range of obstacles, including particular attitudes of the Kazakhs about aspects of the Christian dogma. Also, there was already well-funded Islamic missionary work in the Ural and Turgai steppes. The Orthodox parish system remained weak, and state financing of missionary work was considered insufficient. The resettlement of peasants into the region required that employees of the Kirghiz mission changed their emphasis from missionary work to the ordinary duties of parish priests. All this allows the authors to conclude that the efficiency of Orthodox missionary structures among the Kazakhs of the Orenburg diocese was low.
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Syniy, Valentyn. "THEORIES OF THE MISSIONARY VOCATION OF THEOLOGICAL EDUCATION IN POST-SOVIET PROTESTANTISM." Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, no. 23(5) (July 1, 2020): 78–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2019.5007.23(5)-7.
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It is emphasized that the involvement of missionary theology in the discussion of ways to develop spiritual education allowed post-soviet Protestantism to successfully overcome differences in the vision of the formal construction of education, and then move on to discussions about its content. There was a gradual overcoming of modern individualism, the growing role of communities, the replacement of monologue models of mission with dialogical ones. The idea of the seminary as a community that is not self-sufficient, but serves the church as a community, has gained general recognition. The church also came to be understood as serving an eschatological ideal community similar to the Trinity community. The formation of community and dialogical models of missionary and educational activity allows Ukrainian Protestantism to effectively adapt to the realities of the beginning of the 21st century and to be proactive in today's society.
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Moon, Paul. "The Rise, Success and Dismantling of New Zealand's Anglican-led Māori Education System, 1814–64." Studies in Church History 55 (June 2019): 426–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.8.
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Anglican missionaries, serving under the auspices of the Church Missionary Society (CMS), were the first Europeans to settle in New Zealand. Within months of arriving in the country in 1814, they began to convert the language of the indigenous Māori into a written form in order to produce religious texts that would assist with Māori education and conversion. The CMS missionaries also established schools for Māori which later grew into a de facto state education system until the colonial government accelerated its plans for a secular school regime from the mid-1840s. Despite the sometimes awkward religious and cultural entanglements that accompanied missionary proselytizing in this era, the mission schools established by the CMS flourished in the succeeding decades, elevating Māori literacy levels and serving as a highly effective tool of Anglican evangelization. This article traces the arc of the CMS mission schools from their inception in 1814 to their demise in the early 1860s, a period during which the British, and later New Zealand, government's stance towards the mission schools went from ambivalence, through assistance, to antipathy.
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Escobar, Samuel. "Mission from the Margins to the Margins: Two Case Studies from Latin America." Missiology: An International Review 26, no. 1 (January 1998): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969802600107.
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The shift of Christianity to the South means that missionary initiative moves to countries and regions that are marginal from the viewpoint of economic development and cultural hegemony. Consequently, there is a search for new models of mission “from the margins” that will be closer to the models of New Testament times and the pre-Constantinian church. This article explores two case studies of Protestant mission that emerged from the margins of North American society at the beginning of this century. The stories of Pentecostal and Seventh-Day Adventist missionaries, who started their work among marginalized sectors in remote areas of Brazil and Perú, provide suggestive examples of methodology and approach.
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Bate, Stuart C. "Foreign Funding of Catholic Mission in South Africa: a Case Study." Mission Studies 18, no. 1 (2001): 50–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338301x00199.
