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Journal articles on the topic 'Church of England Anglo-Catholicism'
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1
Wellings, Martin. "Anglo-Catholicism, the ‘Crisis in the Church’ and the Cavalier Case of 1899." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, no. 2 (April 1991): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900000075.
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Much of the history of the late nineteenth-century Church of England is dominated by the phenomenon of Anglo-Catholicism. In the period between 1890 and 1939 Anglo-Catholics formed the most vigorous and successful party in the Church. Membership of the English Church Union, which represented a broad spectrum of Anglo-Catholic opinion, grew steadily in these years; advanced ceremonial was introduced in an increasing number of parish churches and, from 1920 onwards, a series of congresses was held which filled the Royal Albert Hall for a celebration of the strength of the ‘Catholic’ movement in the Established Church. In the Church Times the Anglo-Catholics possessed a weekly newspaper which outsold all its rivals put together and which reinforced the impression that theirs was the party with the Church's future in its hands. Furthermore, Anglo-Catholicism could claim to be supplying the Church of England with many of its saints and with a fair proportion of its scholars. Slum priests like R. R. Dolling and Arthur Stanton gave their lives to the task of urban mission; Edward King, bishop of Lincoln, was hailed as a spiritual leader by churchmen of all parties; Charles Gore, Walter Frere and Darwell Stone were scholars of renown, while Frank Weston, bishop of Zanzibar, combined academic achievements and missionary zeal with personal qualities which brought him an unexpected pre-eminence at the 1920 Lambeth Conference. In the last decade of the nineteenth century and in the first decades of the twentieth century, therefore, Anglo-Catholicism was the party of advance, offering leadership and vision and presenting the Church of England with a concept of Catholicity which many found attractive.
2
Duffy, Eamon. "The Shock of Change: Continuity and Discontinuity in the Elizabethan Church Of England." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 35 (July 2004): 429–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005615.
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This paper questions accounts of the English Reformation which, in line with sometimes unacknowledged Anglo-Catholic assumptions, present it as a mere clean-up operation, the creation of a reformed Catholicism which removed medieval excesses but left an essentially Catholic Church of England intact. It argues instead that the Elizabethan reformers intended to establish a Reformed Church which would be part of a Protestant international Church, emphatic in disowning its medieval inheritance and rejecting the religion of Catholic Europe, with formularies, preaching and styles of worship designed to signal and embody that rejection. But Anglican self-identity was never simply or unequivocally Protestant. Lay and clerical conservatives resisted the removal of the remains of the old religion, and vestiges of the Catholic past were embedded like flies in amber in the Prayer Book liturgy, in church buildings, and in the attitudes and memories of many of its Elizabethan personnel. By the early seventeenth century influential figures in the Church of England were seeking to distance themselves from European Protestantism, and instead to portray the Church of England as a conscious via media between Rome and Geneva. In the hands of the Laudians and their followers, this newer interpretation of the Reformation was to prove potent in reshaping the Church of England's self-understanding.
3
Smith, John T. "The Wesleyans, The ‘Romanists’ and the Education Act Of 1870." Recusant History 23, no. 1 (May 1996): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002181.
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The Wesleyan Church in the second half of the nineteenth century exhibited a high degree of anti-Catholicism, a phenomenon which had intensified with the ‘Romanising’ influence of the Tractarian movement in the Church of England. To many Wesleyans Roman and Anglo-Catholicism seemed synonymous and the battleground of faith was to be elementary education. The conflict began earlier in the century. When in 1848 Roman Catholic schools made application to the government for grants similar to those offered to the Wesleyans there was an immediate split in Wesleyan ranks. At the Conference in Hull in 1848 Beaumont, Osborn and William Bunting attacked their leadership. They claimed that Methodists should not accept grants in common with Catholics. Jabez Bunting, the primary Wesleyan spokesman of his age, was however rather less critical of the Roman Catholic Church than he had been previously and clearly advocated the continuation of the grant:
4
Singleton, John. "The Virgin Mary and Religious Conflict in Victorian Britain." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 1 (January 1992): 16–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900009647.
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The Virgin Mary was a powerful and evocative figure around whom the competing religious parties of Victorian Britain arrayed their forces. She was at the forefront of controversy whenever Scottish and English Protestants clashed with Irish Catholics, and whenever evangelicals attempted to purge the Church of England of ritualism. Roman Catholic leaders placed the cult of the Virgin at the centre of their campaign to evangelise Britain after 1840. This article analyses the development of Marian Catholicism in Victorian Britain, and considers Anglo-Catholic and Protestant responses to the growth of the Marian cult.
5
Chapman, Mark D. "The Girton Conference One Hundred Years On." Modern Believing 62, no. 3 (July 1, 2021): 220–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mb.2021.14.
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This paper discusses the conference of the Churchmen’s Union held at Girton College in 1921 which proved a controversy in the wider Church of England on account of the views of some speakers, particularly Hastings Rashdall and J. F. Bethune-Baker, on the nature of Christ’s divinity. It argues that although there was little that was novel in the opinions expressed at the conference, it nonetheless provided the main impetus towards the setting up of the archbishops’ Doctrine Commission. Against the background of a triumphalist Anglo-Catholicism, the Commission developed a theory of truth that made liberalism less a method shared across the Church than a distinctive party, thereby reducing its general appeal.
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Morris, Jeremy. "‘An infallible Fact-Factory Going Full Blast’: Austin Farrer, Marian Doctrine, and the Travails of Anglo-Catholicism." Studies in Church History 39 (2004): 358–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015217.
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In 1960 the Anglican philosopher Austin Farrer preached a sermon ‘On being an Anglican’ in the chapel of Pusey House which must have amazed his hearers. It began gently enough; but halfway through, the tone changed. Human perversity had rent the unity of the Church with schisms and heresies. How could he, ‘truly and with a good conscience’, stay in the Church of God? ‘Only by remaining in the Church of England’.’ Farrer put down two markers for his Anglican identity. One was stated briefly and with restraint: ‘I dare not dissociate myself from the apostolic ministry.’ It was the other that must have startled his congregation: I dare not profess belief in the great Papal error. Christ did not found a Papacy … Its infallibilist claim is a blasphemy, and never has been accepted by the oriental part of Christendom. Its authority has been employed to establish as dogmas of faith, propositions utterly lacking in historical foundation. Nor is this an old or faded scandal - the papal fact-factory has been going full blast in our own time, manufacturing sacred history after the event.
