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Journal articles on the topic 'Church of South India'
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Jose, Justin Pallickal, Vinod C. V, and A. Shahin Sultana. "Dalits in Catholic Church of South India." Contemporary Voice of Dalit 6, no. 1 (2013): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974354520130110.
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Webster, John C. B. "The Church of South India Golden Jubilee." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 22, no. 2 (1998): 50–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693939802200201.
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Lalitha, E. Pushpa. "Women’s Leadership in the Church of South India." Feminist Theology 26, no. 1 (2017): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735017714403.
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The author of this article is the first woman Bishop in the Church of South India (CSI). Her article outlines the development of women’s ministry in India, from the influence of European missionaries in the nineteenth century, and through the union of traditions which led to the formation of the CSI. Women have traditionally served in auxiliary ministries, as Bible Women or deaconesses. The story is set against the context of deeply traditional cultures. The second half of the article relates the author’s own journey through vocation and call to her present role, in which she experienced firsthand the difficulties that faced women seeking to answer a vocation to ministry.
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Jeremiah, Anderson H. M. "Dalit Christians in India: Reflections from the ‘Broken Middle’." Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 3 (2011): 258–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2011.0028.
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The focus of this article is on Dalit Christian experience in India. It strives to understand the milieu and framework of religious expression within the Dalit Christian community in South India. This article consists of three sections. Firstly, it develops a comprehensive perception of what it means to be a Dalit and a Christian simultaneously; the notion of multiple belonging in practice. Secondly, it weaves the lived reality of Dalit Christians by using Gillian Rose's socio-philosophical concept of ‘the broken middle’. Thirdly, through the paradigm of the ‘broken middle’, this article furthers certain facets of a locally relevant church. In brief, by drawing upon fieldwork from various Dalit communities in South India, this article gives a perspective and a glimpse into the wider Christian experience, in order to elucidate a contextually appropriate theological framework and the need for a locally relevant church.
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Shameerudeen, Clifmond. "A Mentoring Model: A Leadership Style for Seventh-day Adventists in Southern Asia." Journal of Adventist Mission Studies 17, no. 1 (2021): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32597/jams/vol17/iss1/7/.
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The Seventh-day Adventist Church in India has been commissioned by God to be a witness to the 1.3 billion people in India of whom 80% are from a Hindu background. After a hundred years, the Southern Asian Division has a membership of 1.5 million people. There are many reasons to celebrate the success of the Seventh-day Adventist Church in India, particularly the success of the Adventist school system and the health care provided by the health institutions. However, the organization that is responsible for leading South Asians to Jesus Christ may not be able to celebrate the same success as the schools and hospitals. An evaluation of leadership practices in the Southern Asian Division is a logical place to begin. The Seventh-day Adventist model of leadership is followed to various degrees by its entities worldwide, including India. Research shows that organizations in India struggle when trying to follow Western leadership styles because Indian society is autocratic (Mehrotra and Sinha 2017:835). Researchers are convinced from years of research that a leadership style from the West is not effective when “transplanted” to India (835). This could be one of the reasons for the failure of the typical Adventist model of leadership in India. However, researchers agree that a model of leadership from within the Indian context is a possible solution because it is part of the cultural context unlike Western models that fail to consider the Indian culture and worldview. Studies show that two styles of leadership originate from Indian culture: autocratic and mentoring. The autocratic leadership style is the most prevalent because it closely follows the Indian family system. The family leader is called the karta and is an autocratic leader who leads from a “high-power distance, hierarchical and dependency prone” culture (Mehrotra and Sinha 2017, 840). The mentoring or guru style is connected to the religious heart of India. Under this model, a master leads with the goal of preparing subordinates to replace himself, perhaps becoming even better leaders than the master (Gayen 2018). The central issue in India is that the leaders of the Southern Asian Division subscribe to the autocratic style of leadership found in the Indian karta family system. The Seventh-day Adventist Church is like an extension of the Indian family. This model of leadership is contrary to the model of leadership suggested in the Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual and the Bible. Jesus’ model of leadership is very similar to the mentoring or guru model of leadership.
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Rasi, H. "ST. GEORGE’S CATHEDRAL, CHENNAICHURCH OF THE CITY A STUDY IN RELIGION AND ART." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 4, no. 10(SE) (2016): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v4.i10(se).2016.2465.
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Built in the heart of Chennai in A.D. 1815, and consecrated to the service of God on 6 January 18161, St. George’s Cathedral is an imposing structure – an oasis of peace and tranquillity – reminding us the presence of God every moment of our life. Rt. Rev. T.F. Middleton, the first Anglican Bishop in India inaugurated the church, and thought the new church was “handsomer than anyone in England”2. The Cathedral is a symbol of the sufferings, the struggles, and ultimately the success of Christianity in South India, especially Tamil Nadu.
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Ludwig, Frieder. "Tambaram: the West African Experience." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 1 (2001): 49–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00031.
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AbstractTambaram 1938, held near Madras in South India, was the first conference of the International Missionary Council in which a significant number of Africans took part. It offered, therefore, a unique opportunity for the fifteen delegates from the continent. For the first time, West Africans exchanged views with South Africans about African Independent Churches, for the first time, they discussed issues such as the tolerance of polygamy in an international setting. The Africans were impressed by the efforts towards church union in India and by Gandhi's national movement. This article describes the experiences of three of the West African delegates, Alexander Babatunde Akinycle (Nigeria), Moses Odutola Dada (Nigeria) and Christian Goncalves Baeta (Gold Coast/Ghana). Baëta subsequently made a very significant contribution to West African Christianity as a church leader, theologian and academic.
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Gribben, Robert. "The Formation of the Liturgy of the Church of South India." Studia Liturgica 30, no. 2 (2000): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003932070003000201.
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Samuel, Thomas. "Some Reflections on the Church of South India Liturgy since 1961." Studia Liturgica 30, no. 2 (2000): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003932070003000202.
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Williams, C. Peter. "‘Too Peculiarly Anglican’: The Role of the Established Church in Ireland as A Negative Model in the Development of the Church Missionary Society’s Commitment to Independent Native Churches, 1856-1872." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008755.
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Henry Venn, the CMS honorary secretary between 1841 and 1872, is rightly regarded as the great exponent of self-supporting, self-propagating, and self-governing churches. I have argued elsehwere that his principles took many years to assume their final shape and that, when they did, they contained what was regarded as an ecclesiological anomaly—that there should be separate bishops for different races in the same geographical area. Between about 1856 and 1872 Venn became increasingly daring in his proposals, abandoned his support for the idea of a single European bishop wherever there were European settlers and was instrumental, not only in having Samuel Crowther appointed as the first black bishop in West Africa or in responding positively to suggestions of an Indian bishop for South India, but also in proposing, both in India and in China, that the needs of a truly culturally integrated independent ‘native’ church demanded that its structures should be separated from those of the imported European church.
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Phillips, Prasad D. R. J. "Children and Liturgy: Considering the Place Children Have in Liturgical Worship." International Bulletin of Mission Research 43, no. 3 (2019): 238–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939319832427.
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The Book of Common Worship of the Church of South India (CSI, a church developed from various Protestant denominations coming together) is said to be one of the greatest Christian expressions of unity in diversity. In this article I discuss the notion of the citizenship of children in church, specifically looking at the liturgical practices in the CSI. I first give a brief historical setting of the CSI and its liturgy and then investigate the status, identity, and rights of children within the context of worship in CSI churches.
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Bethke, Andrew-John. "A Historical Survey of Southern African Liturgy: Liturgical Revision from 1908 to 2010." Journal of Anglican Studies 15, no. 1 (2017): 58–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355316000280.
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AbstractThe article surveys liturgical developments in the Anglican Church of Southern Africa from 1908 to 2010. The author uses numerous source documents from several Anglican archives to analyse the experimental and fully authorized liturgies, detailing the theological and sociological shifts which underpinned any significant changes. The author includes several sources which, until this point, have not been considered; particularly in relation to the reception of newer liturgies. These include letters, interviews and newspaper articles. Influences from the Roman Catholic Church, the Church of South India, the Church of England, the Episcopal Church in the USA and the Church of New Zealand all contributed to the authorized rites in the local church. Furthermore, the article shows that local, traditionally disenfranchised voices are now beginning to be included with liturgical transformation.
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Kumar, Santhosh S. "Liturgical Reforms: A Review of the Church of South India Eucharistic Liturgy." Studia Liturgica 44, no. 1-2 (2014): 247–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00393207140441-224.