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AbstractThis article forms part of an ongoing study of money as a cultural signifier in western missionary praxis. The focus here is foreign funding of Catholic mission in Africa. It presents a case study of a particular donor agency, given the pseudonym, "funding the mission," and its role in financing Catholic mission projects in South Africa between 1979 and 1997. This period was one of tremendous social change in South Africa during which the Catholic Church spent a large amount of time and effort in reviewing its own praxis culminating in the launch of a pastoral plan in 1989. The article begins by reviewing "funding the mission's" own vision of its missionary role emphasizing its funding criteria. Then there is an analytical presentation of the funding data. This looks at the amounts donated, the categories of projects funded and the identity of the applicants. Identity is first considered in terms of Catholic criteria: dioceses, religious congregations, lay people and ecumenical groups and then as social criteria: foreign, South African and racial identity. The article then proceeds to a missiological reflection in terms of the meaning of money in ecclesial praxis and then its cultural role in society and the church. In this section the missiological category of inculturation provides the hermeneutic key both from the cultural perspective of the donors and that of the recipients. Finally there is a reflection on the notion of sharing within the church and whether sharing from the richer nations is helping or hindering the process of inculturation within African local churches. It includes some suggestions for a more effective response.
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Allenov, Andrey N., and Oleg Y. Levin. "Activities of Bishop Porphyrius Uspensky as head of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem (1847–1853)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 192 (2021): 169–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-192-169-175.
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We analyze the missionary activity of the Bishop of the Russian Orthodox Church Porphyrius (Konstantin Aleksandrovich Uspensky) in the territory of Palestine, which was part of the Ottoman Empire in the period under study from 1847 to 1853. Porphyrius’s preliminary explora-tion of these lands to justify the expediency of establishing a Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in the region, and the patronage of this idea among the authorities of the Russian Empire, including the Chancellor Count Nesselrode and Emperor Nicholas I, are shown. We consider the educational and charitable activities of Bishop Porphyrius among the local Orthodox population, including the provision of financial assistance in the creation of public schools and a theological school for the training of clergy from the local Arab population. It is noted that along with missionary work, re-search activities were extremely important for the bishop. As an orientalist, Porphyrius described local church folklore, collected relics and copied manuscripts, and described his observations. It is noted that his colleagues also sought to reveal to the Russian society the history and culture of the Middle East; in particular, the seminarian Solovyov made sketches of the area. The relations of the bishop with the Russian and Austrian consuls are described.
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Willis, Justin. "'THE NYAMANG ARE HARD TO TOUCH': MISSION EVANGELISM AND TRADITION IN THE NUBA MOUNTAINS, SUDAN, 1933-1952." Journal of Religion in Africa 33, no. 1 (2003): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006603765626703.
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AbstractIn 1935 the Church Missionary Society established a station at Salara, in the western part of the Nuba Mountains of Sudan. The station received considerable financial support from the colonial administration, as well as from donors in the United Kingdom, but it was strikingly unsuccessful in its attempts to create a local Christian community, and in the early 1950s the station was abandoned by the CMS. This paper explores the circumstances of this failure, and suggests that missionary work in Salara was undermined by the missionaries' ambivalent attitudes to tradition and modernity. These attitudes derived partly from engagement with colonial officials who were chronically uncertain as to the proper policy to pursue in the Nuba Mountains, and partly from a wider uncertainty in mission attitudes that had come to emphasize the need for a distinctly African form of Christianity but yet remained profoundly suspicious of the reliability of African Christians.
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WAMAGATTA, EVANSON N. "The Roots of the Presbyterian Church of Kenya: The Merger of the Gospel Missionary Society and the Church of Scotland Mission Revisited." Journal of Religious History 31, no. 4 (December 2007): 387–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.2007.00689.x.
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Stuart, John. "Overseas Mission, Voluntary Service and Aid to Africa: Max Warren, the Church Missionary Society and Kenya, 1945–63." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 36, no. 3 (September 2008): 527–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530802318615.
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Hilliard, David. "Launching Marsden's Mission: The Beginnings of the Church Missionary Society in New Zealand, Viewed from New South Wales." Australian Historical Studies 46, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 483–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2015.1078936.
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Mouser, Bruce. "Origins of Church Missionary Society Accommodation to Imperial Policy: The Sierra Leone Quagmire and the Closing of the Susu Mission, 1804-17." Journal of Religion in Africa 39, no. 4 (2009): 375–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002242009x12537559494278.