7
Hollinshead, Janet, and Pat Starkey. "Anglican Nuns Come to Liverpool." Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire: Volume 170, Issue 1 170, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/transactions.170.10.
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Incorporated into Liverpool as part of the town’s southward expansion during the second half of the nineteenth century, the corner of Upper Parliament Street and Princes Road in Toxteth boasts three places of worship built to cater to the religious needs of those expected to populate the area.1 The sesquicentenary of one of these, St Margaret’s Church, provided an opportunity to examine documents relating to an associated church school and to the rediscovery of an almost-forgotten Church of England sisterhood which managed a local orphanage. Further enquiries uncovered the activities of other sisters working elsewhere in the town.2 This article will trace the arrival and activity of these communities between 1864 and 1900, ask why local historians have shown little interest in them and consider ways in which their foundation was a function of the development of Anglo-Catholicism in the city and intersected with the growth of opportunities for women.
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Langlois, John. "Freedom of Religion and Religion in the UK." Religious Freedom, no. 17-18 (December 24, 2013): 54–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2013.17-18.984.
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Britain has a long history of fighting for religious freedom. In the Middle Ages, the official church was the Roman Catholic Church, which dominated both spiritual and political life. During the Protestant Reformation, Protestantism prevailed and the (Protestant) Anglican Church became the official state church in England. The Presbyterian Church of Scotland became the official state church in Scotland. In England, the Anglican Church discriminated against members of other Christian churches, in particular, such as Baptists and Methodists (usually called dissidents or independent). Roman Catholicism was banned. Only at the beginning of the 19th century he was given the right to exist. Since then, in the United Kingdom, for almost 200 years, there has been freedom of religious faith and practice.
9
FREEMAN, THOMAS S. "Restoration and Reaction: Reinterpreting the Marian Church." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 1 (September 4, 2017): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204691700077x.
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Although the reign of Mary i (1553–8) was a tumultuous and eventful one, for over four hundred years there was little debate about it or about the queen's efforts to restore Catholicism to England. The reign was almost universally perceived as poor, nasty, brutish and short-lived and the restoration of Catholicism was believed to have been doomed to failure, both because the burning of heretics offended English sensibilities and because Protestantism was already so deeply embedded in England that it could not be uprooted. Yet towards the end of the twentieth century, the tectonic plates of historical research began to shift and the resulting tremors altered the historiographical landscape of Mary's reign, and indeed of the English Reformation.
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Village, Andrew. "Liberalism and Conservatism in Relation to Psychological Type among Church of England Clergy." Journal of Empirical Theology 32, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 138–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341384.
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Abstract Liberalism and conservatism have been important stances that have shaped doctrinal, moral and ecclesial beliefs and practices in Christianity. In the Church of England, Anglo-catholics are generally more liberal, and evangelicals more conservative, than those from broad-church congregations. This paper tests the idea that psychological preference may also partly explain liberalism or conservatism in the Church of England. Data from 1,389 clergy, collected as part of the 2013 Church Growth Research Programme, were used to categorise individuals by church tradition (Anglo-catholic, broad church or evangelical), whether or not they had an Epimethean psychological temperament, and whether or not they preferred thinking over feeling in their psychological judging process. Epimetheans and those who preferred thinking were more likely to rate themselves as conservative rather than liberal. Conservatism was associated with being Epimethean among those who were Anglo-catholic or broad-church, but with preference for thinking over feeling among evangelicals.
11
Davies, John. "Bishop Ambrose Moriarty, Shrewsbury and World War Two." Recusant History 25, no. 1 (May 2000): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200032040.
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Kenneth O. Morgan has argued that in 1945 it was ‘generally acknowledged that British society had undergone a massive transformation during the war years …’ The impact of World War Two on British society has been explored perceptively by Marwick and others. However, there has been little attempt to examine the impact of the war on the churches in Britain. This is especially the case with the Roman Catholic Church. The more general works have little to say of the Catholic church during this period. There have been some limited regional studies of Catholicism in the pre-war period but it is only for the post-war period, prior to and since the Second Vatican Council, that there has been any systematic attempt to examine structural changes in Catholicism. Hornsby-Smith in a series of enquiries has examined the social changes in the Catholic community in England since the Second Vatican Council. In a brief overview he described the Catholic church in England prior to the Council as having the characteristics of a ‘mechanistic’ organisation, namely a distinct hierarchical control structure, vertical relations between superiors and subordinates and an insistence on loyalty to the institution.
12
Wizeman, William. "Re-Imaging The Marian Catholic Church." Recusant History 28, no. 3 (May 2007): 353–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011420.
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The late Professor Geoffrey Dickens in his book, The English Reformation, condemned the Marian church for ‘failing to discover’ the verve and creativity of the Counter-Reformation; on the other hand, Dr Lucy Wooding has praised the Marian church for its adherence to the views of the great religious reformer Erasmus and its insularity from the counter-reforming Catholicism of Europe in her book Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England. However, by studying the Latin and English catechetical, homiletic, devotional and controversial religious texts printed during the Catholic renewal in England in the reign of Mary Tudor (1553–58) and the decrees of Cardinal Reginald Pole's Legatine Synod in London (1555–56), a very different picture emerges. Rooted in the writings of St John Fisher—which also influenced the pivotal decrees of the Council of Trent (1545–63) on justification and the Eucharist—Marian authors presented a theological synthesis that concurred with Trent's determinations. This article will focus on three pivotal Reformation controversies: the intrepretation of scripture, justification, and the Eucharist.
13
QUESTIER, MICHAEL. "ARMINIANISM, CATHOLICISM, AND PURITANISM IN ENGLAND DURING THE 1630S." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (February 24, 2006): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005054.