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Downs, Frederick S. "Book Review: Theological Education for the Mission of the Church in India: 1947–1987, with Special Reference to the Church of South India." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 18, no. 1 (1994): 36–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693939401800112.
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Hema, T. Brigit, and D. Rani Mila. "Christianity In Kottar – A Study." Think India 22, no. 2 (2019): 3266–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i2.9514.
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Christianity in Kottar is the history of Catholicism in the Diocese of Kottar. Christianity in this study area has many denominations such as Catholicism, the Church of South India and minor divisions such as Salvation Army and the Pentecostal churches. This study is limited to the history of Catholicism in the Diocese of Kottar
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Sonn, Tamara. "Islamic Studies in South Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 11, no. 2 (1994): 274–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v11i2.2436.
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Background of South African IslamIn 1994, South Africans will celebrate three centuries of Islam inSouth Africa. Credit for establishing Islam in South Africa is usuallygiven to Sheikh Yusuf, a Macasser prince who was exiled to South Africafor leading the resistance against the Dutch colonization of Malaysia. Thefitst Muslims in South Africa, however, were actually slaves who hadbeen imported, beginning in 1677, mainly from India, the Indonesianarchipelago, Malaysia, and Sri Lanka, by the Dutch colonists living in theCape. The Cape Muslim community, popularly but inaccurately knownas "Malays" and known under apattheid as "Coloreds," is the oldest Muslimcommunity in South Africa. The other major Muslim community wasestablished over a century later by indentured laborers and tradespeoplefrom northern India, a minority of whom weae Muslims. The majority ofSouth African Indian Muslims, classified as "Asians" or "Asiatics," nowlive in Natal and Tramvaal. The third ethnically identifiable group, classifiedas "Aftican" or "Black," consists mainly of converts or theirdescendants. Of the entire South African Muslim population, roughly 49percent are "Coloreds," nearly 47 pement are "Asians," and, although statisticsregarding "Africans" ate generally unreliable, it is estimated thatthey are less than 4 percent. Less than 1 percent is "White."Contributions to South African SocietyAlthough Muslims make up less that 2 petcent of the total population,their presence is highly visible. There ate over twenty-five mosques inCape Town and over one hundred in Johannesburg, making minarets asfamiliar as church towers Many are histotic and/or architectuml monuments.More importantly, Muslims ate uniquely involved in the nation'scultwe and economy. The oldest extant Afrikaans-language manuscriptsare in the Arabic script, for they ate the work of Muslim slaves writingin the Dutch patois. South African historian Achrnat Davids has tracedmany linguistic elements of Afrikaans, both in vocabulary and grammar,to the influence of the Cape Muslims. Economically, the Indian Muslimsaxe the most affluent, owing primarily to the cirmmstances under whichthey came to South Africa. Muslim names on businesses and buildingsare a familiar sight in all major cities and on those UniveAty campusesthat non-Whites were allowed to attend during apartheid ...
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Wolffe, John. "Plurality in the Capital: The Christian Responses to London’s Religious Minorities since 1800." Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 232–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840005021x.
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On a late spring day in 1856 Prince Albert carried out one of the less routine royal engagements of the Victorian era, by laying the foundation stone of what was to become ‘The Strangers’ Home for Asiatics, Africans and South Sea Islanders’, located at Limehouse in the London docklands. The deputation receiving the prince was headed by the earl of Chichester, who was the First Church Estates Commissioner and president of the Church Missionary Society, and included Thomas Carr, formerly bishop of Bombay, Maharajah Duleep Singh, a Sikh convert to Christianity and a favourite of Queen Victoria, and William Henry Sykes, MP and chairman of the East India Company.
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Mocherla, Ashok Kumar. "We Called Her Peddamma: Caste, Gender, and Missionary Medicine in Guntur: 1880–1930." International Journal of Asian Christianity 3, no. 1 (2020): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-00301005.
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The medical work carried out by Dr. Anna Sarah Kugler in the town of Guntur (1880–1930), which was a part of the Telugu speaking region of the erstwhile Madras Presidency, as a foreign medical missionary associated with the mission field of the then General Synod of the Lutheran Church in America, constitutes a significant phase in the history of medicine and gender in South India. Despite bringing about visible changes in gender perceptions of medical professions, strangely, she or her work finds no mention in the social science literature on history of medicine in modern South India in general and coastal Andhra Pradesh in particular. This paper explores the nature and patterns of definitive changes that gender roles and patriarchal structures among the Telugus residing in coastal Andhra Pradesh have undergone after coming under the influence of a mission hospital in Guntur established by Dr. Anna Sarah Kugler. By doing so, it also brings out an analysis on how this medical institution transformed the firmly-held traditional perceptions and stereotypes on the sources of illness, disease, and treatments, and in turn laid the foundation for modern medicine to establish itself in South India.
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Raj, Pushpa. "Devasahayam: The First Martyr For Jesus Christ In Travancore." Proceedings Journal of Education, Psychology and Social Science Research 1, no. 1 (2014): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21016/icepss.14031.
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Travancore was the first and foremost among the princely states of India to receive the message of Jesus Christ. According to tradition, St. Thomas the Apostle came to India in 52 A.D. He made many conversions along the west coast of India. It had to the beginning of Christian Community in India from the early Christian era. He attained martyrdom in 72 A.D. at Calamina in St. Thomas mount, Madras. He was the first to be sacrificed for the sake of Christ in India. During the close of the second century A.D. the Gospel reached the people of southern most part of India, Travancore. Emperor Constantine deputed Theophilus to India in 354 A.D. to preach the Gospel. During this time the persecution of Christians in Persia seemed to have brought many Christian refugees to Malabar coast and after their arrival it strengthened the Christian community there. During the 4th century A.D. Thomas of Cana, a merchant from West Asia came to Malabar and converted many people. During the 6th century A.D. Theodore, a monk, visited India and reported the existence of a church and a few Christian groups at Mylapore and the monastery of St. Thomas in India. Joannes De Maringoly, Papal Legate who visited Malabar in 1348 has given evidence of the existence of a Latin Church at Quilon. Hosten noted many settlements from Karachi to Cape Comorin and from Cape Comorin to Mylapore. The Portuguese were the first European power to establish their power in India. Under the Portuguese, Christians experienced several changes in their general life and religion. Vas-co-da-gama reached Calicut on May 17, 1498. His arrival marked a new epoch in the history of Christianity in India. Many Syrian Catholics were brought into the Roman Catholic fold and made India, the most Catholic country in the East. Between 1535 to 1537 a group of Paravas were converted to Christianity by the Portuguese. In 1544 a group of fishermen were converted to Christian religion. St. Francis Xavier came to India in the year 1542. He is known as the second Apostle of India. He laid the foundation of Latin Christianity in Travancore. He could make many conversions. He is said to have baptized 30,000 people in South India. Roman Congregation of the propagation of Faith formed a Nemom Mission in 1622. The conversion of the Nairs was given much priority. As a result, several Nairs followed Christian faith particularly around Nemom about 8 k.m. south of Trivandrum. Ettuvitu pillaimars, the feudal chiefs began to persecute the Christians of the Nemom Mission. Martyr Devasahayam, belonged to the Nair community and was executed during the reign of Marthandavarma (1729-1758). It is an important chapter in the History of Christianity in South India in general, and of Travancore in particular.
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Nikolskaia, Kseniia D. "Rice and Arak: the South Indian Diet of the Early XVIII Century through the Eyes of Europeans according to the Documents of the Danish Royal Mission." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2024): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080029217-5.
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Since the beginning of the XVIII century, the Danish Royal Mission has been working in the South of India. For the first years, it consisted mainly of people from the University of Halle. Many historical sources have been preserved, according to which this page of the history of the penetration of Christianity into Asia and the formation of European Oriental studies is being reconstructed today. Lutheran pastors studied languages, translated sacred literature, preached, created schools, built churches. A significant amount of research has been devoted to these problems. However, the daily life of Europeans in the South Asian region at the beginning of the XVIII century until now has attracted little attention. Numerous reports on the work of missionaries in India allow us to envision how the Lutheran ministers of the church adapted to local household traditions, including culinary traditions. The first head of the mission, B. Ziegenbalg in his works gives overall information about the diet of local residents. In addition to telling about the main dishes and drinks of India, he provides valuable data on the relationship between cooking and Indian medicine. His works also contain materials concerning the specifics of the diet of ascetics. Finally, in connection with culinary topics, his materials preserve data about the economy of the region (trade relations, cultivated crops, prices for basic food and beverages, etc.). The texts of Ziegenbalg allow us to raise an important academic problem of meeting, interaction and mutual adaptation of two completely different cultures – European and Indian.