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AbstractA series of events in 1807 changed the mission of the early Church Missionary Society in Sierra Leone from one that was designed initially and solely to spread the Christian message in the interior of West Africa to one that included service to the Colony of Sierra Leone. Before 1807, the Society had identified the Susu language as the appointed language to be used in its conversion effort, and it intended to establish an exclusively Susu Mission—in Susu Country and independent of government attachment—that would prepare a vanguard of African catechists and missionaries to carry that message in the Susu language. In 1807, however, the Society's London-based board and the missionaries then present at Sierra Leone made a strategic shift of emphasis to accept government protection and support in return for a bargain of government service, while at the same time continuing with earlier and independent goals of carrying the message of Christianity to native Africans. That choice prepared the Society and its missionaries within a decade to significantly increase the Society's role in Britain's attempt to bring civilization, commerce and Christianity to the continent, and to do it within the confines of imperial policy.
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Weld, Emma L. "‘Walking in the light’: the Liturgy of Fellowship in the Early Years of the East African Revival." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 419–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014182.
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During a Christmas convention at Gahini mission station in Rwanda in 1933, a large number of people publicly confessed their sins, resolved to turn from their present beliefs and embraced the Christian Faith. From then on, missionaries of the Ruanda Mission wrote enthusiastically to their supporters in Britain of people flocking into churches in South-West Uganda and Rwanda, of ‘changed lives’, of emotional confessions followed by ‘tremendous joy’, and of the spontaneous forming of fellowship groups and mission teams. Ugandans working at Gahini saw an opportunity for ‘waking’ the sleeping Anglican Church in Buganda and elsewhere which had, they believed, lost its fervour. Following in the tradition of the evangelists of the 1880s and 1890s they travelled vast distances to share their message of repentance and forgiveness with others. This was the beginning of the East African Revival, long prayed for by Ruanda missionaries and the Ugandans who worked alongside them. Max Warren, General Secretary of the Church Missionary Society, writing in 1954 when the Revival was still pulsating through East Africa, perceived the revival phenomenon as ‘a reaffirmation of theology, a resuscitation of worship and a reviving of conscience … for the church’. All three were in evidence from the early years of the East African Revival, but perhaps the most dramatic change was the form taken by the ‘resuscitation of worship’.
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Mouser, Bruce L., and Nancy Fox Mouser. "A Rocky Road to Publication." History in Africa 31 (2004): 257–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036154130000348x.
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The path to the publication of our collaborative research concerning an aspect of earliest Church Missionary Society history has been an irregular, and often despairing, one. For a time it seemed unlikely that we would ever finish our research, and that was simply the research part of it. The prospect of collaboration by husband and wife, persons trained in disciplines—history and sociology—guided by approaches seemingly opposed to each other, was not a promising one from the start. Simply put, could we cooperate, work through the processes of writing, thinking, and rewriting/rethinking within a single household, and endure the stress associated with meeting demands placed upon us by a publisher and full-time jobs as instructors? Had we been aware that this project would last for nearly thirty years for Bruce and twenty for Nancy, and consume entirely too much of our lives, we are pretty certain—in retrospect—that we would never have embarked on it.Bruce was the first to encounter the archive of the Church Missionary Society, during his dissertation research in London in 1966. At that time his principal objective was to scan records found in that archive for bits and pieces of data relating to political development and economic transformation of a part of coastal Guinea/Conakry from 1800 to 1850. That was a region where the Church Missionary Society had operated schools and mission stations between 1808 and 1816/17. Among the Society's earliest missionaries sent to West Africa was one named Peter Hartwig—a person who, according to other missionaries and early historians, had deserted the sacred cause to become a slave trader, and yet had returned to the Society's service at the eleventh hour, only to die in 1815 in a yellow fever epidemic then sweeping the African coast. Still, something seemed to be amiss in that narrative, for correspondence found in the archive suggested that it was a very complex affair. It was apparent that a careful review of Hartwig's experiences would be a worthwhile research project, but for a later time.