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The relationship between Arminianism and Roman Catholicism in the early Stuart period has long been a source of historiographical controversy. Many contemporaries were in no doubt that such an affinity did exist and that it was politically significant. This article will consider how far there was ideological sympathy and even rhetorical collaboration between Caroline Catholics and those members of the Church of England whom both contemporaries and modern scholars have tended to describe as Arminians and Laudians. It will suggest that certain members of the English Catholic community actively tried to use the changes which they claimed to observe in the government of the Church of England in order to establish a rapport with the Caroline regime. In particular they enthused about what they perceived as a strongly anti-puritan trend in royal policy. Some of them argued that a similar style of governance should be exercised by a bishop over Catholics in England. This was something which they believed would correct the factional divisions within their community and align it more effectively with the Stuart dynasty.
14
Pratt, David. "Kings and books in Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 43 (November 26, 2014): 297–377. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026367511400012x.
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AbstractThis article examines the evidence for books associated with kings in Anglo-Saxon England, making the case for the ninth century as the key period of change. A wide variety of books were probably present in the household of later Anglo-Saxon kings. There was a degree of connection between the gift of books by kings and practices of ownership. The donation of gospel-books to favoured churches played a distinctive role, emphasizing the king's position in ecclesiastical leadership. In a number of cases, gospel-books associated with kings subsequently acted as a repository for documents, entered in blank spaces or additional leaves by scribes at the recipient church. Certain aspects of this practice strengthen the case for identifying two late Anglo-Saxon gospel-books as royal gifts. Books given by kings had a numinous quality arising from their royal associations. The possible strategies underpinning the dissemination of this ‘royal’ culture are explored.
15
Kantyka, Przemysław. "Anglikanizm i odrodzenie katolicyzmu na tle sytuacji religijnej w XIX-wiecznej Anglii." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 13 (June 15, 2016): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2016.13.5.
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The article describes the religious situation in the 19th-century England with special emphasis on the position of Anglicanism and Catholicism. First, it examines the situation of the Church of England with its rise of the Oxford Movement and transformation of Anglicanism into a worldwide community. Subsequently, the paper describes the renaissance of Catholicism in the new circumstances following the enactment of Catholic Emancipation Bill . Finally, it mentions the first attempts at a dialogue between Anglicans and Catholics. All these historical developments are shown in the context of life and conversion of John Henry Newman.
16
Village, Andrew. "Traditions within the Church of England and Psychological Type: A Study among the Clergy." Journal of Empirical Theology 26, no. 1 (2013): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341252.
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Abstract This study examines the relationship of psychological type preferences to membership of three different traditions within the Church of England: Anglo-catholic, broad church and evangelical. A sample of 1047 clergy recently ordained in the Church of England completed the Francis Psychological Type Scales and self-assigned measures of church tradition, conservatism and charismaticism. The majority of clergy preferred introversion over extraversion, but this preference was more marked among Anglo-catholics than among evangelicals. Anglo-catholics showed preference for intuition over sensing, while the reverse was true for evangelicals. Clergy of both sexes showed an overall preference for feeling over thinking, but this was reversed among evangelical clergymen. The sensing-intuition difference between traditions persisted after controlling for conservatism and charismaticism, suggesting it was linked to preferences for different styles of religious expression in worship. Conservatism was related to preferences for sensing over intuition (which may promote preference for traditional worship and parochial practices) and thinking over feeling (which for evangelicals may promote adherence to traditional theological principles and moral behaviour). Charismaticism was associated with preferences for extraversion over introversion, intuition over sensing, and feeling over thinking. Reasons for these associations are discussed in the light of known patterns of belief and practice across the various traditions of the Church of England.
17
Village, Andrew, Leslie J. Francis, and Charlotte Craig. "Church Tradition and Psychological Type Preferences among Anglicans in England." Journal of Anglican Studies 7, no. 1 (May 2009): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355309000187.
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AbstractA sample of 290 individuals attending Evangelical Anglican churches and Anglo-Catholic churches in central England completed the Keirsey Temperament Sorter, a measure of psychological type preferences. Overall, there were clear preferences for sensing over intuition, for feeling over thinking, and for judging over perceiving, which is consistent with the findings of two earlier studies profiling the psychological type of Anglican churchgoers. However, there was also a significantly higher proportion of intuitives among Anglo-Catholics than among Evangelical Anglicans, which is consistent with the greater emphasis in Anglo-Catholic churches on mystery, awe, and the centrality of sacraments in worship which may resonate with the intuitive predisposition. The implications of these findings are discussed for the benefits of breadth and diversity within Anglicanism.
18
Wraith, Barbara. "A pre-modern interpretation of the modern: the English Catholic church and the ‘social question’ in the early twentieth century." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 529–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013449.
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Towards the close of the first decade of the twentieth century there emerged an organized movement within the English Catholic Church which can be distinguished as Social Catholicism. The Catholic Social Guild (CSG), which was founded at the Catholic Truth Society Conference in September 1909, largely represented Social Catholicism in England and, as such, constitutes the focal point of this paper. This small body comprised laypeople, secular priests, and members of religious orders. Of the lay component a significant number of middle-class converts to Catholicism were prominent; whilst at parish level working men and women were recruited largely through schemes of social study. Social Catholicism represented a novel phenomenon not only because of its essential focus upon addressing some of the more intractable social problems of the day but also because it embodied an inherently different social rationale from that of more mainstream Catholic endeavour in this field. Looking back to the Church of medieval times, Social Catholicism perceived an ideal Church which, through its social precepts and actions, had exerted an exemplary socio-economic influence. Moreover such an historical precedent might embody the answer to the ‘social question’ – a multiform modern problematic – provided the Catholic Church could transform its past experience of a pre-modern social engagement into initiatives of theoretical and practical relevance to the modern situation.
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Russell, Beth M. "The Recusant Collection at the Humanities Research Center at the University of Texas at Austin." Recusant History 23, no. 3 (May 1997): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005719.