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Heideman, Eugene. "Book Review: Reformed Church in America Missionaries in South India, 1839–1938: An Analytical Study." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 12, no. 2 (1988): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693938801200229.
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Sweetman, Will. "Empire and Mission." Social Sciences and Missions 28, no. 1-2 (2015): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02801021.
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The historiography of the entanglement of mission and empire in India has often taken the inclusion of the so-called “pious clause” in the East India Company’s 1813 charter to mark the end of a ban on missions in Company territories, and the beginning of a period of co-operation between church and company. This neglects the importance in this debate of the mission founded by German Lutherans in the Danish settlement of Tranquebar in south India in 1706. The mission received direct patronage from the Company for almost a full century before 1813, and was invoked by both sides in the debate over the pious clause. A work published anonymously in 1812, purporting to be a new translation of dialogues between the first missionaries in Tranquebar and their Hindu and Muslim interlocutors, is shown here to be a skilful and savage satire on the dialogues published by the first missionaries.
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Curtis, Jesse. "White Evangelicals as a “People”: The Church Growth Movement from India to the United States." Religion and American Culture 30, no. 1 (2020): 108–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2020.2.
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ABSTRACTThis article begins with a simple question: How did white evangelicals respond to the civil rights movement? Traditional answers are overwhelmingly political. As the story goes, white evangelicals became Republicans. In contrast, this article finds racial meaning in the places white evangelicals, themselves, insisted were most important: their churches. The task of evangelization did not stop for a racial revolution. What white evangelicals did with race as they tried to grow their churches is the subject of this article. Using the archives of the leading evangelical church growth theorists, this article traces the emergence and transformation of the Church Growth Movement (CGM). It shows how evangelistic strategies created in caste-conscious India in the 1930s came to be deployed in American metropolitan areas decades later. After first resisting efforts to bring these missionary approaches to the United States, CGM founder Donald McGavran embraced their use in the wake of the civil rights movement. During the 1970s, the CGM defined white Americans as “a people” akin to castes or tribes in the Global South. Drawing on the revival of white ethnic identities in American culture, church growth leaders imagined whiteness as pluralism rather than hierarchy. Embracing a culture of consumption, they sought to sell an appealing brand of evangelicalism to the white American middle class. The CGM story illuminates the transnational movement of people and ideas in evangelicalism, the often-creative tension between evangelical practices and American culture, and the ways in which racism inflected white evangelicals’ most basic theological commitments.
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MacKenzie, John M. "The Scottish Deathscape in South Asia: Madras and Ceylon." Journal of Indian Ocean World Studies 5, no. 2 (2022): 215–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jiows.v5i2.116.
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Imperial deaths were given the status of martyrdoms in the cause of what European contemporaries considered the advance of civilisation. In many cases burials stimulated the overblown architecture of commemoration discovered in many places in the Indian Ocean world. There could well have been at least 1,000 cemeteries and church graveyards in South Asia, as well as grandiloquent memorials in cathedrals and churches throughout the region. While there are many examples from the eighteenth century, these practices became particularly striking in the nineteenth, which was an era in which the obsession with data produced a plethora of directories of memorial inscriptions and related lives. Some of these were officially inspired while others were produced by undertakers and those fascinated by documentation. From these we learn about imperial lives, careers, localised origins, and social and familial contexts. However, both these directories and the memorials which they documented were much more than the sentimental appropriation of colonial space. They also reflected ethnic and religious diversity, becoming indicators of the ‘four nations’ as well as of the contrasting Christian denominations of the United Kingdom. This was perhaps particularly true of Scots, whose geographical, social and religious affiliations can be charted through many examples in the Madras Presidency of South India and of the colony of Ceylon. They help to demonstrate that a full understanding of ethnic diversities can be derived from the study of the ‘deathscape’ of the imperial world.
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CARTER, DAVID. "The Ecumenical Movement in its Early Years." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 49, no. 3 (1998): 465–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046997006271.
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The year 1998 sees the fiftieth anniversary of the formation of the World Council of Churches. Great, but subsequently largely disappointed hopes, greeted it. The movement that led directly to its formation had its genesis in the International Missionary Conference of 1910, an event often cited in popular surveys as marking the beginning of the Ecumenical Movement. This paper will, however, argue that modern ecumenism has a complex series of roots. Some of them predate that conference, significant though it was in leading to the ‘Faith and Order’ movement that was, in its turn, such an important contributor to the genesis of the World Council.Archbishop William Temple, who played a key role in both the ‘Faith and Order’ and ‘Life and Work’ movements, referred to the Ecumenical Movement as the ‘great fact of our times’. This was a gross exaggeration. It is true that the movement engaged, from about 1920 onwards, a very considerable amount of the energy of the most talented and forward-looking leaders and thinkers of the Churches in the Anglican and Protestant traditions. It remained, however, marginal in the life of the Roman Catholic Church until Vatican II, despite the pioneering commitment of some extremely able people amidst official disapproval. Some leaders of the Orthodox Church took a considerable interest in the movement. However, both the official ecclesiology and the popular stance of most Orthodox precluded any real rapprochement with other Churches on terms that bore any resemblance to practicality. Even in the Anglican and mainstream Protestant Churches, the movement remained largely one of a section of the leadership. It attained little genuine popularity, a fact that was frequently admitted even by its most ardent partisans. One could well say that the Ecumenical Movement had only one really solid achievement to celebrate in 1948. This was the formation, in the previous year, of the Church of South India, the first Church to represent a union across the episcopal–non-episcopal divide. This type of union has yet to be emulated outside the Indian sub-continent.One of the aims of this article will be to try to explain why success in India went unmatched elsewhere. The emphasis will be on the English dimension of the problem, though many of the factors that affected the English situation also obtained in other countries in the Anglo-Saxon cultural tradition. This assessment must be balanced, however, by an appreciation of the real progress made in terms of improved and even amicable church relationships.
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SEHGAL, VIKRANT. "Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things: A Communist Critique." Dev Sanskriti Interdisciplinary International Journal 5 (January 15, 2015): 07–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36018/dsiij.v5i0.51.
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When Arundhati Roy’s semi-autobiographical novel, The God of Small Things, was published in 1997, it received both praise and criticism. While many critics and reviewers from around the world praised it for its technical virtuosity and thematic concerns, the voices and reactions heard from Roy’s native country, India, were disconcerting. In Kerala, a state in the south-west coast of India, where the story takes place, conservative Christians and hardline communists alike stood against the novel’s publication and distribution in India, despite the positive media attention Kerala would draw through this Booker prize winning novel. The reactions of the members of the Church and the communist party, who have revolutionized the Kerala society from time to time, make one curious about the moral and ideological controversy of Roy’s narration. Was it really her critique of communism that angered the critics, or was it her careful unraveling of something unexpected and hideous in the political and religious establishments in Kerala? This paper shows Roy’s promotion for Communism with reference to The God of Small Things.
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Laing, Mark. "The International Impact of the Formation of the Church of South India: Bishop Newbigin versus the Anglican Fathers." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 33, no. 1 (2009): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930903300107.
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Young, Richard Fox. "Holy Orders: Nehemiah Goreh's Ordination Ordeal and the Problem of 'Social Distance' in Nineteenth-Century North Indian Anglicanism." Church History and Religious Culture 90, no. 1 (2010): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124110x506491.
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AbstractUsing the example of Nehemiah Goreh, a mid nineteenth-century Brahmin Hindu convert to Christianity, the essay explores how Anglican missionaries interacted with Indian counterparts, sometimes encouraging their ordination (as was the case in the South), or (as was the case in the North) placing obstacles in their way. After an agonistically 'cognitive' struggle with Christian faith, Goreh was recommended for ordination by the Low-Church Anglican missionaries of Benares, only to be denied 'Holy Orders' by superiors in Calcutta, who felt that ordination would entail social intercourse of a kind detrimental to British status in colonial society. Having been a 'subaltern' of mission for some twenty years, Goreh converted again, this time to High-Church Anglicanism. I demonstrate that he did this not only to secure his ordination (High-Church Anglicans being less averse to having Indian counterparts), but also because, in the process of understanding the faith he had embraced, he had become convinced by High-Church Tractarians of the “Grace of Orders.” I argue, therefore, that Goreh's little-known ordination quest demonstrates exemplary integrity, politically and theologically.