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BERSSELAAR, DMITRI VAN DEN. "RELIGIáƒO COMO PATRIMá”NIO NA NIGÉRIA: Cristãos Igbos e Religião Tradicional africana." Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 15, no. 25 (June 28, 2018): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v15i25.635.
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Partindo de uma perspectiva histórica, considerando a chegada dos primeiros missionários anglicanos, em meados do século XIX, entre os Igbos, na Nigéria, abordarei o impacto do cristianismo (incluindo missionários e convertidos) sobre o debate local acerca da identidade Igbo. Argumentarei que a cultura Igbo tradicional e não cristã foi definida por e em resposta aos debates da missão cristã sobre a conversão e o comportamento dos cristãos Igbos. Depois disso, vou relatar como a identidade Igbo veio a coincidir com o cristianismo e como isso resultou em uma apreciação renovada da religião "tradicional" local como herança e não como "paganismo". Além da literatura mencionada na bibliografia, esta interpretação é baseada em entrevistas que realizei na Nigéria, jornais nigerianos locais, revistas missionárias e correspondência original dos missionários da Church Missionary Society (CMS).Palavras-chave: Religião. Patrimônio. NigériaRELIGION AS HERITAGE IN NIGERIA: Igbo Christians and African traditional religion Abstract: Starting from a historical perspective, considering the arrival of the first Anglican missionaries in the mid-nineteenth century among the Igbo in Nigeria, I will address the impact of mission Christianity (including missionaries, converts, and prospective converts) upon the local debate about Igbo identity. I will argue that traditional, non-Christian Igbo culture was defined by, and in response to, the mission Christianity”™s debates on conversion and the preferred behavior of Igbo Christians. Finally, I will relate how Igbo identity came to coincide with Christianity and how this resulted in a renewed appreciation of local, ”˜traditional”™ religion as heritage rather than as ”˜paganism”™. Apart from the literature mentioned in the bibliography, this interpretation is based on interviews I held in Nigeria, local Nigerian newspapers, missionary journals, and original correspondence from the missionaries of the Church Missionary Society (CMS).Keywords: Religion. Heritage. Nigeria. RELIGIÓN COMO HERENCIA EN NIGERIA: Cristianos Igbos y Religión Tradicional africanaResumen: A partir de una perspectiva histórica, considerando la llegada de los primeros misioneros anglicanos, a mediados del siglo XIX, entre los Igbos, en Nigeria, enfocaré el impacto del cristianismo (incluyendo misioneros y convertidos) sobre el debate local acerca de la identidad Igbo. Argumentaré que la cultura Igbo tradicional y no cristiana fue definida por y en respuesta a los debates de la misión cristiana sobre la conversión y el comportamiento de los cristianos Igbos. Después de eso, voy a relatar cómo la identidad Igbo vino a coincidir con el cristianismo y cómo resultó en una apreciación renovada de la religión "tradicional" local como herencia y no como "paganismo". Además de la literatura mencionada en la bibliografáa, esta interpretación se basa en entrevistas que realicé en Nigeria, periódicos nigerianos locales, revistas misioneras y correspondencia original de los misioneros de la Church Missionary Society (CMS). Palabras clave: Religión. Herencia. Nigeria.
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Danieluk, Robert. "Maksymilian Ryłło SJ (1802-1848) and the Beginnings of the New Catholic Mission in Africa in Nineteenth Century." Annales Missiologici Posnanienses, no. 23 (January 5, 2019): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/amp.2018.23.1.
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The Polish Jesuit Maksymilian Ryłło (1802-1848) participated in several missionary endeavors undertaken by the Church in nineteenth century and entrusted to the Society of Jesus. Besides his missions in Middle East in 1836-1837 and 1839-1841, he was also one of the protagonists of an exploratory trip to North East Africa started in 1847 from Egypt and directed south. Arrived to Khartum and established there for a few months, Ryłło died in that city, while a few years later other missionaries took over the work of evangelization started by him and his companions. The present article introduces this Jesuit and focuses on the “African chapter” of his life – all as an attempt of filling the historiographical gap consisting in the fact that the English literature about Ryłło is almost inexistent.