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The Ransom Center's collection of Roman Catholic Recusant Literature (1558–1829) consists of close to 4,500 books and pamphlets printed in England during periods when Catholicism was proscribed. The collection includes volumes of church history, devotional works, and Bibles.
20
O'LEARY, PAUL. "When Was Anti-Catholicism? The Case of Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century Wales." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, no. 2 (April 2005): 308–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904002131.
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Anti-Catholicism was a pervasive influence on religious and political life in nineteenth-century Wales. Contrary to the views of Trystan Owain Hughes, it mirrored the chronology of anti-Catholic agitation in the rest of Great Britain. Welsh exceptionalism lies in the failure of militant Protestant organisations to recruit in Wales, and the assimilation of anti-Catholic rhetoric into the frictions between the Church of England and Nonconformity over the disestablishment of the Church. Furthermore, whereas the persistence of anti-Catholicism in twentieth-century Britain is primarily associated with cities like Liverpool and Glasgow, its continuing influence in Wales was largely confined to rural areas and small towns.
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Meens, Rob. "A background to Augustine's mission to Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 23 (December 1994): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004464.
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As is well known, Bede gives a biased account of the conversion of Anglo-Saxon England. He highlights the role of the Roman mission, initiated by Pope Gregory the Great and led by Augustine, the first bishop of Canterbury. Almost as important in the Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum is the effort made by the Irish to Christianize Northumbria. The Frankish contribution to the missionary process, however, is not mentioned at all, though Frankish clerics certainly played an important role in the conversion of England. This role is attested by later contacts between England and the Frankish church. The letters of Gregory the Great relating to the mission of Augustine, moreover, make it clear that this mission also benefited greatly from help supplied by the Frankish church. The continuity of the British church seems to have been stronger than Bede suggests and his statement that the Britons did nothing to convert the Angles and the Saxons should be regarded as an overstatement. It has been argued recently that Bede left out an account of the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons living west and south-west of the Mercians, the Hwicce, the Magonsæte and the Wreocensæte, not because of a lack of information, but because of the part the Britons played in it.
22
MacCulloch, Diarmaid. "The Myth of the English Reformation." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385971.
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The myth of the English Reformation is that it did not happen, or that it happened by accident rather than design, or that it was halfhearted and sought a middle way between Catholicism and Protestantism; the point at issue is the identity of the Church of England. The myth was created in two stages, first in the middle years of the seventeenth century, and then from the third decade of the nineteenth century; and in either case it was created by one party within the church, largely consisting of clergy, with a particular motive in mind. This was to emphasize the Catholic continuity of the church over the break of the Reformation, in order to claim that the true representative of the Catholic church within the borders of England and Wales was not the minority loyal to the bishop of Rome, but the church as by law established in 1559 and 1662. In the seventeenth century the group involved was called Arminian by contemporaries, and in later days it came to be labeled High Church, or Laudian, after its chief early representative William Laud. In the nineteenth century the same party revived was known variously as Tractarian, Oxford Movement, High Church, Ritualist, and, most commonly in the twentieth century, Anglo-Catholic. Here are two characteristic quotations from one of the most distinguished of this nineteenth-century group, John Henry Newman, before his departure for Rome and a cardinal's hat. First, when defending himself against the charge of innovation: “We are a ‘Reformed’ Church, not a ‘Protestant’ … the Puritanic spirit spread in Elizabeth's and James's time, and … has been succeeded by the Methodistic. …We, the while, children of the Holy Church, whencesoever brought into it, whether by early training or after thought, have had one voice, that one voice which the Church has had from the beginning." Second, introducing the characteristic Anglican expression of the idea of continuity, the notion of the via media: “A number of distinct notions are included in the notion of Protestantism; and as to all these our Church has taken a Via Media between it and Popery.
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Bedingfield, Brad. "Public penance in Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 31 (December 2002): 223–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675102000091.
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In a sermon for Ash Wednesday, after general exhortations to prayer, church-going, and almsgiving during Lent, Wulfstan discusses what is to be done with those guilty of ‘high’ sins:And sume men syndon eac Þe nyde sculan of cyricgemanan Þas halgan tid ascadene mid rihte weorðan for healican synnan, ealswa adam wearð of engla gemanan Þa ða he forworðe Þa myclan myrhðe Þe he on wunode ær ðam Þe he syngode … Leofan men, on Wodnesdæg, Þe byð caput ieiunii, bisceopas ascadað on manegum stowan ut of cyrican for heora agenan Þearfe Þa ðe healice on openlican synnan hy sylfe forgyltan. And eft on Ðunresdæg ær Eastran hy geinniað into cyrican Þa ðe geornlice Þæt Lencten heora synna betað, swa swa hym man wissað; Þonne absolutionem bisceopas ofer hy rædað [agus] for hi Þingiað [agus] mid Þam heora synna Þurh Godes mildheortnesse myclum gelyhtað. And Þæt is Þearflic gewuna, ac we his ne gymað swa wel swa we scoldan on ðisse Þeode, [agus] hit wære mycel Þearf Þæt hit man georne on gewunan hæfde.
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Village, Andrew, and Leslie J. Francis. "An Anatomy of Change: Profiling Cohort Difference in Beliefs and Attitudes among Anglicans in England." Journal of Anglican Studies 8, no. 1 (July 10, 2009): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355309990027.
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AbstractConservatism in theological belief, moral values and attitude toward ecclesiastical practices was measured in a sample of 5967 ordained and lay Anglicans in the Church of England. Average scores were compared between those who classed themselves as Anglo-catholic, broad church or evangelical, and by six different age cohorts. Overall, most measures of conservatism showed decline among more recent cohorts, but there were marked differences between traditions. Younger evangelicals showed little or no decline in theological or moral conservatism, and, in the case of Bible beliefs, were more conservative than their older counterparts. In ecclesiastical variables, however, Anglo-catholics were often more conservative and younger evangelicals showed less conservatism than other traditions or older evangelicals. The findings suggest that the divide between traditions is increasing among younger generations mainly because those in Anglo-catholic and broad-church traditions are becoming more liberal on theological or moral matters, whereas evangelicals are maintaining traditional conservative views of theology and morality but becoming less traditional in matters ecclesiastical.