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Nickel, Gordon. "‘A Religion whose Author was Meek and Lowly’." International Journal of Asian Christianity 5, no. 2 (2022): 180–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-05020003.
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Abstract The journals and letters of Abdul Masih (1776–1827) provide a lively and fascinating entry into consideration of the themes of faith and humility in South Asian Christianity. These themes were strong in the training Abdul received from evangelical chaplains of the East India Company prior to British permission for Christian mission in India. However, it is in Abdul’s reports of personal encounters with a wide variety of Muslim, Hindu, and Catholic interlocutors that the quality of meekness especially comes alive. Abdul perceived that the quality came from the teaching and example of Jesus. How was this quality to be shown in authentic faith conversation that revealed a clash of truth claims and even public calls for punishment of an ‘apostate’? When ambushed with polemic in excitable public settings? As Abdul conceived it, the ‘meekness and gentleness of Christ’ (2 Cor 10:1) dovetails nicely with a ‘boldness’ in gospel witness and a clear proclamation of the only faith that brings salvation. Remarkable, though wholly in line with his approach, was the way in which Muslim interlocutors who frequently came to dispute or reproach expressed satisfaction with Abdul by the end of the conversation. Meanwhile, Abdul humbly and faithfully ministered among Indian Christians in Agra and elsewhere as a catechist for the Church Missionary Society over a period of fourteen years.
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Köller, Andreas. "Presbyterianische Bischöfe in Safranorange: Das Ornat der Bischöfe der Church of South India als Aushandlungsort kultureller und denominationeller Vielfalt." Saeculum 66, no. 2 (2016): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/saeculum-2016-0205.
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Vink, Markus P. M. "Church and State in Seventeenth-Century Colonial Asia: Dutch-Parava Relations in Southeast India in a Comparative Perspective." Journal of Early Modern History 4, no. 1 (2000): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006500x00123.
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AbstractThis article is a comparative study of the relationship between church and state in seventeenth-century colonial Asia in general and South India in particular. In an era when political and religious loyalties were deemed interchangeable, the division of temporal and spiritual authority over the Parava community along the Madurai coast between the Dutch and the Portuguese, respectively, stands out as a unique arrangement. By the end of the seventeenth century, an informal understanding was reached according to which Portuguese Jesuits would exercise religious authority even in areas under immediate Dutch jurisdiction, while the Calvinist Dutch would claim wordly authority over the Roman Catholic Paravas. The arrangement on the Madurai Coast is compared with Dutch policy vis-à-vis similar Indo-Portuguese Catholic communities in other Asian "conquests" where they exercised territorial jurisdiction, such as Maluku (the Moluccas), Batavia (Jakarta), and Melaka (Malacca). The Luso-Dutch accommodation in southeast India is also examined in light of English religious policy at Fort St. George, Madras (Chennai), towards local Indo-Portuguese groups. The understanding between the Protestant English and French Capuchins differed markedly from the working arrangement between the Dutch and the Portuguese Jesuits. This dual comparative framework merely serves to emphasize the singularity of the "Madurai solution."
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Porter, Andrew. "Language, ‘Native Agency’, and Missionary Control: Rufus Anderson’s Journey to India, 1854-5." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 13 (2000): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002799.
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In the early years of the modern missionary movement there were many influences which turned minds towards support for the general principle and practice of reliance on ‘native agency’. Strategies of conversion such as those of the London Missionary Society and the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions at work in the Pacific, which aimed at kings or other influential local leaders, at least implicitly allotted important roles to the leadership and example of highly-placed converts. Awareness of the scale of the missionary task in densely-populated regions, contrasted with the limits of the western missionary input, pointed to the need for delegation as quickly as possible. The Serampore missionaries, Alexander Duff and Charles Gutzlaff, all travelled early down that road. Financial crisis – manifested either locally as Dr John Philip found in South Africa, or centrally as when the Church Missionary Society decided in the early 1840s to withdraw from the West Indies - prompted inevitable questions about the possibilities for deployment of local agents, who were far cheaper than Europeans.
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Swamy, Muthuraj. "The Theological Potentials of Local Ecumenical Efforts in Ordinary and Everyday Life: An Ethnographic Study of South Indian Context." Ecclesial Practices 5, no. 2 (2018): 138–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22144471-00502003.
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The concept and practice of ecumenism has played a crucial role in the theological construction of ecclesiology for the last few decades. In spite of the various steps taken for promoting local ecumenism in different parts of the world, the continuing challenge for ecclesiology (and also for theology in general) is to place grassroots efforts for ecumenism in the centre of theological discussions. While local ecumenism is defined and practiced in a number of ways, this essay discusses the ordinary and everyday efforts for church unity among Christians in South India, and the theological potentials of such efforts. A study of local ecumenism can contribute to the discussions in ecclesiology and ethnography, and such discussions in turn can help further to encourage local ecumenism by bringing to the centre the everyday experiences of Christians that have not often been focused or highlighted in mainline academic ecclesiology or theology.
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Nikolskaia, Kseniia D. "Creating a “New World” in Tranquebar (Missionaries and “Malabarians”)." Oriental Courier, no. 2 (2023): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310026756-9.
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Since the beginning of the 18th century, Danish Royal Mission has been working on the Coromandel coast of Hindustan in the city of Tranquebar (Dansborg fortress in 250 km from Madras). This mission, created on the initiative of King Frederick IV (1699–1730), consisted mainly of Germans, graduates of the University of the Saxon city of Halle. The first head of the mission (in 1706–1719) was Bartolomäus Ziegenbalg (1682–1706). All the work was carried out under his leadership: Several schools were opened, Christian literature was translated into Portuguese and Tamil, a church was built, sermons were read, residents were baptized. Many materials survived from those years: Correspondence of those missionaries with their relatives, friends and colleagues, numerous reports, and diaries. These sources allow us not only to present the life and work of Lutheran priests in Southern India in detail, but also to understand the peculiarities of their worldview. Most of the missionaries who worked in Tranquebar, like their mentors at the University of Halle, were adherents of the teachings of pietism. The founder and main ideologist of this doctrine was Philip Jacob Spener (1635–1705). His main work “Pia desideria” (1675) put forward the idea of the need for a general renewal of the Church and personal piety. Spener’s doctrine became the ideological basis of all the work of Ziegenbalg and his colleagues in the Indian South. Their critical attitude towards European Christians determined the main goals of working with pagans. It was in the pagans that they saw the so-called “new Christians”, destined to form the «renewed Christian world».
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Chatterjee, Sebanti. "Performing Bollywood Broadway: Shillong Chamber Choir as Bollywood’s Other." Society and Culture in South Asia 6, no. 2 (2020): 304–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2393861720923812.
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This article attempts to explore the performativity that surrounds choral music in contemporary India. 1 1 Choral music was discovered in Western civilization and Christianity. As a starting point, it had the Gregorian reforms of the 6th century. Choir primarily refers to a vocal ensemble practising sacred music inside church settings as opposed to chorus which indicates vocal ensembles performing in secular environments. Multiple singers rendered sacred polyphony 1430 onwards. By the end of the century a standardized four-part range of three octaves or more became a feature. The vocal parts were called superius (later, soprano), altus, tenor (from its function of ‘holding’ the cantus-firmus) and bassus (Unger 2010, 2–3). Moving beyond its religious functions, the Shillong Chamber Choir locates itself within various sounds. Hailing from Meghalaya in the north- eastern part of India, the Shillong Chamber Choir has many folksy and original compositions in languages such as Khasi, Nagamese, Assamese and Malayalam. However, what brought them national fame was the Bollywoodisation 2 2 Bollywood refers to the South Asian film industry situated in Mumbai. The term also includes its film music and scores. of the choir. With its win in the reality TV Show, India’s Got Talent 3 3 India’s Got Talent is a reality TV series on Colors television network founded by Sakib Zakir Ahmed, part of Global British Got Talent franchise. in 2010, the Shillong Chamber Choir introduced two things to the Indian sound-scape—reproducing and inhabiting the Bollywood sound within a choral structure, and introducing to the Indian audience a medley of songs that could be termed ‘popular’, but which ultimately acquired a more eclectic framework. Medley is explored as a genre. The purpose of this article is to understand how ‘Bollywood Broadway’ is the mode through which choral renditions and more mainstream forms of entertainment are coming together.