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Kretzschmar, Louise. "Evangelical Spirituality: a South African Perspective." Religion and Theology 5, no. 2 (1998): 154–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430198x00039.
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AbstractThis article begins by providing definitions of spirituality and evangelicalism. It then introduces the multifaceted reality of South African evangelicalism. This is necessary because of the historical complexity of the origins of evangelicalism in South Africa and because of the variety of people, churches and missionary societies which propagated an evangelical approach. It explains the differences between evangelicals and ecumenicals and goes on to distinguish between conservative, moderate and radical evangelicalism It outlines the background to the establishment of the Evangelical Alliance of South Africa (TEASA) and argues that radical evangelicalism, because of its understanding of conversion, salvation and mission, and the actions that issue from these convictions, can make a significant contribution of the transformation of church and society in South Africa today.
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Rakotonirina, Rachel A. "Re-Reading Missionary Publications: The Case of European and Malagasy Martyrologies, 1837-1937." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 13 (2000): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002842.
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In 1835 the missionaries of the London Missionary Society (LMS) were ordered by the Merina government in Antananarivo to leave Madagascar, only twenty-seven years after their mission had been established. In 1837 the first Malagasy Christian was killed because of her faith. The era of persecution against the internationally isolated Malagasy Christian community began in 1835 and continued sporadically until 1861 with the death of Queen Ranavalona I, whose reign had seen the introduction of anti-Christian legislation. Estimates of the number of Christians who died as a result of refusing to denounce their faith vary between 50 and 200. The numbers who died indirectly due to suffering imprisonment, a poison ordeal, or exile are estimated at between 1,500 and 3,000. However the church which emerged from the era of suppression was said to have been numerically between four and ten times stronger than in 1835, with between three and twelve thousand members and adherents. European missions returned in 1862. From the beginning, the martyr story proved to be a popular subject for missionary publications.
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Nickel, Sandra. "Intertextuality as a Means of Negotiating Authority, Status, and Place—Forms, Contexts, and Effects of Quotations of Christian Texts in Nineteenth-Century Missionary Correspondence from Yorùbáland." Journal of Religion in Africa 45, no. 2 (November 20, 2015): 119–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340039.
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From the early 1840s, Church Missionary Society agents were active in the Yorùbá mission in what today is Southwest Nigeria. Both European and African missionaries—often former slaves who had converted to Christianity—corresponded with the Society, and in their writing frequently used quotations from the Bible and other core Christian texts. These quotations were recontextualised (Fairclough 2003) in the missionaries’ writing and formed intertextual bonds (Blommaert 2005) between their correspondence and the original texts. For the missionaries these bonds provided solace and meaning in difficult situations, established their status and authority as proficient theologians in the face of their European audience, and explicitly linked them with the Christian narrative of ‘spreading the word’. Especially for the Yorùbá agents, this practice of creating intertextuality was a means of negotiating and affirming their African-Christian identity, thus establishing and expressing their new place in the Christian tradition.
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Bugge, K. E. "Menneske først - Grundtvig og hedningemissionen." Grundtvig-Studier 52, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 115–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v52i1.16400.