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Village, Andrew. "Biblical Conservatism and Psychological Type." Journal of Empirical Theology 29, no. 2 (December 6, 2016): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341340.
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The Village Bible Scale, a measure of biblical conservatism, was completed by 3,243 Church of England readers of the Church Times in 2013 alongside a measure of psychological type. Overall, biblical conservatism was higher for men than women, for those under 60 than those over 60, for those with school-level than those with university-level qualifications, for laity than clergy, and higher among evangelicals and charismatics than among those in Anglo-catholic or broad-church traditions. For the sample as a whole, the perceiving process was the only dimension of psychological type to predict biblical conservatism, which was positively correlated with sensing and negatively correlated with intuition. Within church traditions, sensing scores predicted biblical conservatism in Anglo-catholic and broad-church traditions, but not for evangelicals. Thinking function scores were positively correlated with biblical conservatism among evangelicals, but negatively correlated among Anglo-catholics. The findings point to the possible roles of psychological preferences in influencing predispositions for retaining or changing theological convictions.
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DELIYANNIS, DEBORAH MAUSKOPF. "Church Burial in Anglo-Saxon England: The Prerogative of Kings." Frühmittelalterliche Studien 29, no. 1 (December 31, 1995): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110242270.96.
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Liuzza, R. M. "The Sense of Time in Anglo-Saxon England." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 89, no. 2 (March 2013): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.89.2.7.
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Long before the invention of the mechanical clock, the monastic computes offered a model of time that was visible, durable, portable and objectifiable. The development of ‘temporal literacy’ among the Anglo-Saxons involved not only the measurement of time but also the ways in which the technologies used to measure and record time — from sundials and church bells to calendars and chronicles — worked to create and reorder cultural capital, and add new scope and range to the life of the imagination. Techniques of time measurement are deeply implicated in historical consciousness and the assertion of identity; this paper proposes some avenues of exploration for this topic among the Anglo-Saxons.
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Flechner, Roy. "St Boniface as historian: a continental perspective on the organization of the early Anglo-Saxon church." Anglo-Saxon England 41 (December 2012): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675112000063.
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AbstractBoniface and Bede relied for the most part on the same sources of information for learning about the early Anglo-Saxon church, yet their accounts differ on a number of crucial points pertaining to church organization and the importance of London as an ecclesiastical centre. The present article takes a close look at Boniface's methods of conducting research into the past, and asks how they compared with Bede's. By focusing on Boniface's account of an early-seventh-century Lundunensis synodus, it is asked whether Boniface offers a viable alternative to Bede, and to what extent his account challenges the prevalent historiographical narrative of the foundation and growth of the church in Anglo-Saxon England.
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Cairovic, Ivica. "Relationship of church and state in Anglo-Saxon England in the first half of the 8th century: The case of the King Eadberht (737/738-758) and the archbishop of Ecgbert (735-766)." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 171 (2019): 411–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1971411c.
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Eadberht was the king of Northumbria from 737/738 until 758, and his reign was understood and interpreted through the centuries as a return to the imperial desires and hints that the Nortambrian rulers had in the 7th century. On the other hand, the economic development of the northern part of the British Isles was obvious in this period. Although Eadberht had major internal political problems, as several candidates for the position of the ruler were a permanent danger, he confirmed his status in several battles in which he defeated the rivals for the throne and continued to rule independently. 421 In the year of 758, Eadberht abdicated for the benefit of his son and settled down in York, where his brother Ecgbert was Archbishop. This act shows that the prodigious relationship between these two rulers was one of the strongest links in an unbroken chain of close relations between state and Church in the first half of the 8th century. Archbishop Ecgbert died in 766 and was buried in the Cathedral Church in York. During his archbishop service, Ecgbert was seen as a church reformer, but the same continued after his death, as indicated by the creators of the canons and disciplinary provisions for the Anglo-Saxon clergy and the laity who attributed their writings to Ecgbert. It is concluded that Ecgbert was serving the Church in the canonical, dogmatic, pastoral, and exegetical fields. On the other hand, concerning the state, the authorities and Anglo-Saxon society, in general, had the help of his brother, King Eadberht. It was this family relationship that paved the way for the relationship between the Church and the state in Anglo-Saxon England. Thus, a very close relationship between the Archbishop and the King in the later period of the British Isles is proof of the tradition that started in the first half of the 8th century in Northumbria and York. On the other hand, the relationship between Church and state property was established in the earlier period, and in the period when Ecgbert and Eadberht ruled, it is only directed to the family of the ruling house deciding on the property of the Church and the state. One of the best examples for this is family monasteries, headed by a hegumen from the ruling family, who worked with a relative who ruled the areas in which the monastery was. This paper analyzes available historical sources to determine the relationship between clergymenand rulers in Anglo-Saxon England in the first half of the 8th century. The historical methodology in this study will describe the relationship between Church and State in Anglo-Saxon England, on the example of Eadberht, King Northumbria (737/738-758), and his brother Ecgbert, the first Archbishop of York (735-766). An example of the symphony of church and state in Anglo-Saxon England in the first half of the 8th century is the example of Ecgbert and Eadberht, that can serve to understand later historical phenomena in the history of the Church and the state of Western Europe, especially when analyzing the phenomenon of investiture. Thus, the proposed research with its conclusion hypotheses can serve as a first step in the process of analyzing the phenomenon of investiture and its eventual conclusion in the late Middle Ages in Western Europe.
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ELLIOT, MICHAEL D. "New Evidence for the Influence of Gallic Canon Law in Anglo-Saxon England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64, no. 4 (September 9, 2013): 700–730. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204691300153x.
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The importance of canon law collections to Anglo-Saxon legal culture has long been thought negligible, especially in comparison to the considerable importance of an alternative genre of canonical literature known as the penitential handbook. Over the past several decades, however, evidence for the use and circulation of continental canon law collections in pre-Conquest England has been mounting, to the extent that it could challenge traditional notions about the dominance of penitential law in the early English Church. This study presents new evidence for the reception in Anglo-Saxon England of a major continental collection known as theCollectio vetus Gallica.