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COPLAND, IAN. "CHRISTIANITY AS AN ARM OF EMPIRE: THE AMBIGUOUS CASE OF INDIA UNDER THE COMPANY, c. 1813–1858." Historical Journal 49, no. 4 (2006): 1025–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005723.
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For many years it was widely assumed that there was a close connection between the rapid expansion of European imperial power and acquisition of territory overseas during the nineteenth century, particularly in Asia and Africa, and the congruent Protestant Christian missionary project to save the ‘heathens’ of these places by persuading them to embrace the ‘redeeming’ message of the Gospels. Over the past several decades, however, the thesis that empire-building and Christian evangelizing were mutually supportive activities has come under sustained attack from a group of British historians led by Brian Stanley and Andrew Porter – to the point where the Stanley–Porter revisionist line now occupies centre-stage. This article shows that, contrary to the dominant consensus, the relationship between church – in the form of the missionary societies – and state – in the shape of the English East India Company, initially cool, gradually warmed as the two parties came to realize that they had a common interest in providing ‘civilizing’ Western education to the Indian elites. Indeed it provocatively suggests that the colonial state might well, in time, have given its endorsement and even its support to the spread of Christianity had not the Mutiny intervened in 1857. However the analysis of the benefits generated by this South Asian partnership finds, paradoxically, that it undermined the Company’s authority, and may well have deterred many Indians from converting to Christianity – which had come to be widely seen as a privileged and imperialist religion.
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Maughan, Steven S. "Sisters and Brothers Abroad: Gender, Race, Empire and Anglican Missionary Reformism in Hawai‘i and the Pacific, 1858–75." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 328–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.18.
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British Anglo-Catholic and high church Anglicans promoted a new set of foreign missionary initiatives in the Pacific and South and East Africa in the 1860s. Theorizing new indigenizing models for mission inspired by Tractarian medievalism, the initiatives envisioned a different and better engagement with ‘native’ cultures. Despite setbacks, the continued use of Anglican sisters in Hawai‘i and brothers in Melanesia, Africa and India created a potent new imaginative space for missionary endeavour, but one problematized by the uneven reach of empire: from contested, as in the Pacific, to normal and pervasive, as in India. Of particular relevance was the Sandwich Islands mission, invited by the Hawaiian crown, where Bishop T. N. Staley arrived in 1862, followed by Anglican missionary sisters in 1864. Immensely controversial in Britain and America, where among evangelicals in particular suspicion of ‘popish’ religious practice ran high, Anglo-Catholic methods and religious communities mobilized discussion, denunciation and reaction. Particularly in the contested imperial space of an independent indigenous monarchy, Anglo-Catholics criticized what they styled the cruel austerities of evangelical American ‘puritanism’ and the ambitions of American imperialists; in the process they catalyzed a reconceptualized imperial reformism with important implications for the shape of the late Victorian British empire.
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Bugge, K. E. "Menneske først - Grundtvig og hedningemissionen." Grundtvig-Studier 52, no. 1 (2001): 115–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v52i1.16400.
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First a Man - then a Christian. Grundtvig and Missonary ActivityBy K.E. BuggeThe aim of this paper is to clarify Grundtvig’s ideas on missionary activity in the socalled »heathen parts«. The point of departure is taken in a brief presentation of the poem »Man first - and then a Christian« (1838), an often quoted text, whenever this theme is discussed. The most extensive among earlier studies on the subject is the book published by Georg Thaning: »The Grundtvigian Movement and the Mission among Heathen« (1922). The author provides valuable insights also into Grundtvig’s ideas, but has, of course, not been able to utilize more recent studies.On the background of the revival movement of the late 18th and early 19th century, The Danish Missionary Society was established in 1821. In the Lutheran churches such activity was generally deemed to be unnecessary. According to the Holy Scripture, so it was argued, the heathen already had a »natural« knowledge of God, and the word of God had been preached to the ends of the earth in the times of the Apostles. Nevertheless, it was considered a matter of course that a Christian sovereign had the duty to ensure that non-Christian citizens of his domain were offered the possibility of conversion to the one and true faith. In the double-monarchy Denmark-Norway such non-Christian populations were the Lapplanders of Northern Norway, the Inuits in Greenland, the black slaves in Danish West India and finally the native populations of the Danish colonies in West Africa and East India. Under the influence of Pietism missionary, activity was initiated by the Danish state in South India (1706), Northern Norway (1716), and Greenland (1721).In Grundtvig’s home the general attitude towards missionary work among the heathen seems to have reflected traditional Lutheranism. Nevertheless, one of Grundtvig’s elder brothers, Jacob Grundtvig, volunteered to become a missionary in Greenland.Due to incidental circumstances he was instead sent to the Danish colony in West Africa, where he died after less than one year of service. He was succeeded by his brother Niels Grundtvig, who likewise died within a year. During the period when Jacob Grundtvig prepared himself for the journey to Greenland, we can imagine that his family spent many an hour discussing his future conditions. It is probable that on these occasions his father consulted his copy of the the report on the Greenland mission published by Hans Egede in 1737. It is a fact that Grundtvig imbibed a deep admiration for Hans Egede early in his life. In his extensive poem »Roskilde Rhyme« (1812, published 1814), the theme of which is the history of Christianity in Denmark, Grundtvig inserted more than 70 lines on the Greenland mission. Egede’s achievements are here described in close connection with the missionary work of Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg in Tranquebar, South India, as integral parts of the same journey towards the celestial Jerusalem.In Grundtvig’s famous publication »The Church’s Retort« (1825) he describes the church as an historical fact from the days of the Apostles to our days. This historical church is at the same time a universal entity, carrying the potential of becoming the church of all humanity - if not before, then at the end of the world. A few years later, in a contribution to the periodical .Theological Monthly., he applies this historicaluniversal perspective on missionary acticity in earlier times and in the present. The main features of this stance may be summarized in the following points:1. Grundtvig rejects the Orthodox-Lutheran line of thought and underscores the Biblical view: That before the end of time the Gospel must be preached out into all comers of the world.2. Our Lutheran, Biblically founded faith must not lead to inactivity in this field.3. Correctly understood, missionary activity is a continuance of the acts of the Apostles.4. The Holy Spirit is the intrinsic dynamic power in the extension of the Christian faith.5. The practical procedure in this extension work must never be compulsion or stealth, but the preaching of the word and the free, uninhibited decision of the listeners.We find here a total reversion of the Orthodox-Lutheran way of rejection in principle, but acceptance in practice. Grundtvig accepts the principle: That missionary activity is a legitimate and necessary Christian undertaking. The same activity has, however, both historically and in our days, been marred by unacceptable practices, on which he reacts with forceful rejection. To this position Grundtvig adhered for the rest of his life.Already in 1826, Grundtvig withdrew from the controversy arising from the publication of his .Retort.. The public dispute was, however, continued with great energy by the gifted young academic, Jacob Christian Lindberg. During the 1830s a weekly paper, edited by Lindberg, .Nordisk Kirke-Tidende., i.e. Nordic Church Tidings, became Grundtvig’s main channel of communication with the public. All through the years of its publication (1833-41), this paper, of which Grundtvig was also an avid reader, brought numerous articles and reports on missionary activity. Among the reasons for this editorial practice we find some personal motives. Quite a few of Grundtvig’s and Lindberg’s friends were board members of the Danish Missionary Society. Furthermore, one of Lindberg’s former students, Christen Christensen Østergaard was appointed a missionary in Greenland.In the present paper the articles dealing with missionary activity are extensively reported and quoted as far as the years 1833-38 are concerned, and the effects on Grundtvig of this incessant .bombardment. of information on missionary activity are summarized. Generally speaking, it was gratifying for Grundtvig to witness ho w many of his ideas on missionary activity were reflected in these contributions. Furthermore, Lindberg’s regular reports on the progress of C.C. Østergaard in Greenland has continuously reminded Grundtvig of the admired Hans Egede.Among the immediate effects the genesis of the poem »First the man - then the Christian« must be mentioned. As already observed by Kaj Thaning, Grundtvig has read an article in the issue of Nordic Church Tidings, dated, January 8th, 1838, written by the Orthodox-Lutheran, German theologian Heinrich Møller on the relationship between human nature and true Christianity. Grundtvig has, it seems, written his poem in protest against Møller’s assertion: That true