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First a Man - then a Christian. Grundtvig and Missonary ActivityBy K.E. BuggeThe aim of this paper is to clarify Grundtvig’s ideas on missionary activity in the socalled »heathen parts«. The point of departure is taken in a brief presentation of the poem »Man first - and then a Christian« (1838), an often quoted text, whenever this theme is discussed. The most extensive among earlier studies on the subject is the book published by Georg Thaning: »The Grundtvigian Movement and the Mission among Heathen« (1922). The author provides valuable insights also into Grundtvig’s ideas, but has, of course, not been able to utilize more recent studies.On the background of the revival movement of the late 18th and early 19th century, The Danish Missionary Society was established in 1821. In the Lutheran churches such activity was generally deemed to be unnecessary. According to the Holy Scripture, so it was argued, the heathen already had a »natural« knowledge of God, and the word of God had been preached to the ends of the earth in the times of the Apostles. Nevertheless, it was considered a matter of course that a Christian sovereign had the duty to ensure that non-Christian citizens of his domain were offered the possibility of conversion to the one and true faith. In the double-monarchy Denmark-Norway such non-Christian populations were the Lapplanders of Northern Norway, the Inuits in Greenland, the black slaves in Danish West India and finally the native populations of the Danish colonies in West Africa and East India. Under the influence of Pietism missionary, activity was initiated by the Danish state in South India (1706), Northern Norway (1716), and Greenland (1721).In Grundtvig’s home the general attitude towards missionary work among the heathen seems to have reflected traditional Lutheranism. Nevertheless, one of Grundtvig’s elder brothers, Jacob Grundtvig, volunteered to become a missionary in Greenland.Due to incidental circumstances he was instead sent to the Danish colony in West Africa, where he died after less than one year of service. He was succeeded by his brother Niels Grundtvig, who likewise died within a year. During the period when Jacob Grundtvig prepared himself for the journey to Greenland, we can imagine that his family spent many an hour discussing his future conditions. It is probable that on these occasions his father consulted his copy of the the report on the Greenland mission published by Hans Egede in 1737. It is a fact that Grundtvig imbibed a deep admiration for Hans Egede early in his life. In his extensive poem »Roskilde Rhyme« (1812, published 1814), the theme of which is the history of Christianity in Denmark, Grundtvig inserted more than 70 lines on the Greenland mission. Egede’s achievements are here described in close connection with the missionary work of Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg in Tranquebar, South India, as integral parts of the same journey towards the celestial Jerusalem.In Grundtvig’s famous publication »The Church’s Retort« (1825) he describes the church as an historical fact from the days of the Apostles to our days. This historical church is at the same time a universal entity, carrying the potential of becoming the church of all humanity - if not before, then at the end of the world. A few years later, in a contribution to the periodical .Theological Monthly., he applies this historicaluniversal perspective on missionary acticity in earlier times and in the present. The main features of this stance may be summarized in the following points:1. Grundtvig rejects the Orthodox-Lutheran line of thought and underscores the Biblical view: That before the end of time the Gospel must be preached out into all comers of the world.2. Our Lutheran, Biblically founded faith must not lead to inactivity in this field.3. Correctly understood, missionary activity is a continuance of the acts of the Apostles.4. The Holy Spirit is the intrinsic dynamic power in the extension of the Christian faith.5. The practical procedure in this extension work must never be compulsion or stealth, but the preaching of the word and the free, uninhibited decision of the listeners.We find here a total reversion of the Orthodox-Lutheran way of rejection in principle, but acceptance in practice. Grundtvig accepts the principle: That missionary activity is a legitimate and necessary Christian undertaking. The same activity has, however, both historically and in our days, been marred by unacceptable practices, on which he reacts with forceful rejection. To this position Grundtvig adhered for the rest of his life.Already in 1826, Grundtvig withdrew from the controversy arising from the publication of his .Retort.. The public dispute was, however, continued with great energy by the gifted young academic, Jacob Christian Lindberg. During the 1830s a weekly paper, edited by Lindberg, .Nordisk Kirke-Tidende., i.e. Nordic Church Tidings, became Grundtvig’s main channel of communication with the public. All through the years of its publication (1833-41), this