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HUGHES, TRYSTAN OWAIN. "Anti-Catholicism in Wales, 1900–1960." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 53, no. 2 (April 2002): 312–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046901008661.
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The decline of anti-Catholic sentiment in twentieth-century England stood in stark contrast to attitudes in Wales, where a distinct and persistent anti-Catholic polemic was common as recently as the 1960s. While research into British anti-Catholicism has ignored the situation in twentieth-century Wales, many of the reasons suggested for the fervent nineteenth-century English hostility seem not only to explain the absence of Welsh animosity in the same era, but also to illuminate the predicament in Wales a century later. What we have is a striking example of historical synchronicity: two eras where the majority Christian denomination, already facing an internal crisis, reacts to a Church that is seen to threaten its existence and status, as well as the national way of life it upholds.
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Village, Andrew. "What Does the Liberal-Conservative Scale Measure? A Study among Clergy and Laity in the Church of England." Journal of Empirical Theology 31, no. 2 (November 21, 2018): 194–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341371.
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Abstract The Liberal-Conservative (LIBCON) scale is a seven-point semantic differential scale that has been widely used to measure identity within the Church of England. The history of the development of liberalism in the Church of England suggests that this scale should be associated with specific beliefs and attitudes related to doctrine, moral issues and church practices. This study tests this idea among a sample of 9339 lay and ordained readers of the Church Times (the main newspaper of the Church of England) using twelve summated rating scales measuring a range of beliefs and attitudes. Of these twelve variables, eleven were correlated with the LIBCON scale. Discriminant function analysis produced a linear function of these variables that correctly identified 35% of respondents on the scale, and 69% to within one scale score. The best predictors were scales related to either doctrine or moral issues, and these performed consistently across traditions (Anglo-catholic, Broad church or Evangelical) and between clergy and laity. Scales related to church practices suggested ‘conserving tradition’ was also involved in the liberal-conservative dimension, but this was less so for clergy and for Evangelicals. The scale is commended as an empirical measure of one dimension of Church of England identities, especially if used alongside a parallel scale measuring church tradition.
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Foster, Stewart. "The Life and Death of a Victorian Seminary: The English College, Bruges." Recusant History 20, no. 2 (October 1990): 272–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005392.
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The foundation and fortunes of the English College at Bruges, and its contribution to Catholicism in this country, remains one of the least chronicled chapters in the development of seminary education in the nineteenth century. For fifteen years, from 1858 to 1873, the college, founded by Sir John Sutton (1820–1873), trained more than 120 priests for the Church in England, Wales and Scotland.
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Hoey, Lawrence R. "The Articulation of Rib Vaults in the Romanesque Parish Churches of England and Normandy." Antiquaries Journal 77 (March 1997): 145–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500075181.
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Rib vaults appear in English architecture at the end of the eleventh century and by the early part of the next had spread throughout most parts of the country and across the Channel into Normandy. Rib construction was pioneered by the builders of great churches, first apparently at Durham, and was then developed and elaborated at sites such as Winchester, Gloucester, Peterborough, Lessay, Saint-Etienne in Caen, and many others. Although it is impossible to pinpoint the precise moment, by the second quarter of the twelfth century ribs were also being constructed in smaller churches in many areas of England and Normandy. Anglo-Norman parish church masons might construct ribs under towers or in porches, but the majority of survivals are in chancels, where the presence of ribs was clearly the result of a desire to distinguish and embellish the functionally most important and most sacred part of the church.
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Andreani, Angela. "Meredith Hanmer’s Career in the Church of England, c. 1570–1590." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 44, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04401003.
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This article deals with two pivotal decades in the life of Meredith Hanmer, an Anglican divine of Welsh descent who built his career in the Church of England against the backdrop of shifting ecclesiastical policy, religious debate and the upsurge in anti-Catholicism. Hanmer was close to the establishment but his career trajectory apparently shifted in the early-1590s, when he resigned two London benefices to move to Ireland. This study reconstructs the years preceding this move focussing on Hanmer’s professional advancement and on the publication of his first works, which will enable us to gauge his multifaceted profile as a scholar and as a clergyman. While he courted favour and established his name as a learned preacher, archival records bear a clear witness to his highly controversial conduct.
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Campbell, Debra. "The Rise of the Lay Catholic Evangelist in England and America." Harvard Theological Review 79, no. 4 (October 1986): 413–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000020186.
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In December 1916 David Goldstein, Catholic convert and former Jewish socialist cigarmaker, approached Boston's Cardinal William Henry O'Connell with a novel plan. Goldstein wanted to deliver lectures on Catholicism from a custom-built Model-T Ford on Boston Common. A little over a year later, across the Atlantic, Vernon Redwood, a transplanted tenor from New Zealand, asked Francis Cardinal Bourne of Westminster for permission to speak on behalf of the church in Hyde Park. Both Goldstein and Redwood received episcopal approval and Boston's Catholic Truth Guild and London's Catholic Evidence Guild were born. The emergence of these two movements marked a new epoch in the history of the Roman Catholic laity in the English-speaking world. The fact that the lay evangelist appeared on the scene during the First World War and in the aftermath of the Vatican condemnations of Americanism (1899) and Modernism (1907), actions generally assumed to have dampened the spirit of individual initiative in the church, renders them all the more illuminating to scholars of modern Catholicism. Goldstein and Redwood both exemplified and encouraged the new assertiveness which began to characterize a growing number of the American and English laity by the First World War. They call our attention to a significant shift in the self-identity of the lay population which came to fruition during the period between the World Wars, a shift which prompted even tenors and cigarmakers to mount the public pulpit.
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Salazar, Greg. "Polemicist as Pastor: Daniel Featley's Anti-Catholic Polemic and Countering Lay Doubt in England during the early 1620s." Studies in Church History 52 (June 2016): 315–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2015.18.