humanness is expressed in acceptance of man’s fundamental sinfulness. Against this negative position Grundtvig holds forth the positive Johannine formulations: To be »of the truth« and to hear the voice of the Good Shepherd. Grundtvig has seen a connection between Møller’s negative view of human nature and a perverted missionary practice. In the third stanza of his poem Grundtvig therefore inserted some critical remarks, clearly inspired by his reading of Nordic Church Tidings.Other immediate effects are seen in the way in which, in his sermons from these years, Grundtvig meticulously elaborates on the Biblical argumentation in favour of missionary activity. In this context he combines passages form the Old and New Testament - often in an ingenious, original manner. Finally must be mentioned the way in which Grundtvig, in his hymn writing from the middle of the 1830s, more often than hitherto recognized, interposes stanzas dealing with the preaching of the Gospel to heathen populations.Turning from general observations and a study of immediate impact, the paper considers the effects, which become apparent in a longer perspective. In this respect Grundtvig’s interpretation of the seven churches mentioned in chapters 2-3 of the Book of Revelation is of crucial importance. According to Grundtvig, they symbolize seven stages in the historical development of Christianity, i.e. the churches of the Hebrews, the Greeks, the Romans, the English, the Germans and the »Nordic« people. The seventh and last church will reveal itself sometime in the future.This vision, which Grundtvig expounds for the first time in 1810, emerges in his writings from time to time all through his life. The most impressive literary monument describing the vision is his great poem, »The Pleiades of Christendom« from 1856-60.In 1845 he becomes convinced that the arrival of the sixth stage is revealed in the breakthrough of a new and vigourous hymn-singing in the church of Vartov. As late as the spring of 1863 Grundtvig voices a contented optimism in a church-historical lecture, where the Danish missions to Greenland and to Tranquebar in South India are characterized as .signs of life and good omens.. Grundtvig here refers back to his above-mentioned »Roskilde Rhyme« (1812, 1814), where he had offered a spiritual interpretation of the names of persons and localities involved in the process. He had then observed that the colony founded in Greenland by Hans Egede was called »Good Hope«, a highly symbolic name. And the church built by the missionaries in Tranquebar was called »Church of the New Jerusalem«, a name explicitly referring to the Book of Revelation, and thus welding together his great vision and his view on missionary activity. After Denmark’s humiliating defeat in the Danish-German war of 1864, the optimism faded away. Grundtvig seems to have concluded that the days of the sixth and .Nordic. church had come to an end, and the era of the seventh church was about to commence. In accordance with his poem on »The Pleiades« etc. he localizes this final church in India.In Grundtvig’s total view missionary activity was the dynamism that bound his vision together into an integrated process. Through the activity of »Denmark’s apostle«, Ansgar, another admired mis-sionary, the universal church had become a locally rooted reality. Through the missions of Hans Egede and Ziegenbalg the Gospel was carried out to the ends of the earth. The local Danish church thus contributed significantly to the proliferation of a universal church. In the development of this view, Grundtvig was inspired as well as provoked by his regular reading of Nordic Church Tidings in the 1830s.
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Kuśnierz-Krupa, Dominika, Olena Remizova, Lidia Shevchenko, and Oksana Kravchuk. "THE INFLUENCE OF CULTURAL AND ARTISTIC TRADITIONS OF CHINA ON THE IMAGE OF A RELIGIOUS BUILDING." Spatial development, no. 6 (December 26, 2023): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2786-7269.2023.6.63-70.
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The Buddhist temple complex of Dunhuang can be named as the oldest example of the transformation of architectural and artistic canons of foreign religions when they were transferred to the territory of China. The artistic canons of the sanctuaries, which originated in India, underwent more and more transformations as local architectural and artistic skills developed. The same can be said about the transformation of the image of an Islamic religious building in the case of mosques, for example, in Shaanxi province, which acquired the architectural and artistic image of a Chinese temple of the traditional beliefs of Taoism and Confucianism. The influence of local traditions even on the image of a Christian church, namely the German Protestant church in Qingdao, was studied. In particular, it is quite bright for the German northern national romanticism, the polychromy of the facades, which contrasts with the ascetic interior. 
 Unlike traditional Protestant churches, the Protestant church in Qingdao has an irregular plan and the entrance to it is located not from the west, as usually, but from the south (Fig. 1). The asymmetry of the church composition is emphasized by the dominant tower with a height of 39 m. 
 This object is traditionally mentioned in the same row as other objects of northern national romanticism – the Residence of the Governor of Qingdao and the Japanese Girl’s High School. First of all, let’s analyze what signs of northern national romanticism are present here: 
 – large scale;
 – an active silhouette with the presence of pseudo-Romanesque towers of different heights;
 – the presence of “torn” stone cladding;
 – lack of small details and decoration on the facades.
 Now let's define the features that are not inherent in the typical German northern national romanticism:
 – dominance of yellow tinted wall planes over planes faced with “torn” stone;
 – the introduction of bright polychromy (red tiled roofs – yellow plastered walls – planes faced with “torn” granite – green tower’s roof not in the outlines of northern national romanticism).
 An analysis of the appearance of the Protestant church in Qingdao led to the following conclusions.
 An analysis of the appearance of the Protestant church in Qingdao led to the following conclusions.
 The important role of this object in the planning structure of the settlement actually built on an empty site is evidenced by the following facts:
 – the location is close to the government district;
 – holding a competition in Berlin;
 – funding by the Qingdao Governor's Office;
 – the choice of the style of northern national romanticism. 
 However, despite the presence of some signs of northern national romanticism in its German version, the phenomenon of style transformation when transferred to Chinese soil should be noted. In particular, under the influence of the picturesque natural environment, other natural and climatic conditions and Chinese architectural and artistic traditions of bright colours, the Protestant church acquired features that are not characteristic of northern national romanticism.
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Ukah, Asonzeh. "Moral Economy: The Afterlife of a Nebulous Concept." Journal for the Study of Religion 35, no. 2 (2023): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3027/2022/v35n2aintro.
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Since the re-purposing of the concept of the moral economy by the British historian, E.P. Thompson in the late 1960s, scholars from a variety of disciplines in social sciences and humanities have attempted to apply it as a tool for empirical analysis. As a migratory concept, the meaning of 'moral economy' has shifted from theology to philosophy to anthropology and history. Scholars of religions and historians of religion, however, have shown a reluctance in deploying the concept in their field of study. A flexible and vintage concept such as the moral economy may seem to be an oxymoron when applied to the study of religion and religious reforms. Its utility, however, is demonstrated by a collection of four critical articles in this special issue of this journal to explore wide-ranging empirical materials and contexts. These include the contemporary analysis of religious morality and regulation in Northern Nigeria, the entanglements of Muslim-owned restaurants and Islamic morality in Mumbai (India), Zulu ethnic nationality and morality in the Nazareth Baptist Church in KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa), and finally, the pre-modern theoretical and philosophical reflections of the 14th-century Tunisian Muslim philosopher, Abd al-Rahman Ibn Khaldun. In these diverse scenarios and contexts, the moral economy concept illustrates its theoretical and analytical capacity and potential in the field of the study of religions.
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May, Roy H. "“I did get along with the Indians:” Joseph Hugo Wenberg, Missionary to the Aymara, Ponca, and Oneida (1901-1950)." Methodist History 61, no. 1 (2023): 22–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.61.1.0022.
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ABSTRACT For the first half of the twentieth century Joseph Hugo Wenberg ministered among the Native Americans. He determinedly defended their rights and well-being. He began his ministry as a colporteur of the American Bible Society in Argentina and elsewhere in South America. Early on he was in Bolivia collaborating with the Methodists. He constantly insisted on “Indian work” and called out the racist nature of mission work that concentrated on the minority white population. Notably, while in charge of the Hacienda Guatajata [Huatajata] near Lake Titicaca, he instituted social justice reforms. He finally was dismissed as a missionary of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Returning to the United States, he assumed pastorates in Oklahoma, and then in Wisconsin where for 30 years he served among the Oneida. Wenberg’s life is an example of moral exemplarism, worthy of being emulated.
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Moore, Peter N. "Scotland's Lost Colony Found: Rediscovering Stuarts Town, 1682–1688." Scottish Historical Review 99, no. 1 (2020): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2020.0433.