paper, of which Grundtvig was also an avid reader, brought numerous articles and reports on missionary activity. Among the reasons for this editorial practice we find some personal motives. Quite a few of Grundtvig’s and Lindberg’s friends were board members of the Danish Missionary Society. Furthermore, one of Lindberg’s former students, Christen Christensen Østergaard was appointed a missionary in Greenland.In the present paper the articles dealing with missionary activity are extensively reported and quoted as far as the years 1833-38 are concerned, and the effects on Grundtvig of this incessant .bombardment. of information on missionary activity are summarized. Generally speaking, it was gratifying for Grundtvig to witness ho w many of his ideas on missionary activity were reflected in these contributions. Furthermore, Lindberg’s regular reports on the progress of C.C. Østergaard in Greenland has continuously reminded Grundtvig of the admired Hans Egede.Among the immediate effects the genesis of the poem »First the man - then the Christian« must be mentioned. As already observed by Kaj Thaning, Grundtvig has read an article in the issue of Nordic Church Tidings, dated, January 8th, 1838, written by the Orthodox-Lutheran, German theologian Heinrich Møller on the relationship between human nature and true Christianity. Grundtvig has, it seems, written his poem in protest against Møller’s assertion: That true humanness is expressed in acceptance of man’s fundamental sinfulness. Against this negative position Grundtvig holds forth the positive Johannine formulations: To be »of the truth« and to hear the voice of the Good Shepherd. Grundtvig has seen a connection between Møller’s negative view of human nature and a perverted missionary practice. In the third stanza of his poem Grundtvig therefore inserted some critical remarks, clearly inspired by his reading of Nordic Church Tidings.Other immediate effects are seen in the way in which, in his sermons from these years, Grundtvig meticulously elaborates on the Biblical argumentation in favour of missionary activity. In this context he combines passages form the Old and New Testament - often in an ingenious, original manner. Finally must be mentioned the way in which Grundtvig, in his hymn writing from the middle of the 1830s, more often than hitherto recognized, interposes stanzas dealing with the preaching of the Gospel to heathen populations.Turning from general observations and a study of immediate impact, the paper considers the effects, which become apparent in a longer perspective. In this respect Grundtvig’s interpretation of the seven churches mentioned in chapters 2-3 of the Book of Revelation is of crucial importance. According to Grundtvig, they symbolize seven stages in the historical development of Christianity, i.e. the churches of the Hebrews, the Greeks, the Romans, the English, the Germans and the »Nordic« people. The seventh and last church will reveal itself sometime in the future.This vision, which Grundtvig expounds for the first time in 1810, emerges in his writings from time to time all through his life. The most impressive literary monument describing the vision is his great poem, »The Pleiades of Christendom« from 1856-60.In 1845 he becomes convinced that the arrival of the sixth stage is revealed in the breakthrough of a new and vigourous hymn-singing in the church of Vartov. As late as the spring of 1863 Grundtvig voices a contented optimism in a church-historical lecture, where the Danish missions to Greenland and to Tranquebar in South India are characterized as .signs of life and good omens.. Grundtvig here refers back to his above-mentioned »Roskilde Rhyme« (1812, 1814), where he had offered a spiritual interpretation of the names of persons and localities involved in the process. He had then observed that the colony founded in Greenland by Hans Egede was called »Good Hope«, a highly symbolic name. And the church built by the missionaries in Tranquebar was called »Church of the New Jerusalem«, a name explicitly referring to the Book of Revelation, and thus welding together his great vision and his view on missionary activity. After Denmark’s humiliating defeat in the Danish-German war of 1864, the optimism faded away. Grundtvig seems to have concluded that the days of the sixth and .Nordic. church had come to an end, and the era of the seventh church was about to commence. In accordance with his poem on »The Pleiades« etc. he localizes this final church in India.In Grundtvig’s total view missionary activity was the dynamism that bound his vision together into an integrated process. Through the activity of »Denmark’s apostle«, Ansgar, another admired mis-sionary, the universal church had become a locally rooted reality. Through the missions of Hans Egede and Ziegenbalg the Gospel was carried out to the ends of the earth. The local Danish church thus contributed significantly to the proliferation of a universal church. In the development of this view, Grundtvig was inspired as well as provoked by his regular reading of Nordic Church Tidings in the 1830s.