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In the months immediately before the collapse of the Spanish Match in 1623, an important debate took place between the Protestant controversialist Daniel Featley and John Percy (alias Fisher), the notorious Jesuit polemicist. The accounts of the debate alleged that the meeting was originally intended to be a small, informal, private conference to provide satisfaction to Humphrey Lynde's ageing cousin, Edward Buggs, concerning some doubts he was having about the legitimacy of the Protestant faith. Nevertheless, it is argued that Protestants used this conference to showcase a strong stance against Rome at a crucial moment when Catholicism was beginning to intrude further into England, and deliberately subverted royal policy by engaging Catholics in debate and publishing anti-Catholic polemical works. This was done to increase other Protestants’ confidence that their Church was the true Church and Catholicism was a counterfeit version of Christianity. Ultimately, this episode demonstrates how Protestants’ pastoral concerns about lay conversion could go hand in hand with their polemical activities and gives us a window into the particular mechanisms that Protestants employed as they struggled against the tide of political and ecclesiastical circumstances which threatened to diminish their influence in the 1620s.
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ATHERSTONE, ANDREW. "The Martyrs' Memorial at Oxford." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54, no. 2 (April 2003): 278–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046902005638.
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The Martyrs' Memorial at Oxford is usually interpreted as an anti-Tractarian statement provoked by the publication of R. H. Froude's notorious Remains. This paper argues, however, that the monument's anti-Catholic nature has been overlooked, largely as a result of interpreting the scheme in the light of subsequent developments. Much of the original polemic surrounding the project was directed exclusively against Roman Catholicism and it won support from a wide theological spectrum within the Church of England. The heated debate over the wording of the inscription is examined, as is the question of whether the memorial should take the form of a Martyrs' Church or a Martyrs' Monument.
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Snape, Michael. "British Catholicism and the British Army in the First World War." Recusant History 26, no. 2 (October 2002): 314–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030909.
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The history of British Catholic involvement in the First World War is a curiously neglected subject, particularly in view of the massive and ongoing popular and academic interest in the First World War, an interest which has led to the publication of several studies of the impact of the war on Britain’s Protestant churches and has even seen a recent work on religion in contemporary France appear in an English translation. Moreover, and bearing in mind the partisan nature of much denominational history, the subject has been ignored by Catholic historians despite the fact that the war has often been regarded by non-Catholics as a ‘good’ war for British Catholicism, an outcome reflected in a widening diffusion of Catholic influences on British religious life and also in a significant number of conversions to the Catholic Church. However, if some standard histories of Catholicism in England are to be believed, the popular Catholic experience of these years amount to no more than an irrelevance next to the redrawing of diocesan boundaries and the codification of canon law.
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Tong, Stephen. "An English Bishop Afloat in an Irish See: John Bale, Bishop of Ossory, 1552–3." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.9.
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The Reformation in Ireland has traditionally been seen as an unmitigated failure. This article contributes to current scholarship that is challenging this perception by conceiving the sixteenth-century Irish Church as part of the English Church. It does so by examining the episcopal career of John Bale, bishop of Ossory, County Kilkenny, 1552–3. Bale wrote an account of his Irish experience, known as theVocacyon, soon after fleeing his diocese upon the accession of Queen Mary to the English throne and the subsequent restoration of Roman Catholicism. The article considers Bale's episcopal career as an expression of the relationship between Church and state in mid-Tudor England and Ireland. It will be shown that ecclesiastical reform in Ireland was complemented by political subjugation, and vice versa. Having been appointed by Edward VI, Bale upheld the royal supremacy as justification for implementing ecclesiastical reform. The combination of preaching the gospel and enforcing the 1552 Prayer Book was, for Bale, the best method of evangelism. The double effect was to win converts and align the Irish Church with the English form of worship. Hence English reformers exploited the political dominance of England to export their evangelical faith into Ireland.
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Tutino, Stefania. "‘Makynge Recusancy Deathe Outrighte’? Thomas Pounde, Andrew Willet and The Catholic Question in Early Jacobean England." Recusant History 27, no. 1 (May 2004): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200031162.
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With the accession of James VI of Scotland to England’s throne as James I, many English Catholics began hoping that the vexing question of religion would soon be resolved in a manner not unfavourable to their faith. James, after all, was the son of the Catholic Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, and it seemed not impossible that he would convert to the Catholic faith. The diplomatic contact with Spain that would eventually produce the Treaty of 1604 was already in process and religious toleration was one element in the discussion. But the more significant grounds for Catholics’ hope came most certainly from the position on the English religious question enunciated by the King himself. As his reign began, James seemed to be demonstrating a more favourable attitude towards Catholics than towards Puritans. His Basilikon Down declared the Church of Rome and the Church of England ‘agree in the grounds’, while his first speech to Parliament in March 1604 characterized Catholicism as ‘a religion, falsely called Catholik, but trewly Papist’, while defining the Puritans, as ‘a sect rather than a Religion’.
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Bossy, John. "Leagues and Associations in Sixteenth-Century French Catholicism." Studies in Church History 23 (1986): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400010603.
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My motives in choosing this subject are: to respond to the invitation of our chairman; to expound the conviction that the persistence of French Catholicism through the crises of the Reformation was largely the result of the voluntary association of French Catholics; and to try to discover whether there was anything in Catholic theological or pastoral teaching of the period which might have given these associations a theoretical perspective, or grounded them in some kind of associative conception of the Church. I add that, despite the very considerable importance of the subject, one might even claim its decisive importance for the outcome of the wars of religion in Europe as a whole, it has (with some shining exceptions) not received very much attention from historians, and that in England essential texts and studies are hard to come by.
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Lunn, David. "Review of Book: Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England." Downside Review 113, no. 390 (January 1995): 76–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001258069511339007.
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Collett, Barry. "Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England (review)." Parergon 14, no. 2 (1997): 250–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1997.0055.
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Francis, Leslie J., Andrew Village, and David Voas. "The Turn Toward Extraversion: The Changing Psychological Profile of Anglican Clergy." Journal of Empirical Theology 32, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341383.