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Historians on both sides of the Atlantic have failed to appreciate the significance of Stuarts Town, Scotland's short-lived colony in Port Royal, South Carolina. This article challenges the current view that Stuarts Town was primarily a business venture, focusing, instead, on the religious impulses that lay just beneath the surface of the Carolina Company. These concerns came to the fore as presbyterian persecution intensified in 1683 and the colony was reimagined as a safe haven for the true church, where the saving remnant of God's people could escape the terrible judgments befalling Scotland and where the gospel would be secure. Its purpose was collective, corporate, social and historical. On the ground in Carolina, however, colonisers behaved more like imperialists than religious refugees. Like Scotland, the Anglo-Spanish borderland was a violent and unstable place that bred fear of displacement and enslavement, but unlike Scotland it lacked a centralised power, giving the Scots an opening to make their bid for empire. They moved aggressively into this power vacuum, seeking in particular to capitalise on the perceived weakness of Spanish Florida to extend their reach into coastal Georgia, the south-eastern interior and as far west as New Mexico. Their actions created great anxiety in the region and, although the collapse of the Stuart regime finally put an end to their hopes, their short-lived colony transformed the borderlands, reorienting English, Spanish and Indian relations, sparking the coalescence of the Yamasee tribe and the Creek confederacy, and giving new life to the Indian slave trade that eventually shattered indigenous societies in the American south-east.
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Robinson, Rowena. "‘Smell Your Sheep, Shepherd’: What Does It Mean to Be Catholic for the Dalit?" Religions 10, no. 12 (2019): 659. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10120659.
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The anthropology of Christianity has emerged as an exciting field in the last decade or so. Themes of interest for us in India and South Asia in general include issues of caste, conversion and belief, the ideas of sin and morality, individualism, and the like. As part of this growing field, the issue of belief in particular has gained considerable importance. It has been argued that the strict reliance on belief is obstructive and counterproductive for the understanding of non-Western Christianity, particularly where religious affiliations may be shifting rather than stable. Moreover, it has been suggested that belief could be laid aside in favor of the notion of commitment, wherein the latter term encompasses presence, embodiment, shared social location, and the like. This paper argues that while the discourse oscillates between belief on the one hand and commitment on the other, the intermediating term between these might be community. There are social and spiritual divisions, which the available discourse does not immediately allow us to contend with. In the words of one Dalit Catholic, the church must be with its people, the Bishop-Shepherd must ‘smell’ his sheep. This paper will explore how it is precisely the absence of community that Dalit Catholics experience when they find that Christian equality becomes physical separation and Christian fraternity remains outside the social domain and will suggest the implications this has for the anthropology of Christianity.
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Rerceretnam, Marc. "Anti-colonialism in Christian Churches: A Case Study of Political Discourse in the South Indian Methodist Church in Colonial Malaya, 1890s�1930s." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 25, no. 2 (2010): 234–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj25-2d.
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Roback, Jennifer. "Plural but Equal: Group Identity and Voluntary Integration." Social Philosophy and Policy 8, no. 2 (1991): 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001138.
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During this period, when disciples were growing in number, a grievance arose on the part of those who spoke Greek, against those who spoke the language of the Jews; they complained that their widows were being overlooked in the daily distribution.When Americans think of ethnic conflict, conflict between blacks and whites comes to mind most immediately. Yet ethnic conflict is pervasive around the world. Azerbijanis and Turks in the Soviet Union; Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland; Arabs and Jews in the Middle East; Maoris and English settlers in New Zealand; Muslims and Hindus in India and Pakistan; French and English speakers in Quebec; Africans, Afrikaaners, and mixed-race people in South Africa, in addition to the tribal warfare among the Africans themselves: these are just a few of the more obvious conflicts currently in the news. We observe an even more dizzying array of ethnic conflicts if we look back just a few years. Japanese and Koreans; Mongols and Chinese; Serbs and Croats; Christians and Buddhists in Viet Nam: these ancient antagonisms are not immediately in the news, but they could erupt at any time. And the history of the early Christian Church recounted in the Acts of the Apostles reminds us that suspicion among ethnic groups is not a modern phenomenon; rather, it is ancient.The present paper seeks to address the problem of ethnic conflict in modern western democracies. How can our tools and traditions of participatory governments, relatively free markets, and the common law contribute to some resolution of the ancient problems that we find within our midst? In particular, I want to focus here on the question of ethnic integration.
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Campbell, Christine, Anne Douglas, Linda Williams, et al. "Are there ethnic and religious variations in uptake of bowel cancer screening? A retrospective cohort study among 1.7 million people in Scotland." BMJ Open 10, no. 10 (2020): e037011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2020-037011.
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ObjectiveCancer screening should be equitably accessed by all populations. Uptake of colorectal cancer screening was examined using the Scottish Health and Ethnicity Linkage Study that links the Scottish Census 2001 to health data by individual-level self-reported ethnicity and religion.SettingData on 1.7 million individuals in two rounds of the Scottish Bowel Cancer Screening Programme (2007–2013) were linked to the 2001 Census using the Scottish Community Health Index number.Main outcome measureUptake of colorectal cancer screening, reported as age-adjusted risk ratios (RRs) by ethnic group and religion were calculated for men and women with 95% CI.ResultsIn the first, incidence screening round, compared with white Scottish men, Other White British (RR 109.6, 95% CI 108.8 to 110.3) and Chinese (107.2, 95% CI 102.8 to 111.8) men had higher uptake. In contrast, men of all South Asian groups had lower uptake (Indian RR 80.5, 95% CI 76.1 to 85.1; Pakistani RR 65.9, 95% CI 62.7 to 69.3; Bangladeshi RR 76.6, 95% CI 63.9 to 91.9; Other South Asian RR 88.6, 95% CI 81.8 to 96.1). Comparable patterns were seen among women in all ethnic groups, for example, Pakistani (RR 55.5, 95% CI 52.5 to 58.8). Variation in uptake was also observed by religion, with lower rates among Hindu (RR (95%CI): 78.4 (71.8 to 85.6)), Muslim (69.5 (66.7 to 72.3)) and Sikh (73.4 (67.1 to 80.3)) men compared with the reference population (Church of Scotland), with similar variation among women: lower rates were also seen among those who reported being Jewish, Roman Catholic or with no religion.ConclusionsThere are important variations in uptake of bowel cancer screening by ethnic group and religion in Scotland, for both sexes, that require further research and targeted interventions.
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HARIANI, ELIZABETH, and ADHI KUSUMASTUTI. "STUDY OF FUNCTIONS, MOTIFS, AND SYMBOLIC MEANINGS OF TOBA BATAK ULOS SADUM WOVEN FABRICS IN NORTH SUMATRA." Fashion and Fashion Education Journal 12, no. 1 (2023): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ffej.v12i1.68019.
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Abstract. Ulos sadum is a Batak woven fabric that was originally known in Angkola/South Tapanuli as a symbol of joy with its characteristic red color and festive floral motifs that have cultural significance through the Batak tradition, and can contain magical, religious, love, unity and prayer values. The development of the times has an impact on the ulos phenomenon is not used in accordance with the function, motifs and meaning of ulos because it is starting to erode and can threaten the extinction of the ulos which makes people worry, especially for the Toba Batak sphere. This study aims to examine the functions, motifs, and symbolic meanings contained in the Toba Batak ulos sadum. This research is a type of qualitative research. The approach used is semiotics. The sources of data in this study were ulos weavers, experts in the field of ulos (ulos observers, ulos business actors, lecturers of cultural studies), literature, and ulos. Data collection techniques used are literature studies, observations, interviews, and documentation. The data analysis technique used is the theoretical data analysis of Miles and Huberman namely data reduction, data presentation and conclusion/verification. The results showed that the function of the Toba Batak personal sadum was to be used by women as ulos holong (love), a symbol of joy and prayer for the wearer or daughters who are currently married, and to show the beauty of women from their work. The physical function is for scarves, long cloths/slings, back cover and gifts. The social function is for happy and sad events such as mangulosi , house inauguration, baptisms, child births, church birthdays and funerals. The function of the community in the past was that it was used for daily activities, scarves and traditional events. The function in today's society is still the same as before but has been modernized, namely the development of sadum patterned fabrics into souvenirs such as wall hangings, tablecloths, bags, clothing, skirts, accessories and others. Some sadum motifs come from Dutch and India acculturation. The motifs describe animals and nature in the Batak land. The distribution of motifs on the Toba Batak ulos sadum is Toba Silindung, Toba Samosir, Toba Holbung/Uluan and Toba Sitolu Huta. The overall symbolic meaning contained in the Toba Batak ulos sadum, namely the joy and social relations of humans and the surrounding nature is translated from the meaning contained in each motif that forms a single unit. This cloth in custom is called ulos holong (love), which expresses affection, joy and prayer to give dynamism to the community.