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Abstract Recent research has drawn attention to two features associated with extraversion in Anglican ministry. Extraverts are under-represented among Anglican clergy. Extravert leaders are associated with church growth. The present reanalysis of data collected within the Church Growth Research Programme from 1,372 stipendiary clergy serving in the Church of England who were aged 70 or under demonstrated that in recent decades there has been a slight tendency for the Church of England to ordain more extraverts, a feature that cannot simply be explained by the reduced numbers of Anglo-Catholics (who are more likely to be introverts) or growth in charismatic influence. This slight growth, however, has been insufficient to address what may be interpreted as covert discrimination against extraverts in selection for ordination. It is argued that a commitment to inclusivity in recruiting clergy might need to take account of psychological type characteristics of those presenting for selection as much as monitoring their ethnic background.
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Nockles, Peter. "‘Our Brethren of the North’: The Scottish Episcopal Church and the Oxford Movement." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 4 (October 1996): 655–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900014664.
Full textAbstract:
Studies of the Oxford or Tractarian Movement in Britain have almost exclusively focused on the Church of England. The impact of the Catholic revival within Scotland has been accorded little attention. This neglect partly reflects the small size of the Episcopal Church in Scotland. Yet the subject deserves fuller consideration precisely because the minority Scottish Episcopal Church was, by the nineteenth century, more uniformly High Church in its theology and outlook than the Church of England, a fact which predisposed it to be peculiarly receptive to Tractarianism, which in turn exacerbated its relations with the dominant Presbyterian Kirk. The few serious studies of the question, however, have been coloured by an uncritical assumption that the movement's impact on the Episcopal Church was altogether positive and benign. The differences between the Tractarians and nonjuring episcopalians of the north have been overlooked or understated. While according due weight to the affinities and continuities between the two traditions, this article will question the standard Anglo-Catholic historiography and reveal the tensions within the Episcopal Church sharpened by the often negative influence of the Catholic revival when transported north of the border.
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FIELD, CLIVE D. "Counting Religion in England and Wales: The Long Eighteenth Century,c.1680–c.1840." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 63, no. 4 (September 17, 2012): 693–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046911002533.
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The statistical analysis of religion in England and Wales usually commences with the mid-nineteenth century. This article synthesises relevant primary and secondary sources to produce initial quantitative estimates of the religious composition of the population in 1680, 1720, 1760, 1800 and 1840. The Church of England is shown to have lost almost one-fifth of its affiliation market share during this period, with an ever increasing number of nominal Anglicans also ceasing to practise. Nonconformity more than quadrupled, mainly from 1760 and especially after 1800. Roman Catholicism kept pace with demographic growth, but, even reinforced by Irish immigration, remained a limited force in 1840. Judaism and overt irreligion were both negligible.
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Smith, Frederick E. "A ‘fownde patrone and second father’ of the Marian Church: Antonio Buonvisi, religious exile and mid-Tudor Catholicism." British Catholic History 34, no. 2 (September 27, 2018): 222–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2018.22.
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AbstractDespite receiving particular praise from a range of early modern commentators, from Nicholas Sander to Pedro de Ribadeneyra, most historians have seen the Italian merchant Antonio Buonvisi playing a fairly negligible role in the history of mid-Tudor Catholicism. This article challenges this interpretation. After reassessing some rather simplistic assessments of Buonvisi’s religious beliefs, this article explores his actions and activities following his self-imposed exile from England in 1549. Using research conducted in both the State Archives of Lucca and the Vatican City, it suggests that Buonvisi played a far more significant role in ensuring the survival of English Catholicism over the first decades of the Reformation than is usually acknowledged. Indeed, it argues that Buonvisi may have helped lay core foundations for the Catholic restoration of Mary I’s reign, the success of which has recently been highlighted by historians such as Eamon Duffy.
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Noack, Bent. "Den oldengelske digtning og Grundtvig." Grundtvig-Studier 41, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v41i1.16025.
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Grundtvig and Anglo-Saxon PoetryBy Bent NoackGrundtvig’s work on Anglo-Saxon poetry and his use of it is, in many respects, an important part of his legacy to his people and his church. It was the historian Grundtvig who, at the beginning of his career, used the Beowulf Poem in his mythological studies and both welcomed and criticized Thorkelin’s 1815 edition of it. His work on Beowulf went on, almost till the end of his life, with translations, reproduction and, finally, an edition in 1861.His journeys to England in 1829 to 1831 also had historical and mythological studies as their main purpose. But soon Grundtvig became aware that England possessed an important group of manuscripts of biblical and religious poetry, the Exeter Book being the most outstanding. He planned an edition, in England, of ’the most valuable Anglo-Saxon manuscripts’, as he said in his ’prospectus’ for a subscription. Part of the plan was eventually carried out by Benjamin Thorpe, but Grundtvig’s work was not done for nothing: many of his readings and emendations are still maintained. In 1840, he published an edition of the ’Phoenix’ with introduction and translation.As a hymn writer Grundtvig reproduced pieces of Anglo-Saxon poetry; his collected hymns contain eight reproductions, and two of them are still among the most cherished of his hymns.
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Pizzoni, Giada. "The English Catholic Church and the Age of Mercantilism: Bishop Richard Challoner and the South Sea Company." Journal of Early Modern History 24, no. 2 (April 27, 2020): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342654.
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Abstract This article argues that the commercial economy contributed to sustain the English Catholic Church during the eighteenth century. In particular, it analyzes the financial dealings of Bishop Richard Challoner, Vicar Apostolic of the London Mission (1758-1781). By investing in the stock market, Challoner funded charitable institutions and addressed the needs of his church. He used the profits yielded by the Sea Companies for a variety of purposes: from basic needs such as buying candles, to long-term projects such as funding female schools. Bishop Challoner contributes to a new narrative on Catholicism in England and enriches the literature on the Mercantilist Age. The new Atlantic economy offered an opening and Catholics seized it. By answering the needs of the new fiscal-state, the Catholic Church ensured its survival, secured economic integration, and eventually achieved political inclusion.