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Daughrity, Dyron. "The Enigma of Bishop Stephen Neill And Why He Was Forced to Leave India L'énigme de Bishop Stephen Neill et pourquoi il a dû quitter l'Inde Das Enigma Bischof Stephen Neill und warum er Indien verlassen musste El enigma del obispo Stephen Neill y por qué fue expulsado de la India." Mission Studies 26, no. 2 (2009): 229–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016897809x12548912398910.
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AbstractBishop Stephen Neill's name elicits polarized perspectives. On the one hand he was one of the great Christian scholars of the twentieth century; on the other hand, his personal life was an enigma. This paper intends to explore some of the various responses to Bishop Neill's legacy since his death in 1984, giving special attention to the case study of how he lost his bishopric in India in 1945. It was a devastating event for Neill; he was forced to leave against his wishes. India was his true love, and the loss was tremendous for him. How could a bishop the stature of Stephen Neill have been forced from his see? After his death in 1984 a flurry of articles appeared in various publications. Some of these praised him, essentially arguing that whatever failings Neill may have had, his reputation should not be soiled by a few indiscretions in his younger years. Others, however, questioned how a clergyman, a bishop no less, could essentially get away with bizarre habits that created lasting wounds in some of the people in his care. Neill was never publicly chastised for what he did; he was quietly moved into a new role in the Anglican Church and eventually moved to Geneva where he worked with the World Council of Churches. Why Neill lost the prestigious see of Tinnevelly in South India was a matter of intense questioning until recently. This article uncovers what happened in South India in 1944 and 1945 that led to such drastic action. Neill did manage to recover, becoming one of the great historians of the world Christian movement. Today, his legacy is profound, evinced in the dozens of fine books he published. However, there are others who are still pained by him. This was an enigmatic man, deeply committed to his Christian faith, yet deeply flawed. Le nom de l'évêque Stephen Neill évoque des controverses. D'un côté, il fut l'un des grands penseurs chrétiens du vingtième siècle; de l'autre, sa vie personnelle fut une énigme. Cet article tente d'explorer quelques traces de son œuvre depuis sa mort en 1984, en portant une attention spéciale à la façon dont il perdit sa charge épiscopale en Inde, en 1945. Ce fut un événement accablant pour Neill; il fut forcé de partir à son corps défendant. L'Inde était son véritable amour et la perte fut pour lui considérable. Comment un évêque de la stature de Stephen Neill a-t-il pu être expulsé de son siège? Après sa mort en 1984, toute une série d'articles parurent dans des publications diverses. Quelques-uns louangeurs, arguant que, quelles que soient ses fautes, sa réputation ne devrait pas être ternie par quelques indiscrétions sur ses années de jeunesse. D'autres, cependant, se demandaient comment un homme d'Eglise, et qui plus est un évêque, pouvait s'accommoder d'habitudes bizarres qui avaient occasionné des blessures durables chez certains de ses fidèles. Neill ne fut jamais châtié publiquement pour ce qu'il avait fait. On lui donna discrètement un nouveau poste dans l'Eglise anglicane puis un poste à Genève, au Conseil œcuménique des Eglises. La raison pour laquelle il perdit le prestigieux siège de Tinnevelly en Inde du Sud a posé encore récemment beaucoup de questions. Cet article dévoile ce qui s'est passé en Inde du Sud en 1944 et 1945 et qui entraîna une mesure aussi radicale. Neill réussit à reprendre le dessus, devenant l'un des grands historiens du mouvement chrétien oecuménique. Aujourd'hui son héritage est marquant, en témoigne la douzaine de très bons livres qu'il a publiés. Pourtant d'autres personnes restent en souffrance à cause de lui. Il a été un homme énigmatique, profondément engagé dans sa foi chrétienne, mais avec une faille profonde. Der Name Bischof Stephen Neill ruft gegensätzliche Perspektiven hervor. Einerseits war er einer der großen christlichen Gelehrten des 20. Jahrhunderts; andererseits war sein persönliches Leben ein Rätsel. Dieser Artikel möchte einige der verschiedenen Antworten auf das Vermächtnis Bischof Neills seit seinem Tod 1984 untersuchen und spezielle Aufmerksamkeit auf den Fall richten, wie er 1945 sein Bischofsamt in Indien verlor. Das war für Neill ein furchtbares Ereignis; er musste gegen seinen Willen gehen. Indien war seine wahre Liebe und der Verlust war für ihn schrecklich. Wie konnte ein Bischof von der Größe Stephen Neills gezwungen werden, seinen Bischofssitz aufzugeben? Nach seinem Tod erschien eine Reihe von Artikeln in verschiedenen Veröffentlichungen. Einige lobten ihn und argumentierten im Wesentlichen, dass trotz aller Fehler, die Neill vielleicht hatte, man seinen Ruf nicht durch einige Indiskretionen aus seinen jüngeren Jahren schädigen sollte. Andere fragten an, wie ein Kleriker, und besonders ein Bischof, mit bizarren Gewohnheiten eigentlich durchkommen konnte, die einigen Menschen in seiner Obhut bleibende Wunden verursachten. Niell wurde nie öffentlich für seine Taten bestraft; er wurde in Stille zu einer neuen Aufgabe in der Anglikanischen Kirche befördert und übersiedelte bei Gelegenheit nach Genf, wo er mit dem Weltkirchenrat arbeitete. Warum Neill seinen angesehenen Sitz von Tinnevelly in Südindien verlor, war eine Angelegenheit intensiven Nachfragens bis vor kurzem. Dieser Artikel enthüllt, was in Südindien 1944 und 1945 geschah und zu so einer drastischen Aktion führte. Neill schaffte es sich zu erholen und wurde einer der größten Historiker der christlichen Weltbewegung. Heute ist sein Erbe groß und liegt in einem Dutzend hervorragender Bücher zutage, die er veröffentliche. Allerdings gibt es immer noch Menschen, die auch heute noch unter ihm leiden. Er war ein rätselhafter Mann, seinem christlichen Glauben tief hingegeben, allerdings auch mit großen Defekten. El nombre del obispo Stephen Neill provoca opiniones polarizadas. Por un lado, fue uno de los grandes eruditos cristianos del siglo XX, y por el otro, su vida personal fue un enigma. Este trabajo se propone explorar algunas de las diversas respuestas al legado del obispo Neill luego de su muerte en 1984; se prestará especial atención al hecho de cómo perdió su obispado en la India en 1945. Fue un acontecimiento devastador para Neill, ya que se vio obligado a salir en contra de su voluntad. India fue su verdadero amor, y la pérdida fue enorme para él. ¿Cómo pudo un obispo de la talla de Stephen Neill haber sido expulsados de su sede? Luego de su muerte en 1984 una serie de artículos aparecieron en diversas publicaciones. Algunos de estos lo elogiaron, alegando fundamentalmente que cualquier falta que Neill pudo haber cometido, no debería manchar su reputación por indiscreciones cometidas en su juventud. Otros, sin embargo, cuestionaban cómo un sacerdote, nada menos que un obispo, pudo tener conductas extrañas que dejaron marcas profundas en algunas de las personas bajo su cuidado. Neill nunca fue reprendido públicamente por lo que hizo, silenciosamente fue trasladado a un nuevo cargo dentro de la Iglesia Anglicana y eventualmente fue enviado a Ginebra, donde trabajó con el Consejo Mundial de Iglesias. El porqué Neill perdió la prestigiosa sede de Tinnevelly en el sur de la India fue una cuestión de intenso debate hasta recientemente. Este artículo describe lo que pasó en el sur de la India en 1944 y 1945 que dio lugar a medidas tan drásticas. Neill logró recuperarse, convirtiéndose en uno de los grandes historiadores del movimiento cristiano en el mundo. Hoy en día su gran legado se manifiesta en decenas de excelentes obras publicadas. Sin embargo, hay otros que aún se siente dolidos por sus acciones. Este fue un hombre enigmático, genuinamente comprometido con su fe cristiana, pero aún así genuinamente imperfecto.
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Hofmeyr, J. W. "Carl Borchardt en die Suid-Afrikaanse kerkgeskiedenis." Verbum et Ecclesia 16, no. 2 (1995): 350–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v16i2.456.
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Carl Borchardt and South African church historyCarl Borchardt was in the first instance a general church historian who specialised in the field of the Early Church. However, born as a South African, he did not only do some research in the field of South African church history but he even partook in some crucial events in modem South African church history. This article attempts to describe and explain his interest and involvement in South African church history.
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Pachuau, Lalsangkima. "Church-Mission Dynamics in Northeast India." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 27, no. 4 (2003): 154–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930302700402.
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