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Journal articles on the topic 'Churchill and European unity'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Young, John W. "Churchill's ‘No’ to Europe: The ‘Rejection’ of European Union by Churchill's Post-War Government, 1951–1952." Historical Journal 28, no. 4 (December 1985): 923–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00005136.

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There are several points in post-war history at which, it is argued, Britain lost an early opportunity to enter the European community. The refusals to join the Schuman Plan and Messina deliberations in the 1950s, and the failure of the E.E.C. applications of Macmillan and Wilson, are most commonly mentioned. But some commentators have pointed to another ‘missed opportunity’, following Winston Churchill's return to Downing Street in October 1951. For, in opposition, Churchill had seemed a great exponent of European unity, and several of his ministers – foremost among them the home secretary, Maxwell Fyfe, and housing minister, Harold Macmillan – had shown great enthusiasm for his ideas. Hopes that Churchill's government would favour a more positive approach to European unification were quickly disappointed, however: within weeks the foreign secretary, Anthony Eden, had ruled out any direct British role in Europe's emerging ‘supranational’ institutions, and in 1952 he defeated some determined efforts by Macmillan to change his policy. The ‘pro-Europeans’ did not forget this ‘betrayal’, however. They argued that a real opportunity to take the leadership of Europe had been lost and in the ensuing years, as Britain's failure to join the European community became more generally criticized, their thesis seemed credible. An examination of the evidence, however, allows a very different picture of this ‘missed opportunity’ to be painted.

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2

Rogers, Michael D. "Technology Assessment in the EU Institutions." Journal of Disaster Research 6, no. 5 (October 1, 2011): 522–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jdr.2011.p0522.

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Technology Assessment (TA) is the study and evaluation of new technologies with the objective of understanding the likely impacts (costs and benefits) of these technologies on society and the environment – with the explicit aim of improving regulatory decision making concerning these technologies. This is a prospective exercise helping to ensure that “better” regulatory decisions are made by decision makers. TA and “TA like” activities are embedded within the main EU institutions. The Commission carries out Regulatory Impact Assessments on every significant regulatory proposal. It also has at its disposal a range of advisory groups which includes the European Group on Ethics in Science and New Technologies and the Institute for Prospective Technological Studies. The European Parliament has its own TA unit – the Science and Technology Options Assessment unit. The institutions are committed to quality, transparency and effectiveness in their use of expert groups and all such assessments are published on the internet. Occasionally full citizens’ consultations are carried out but this is not a formal requirement. Recent changes in the regulatory development process have emphasised the concept of “smarter” regulations. This concept is concerned not just with prospective analyses in advance of new regulations but also with the retrospective evaluation of existing regulations asking the question“Did they meet the need that was the raison d’être for enacting the regulation under consideration.”The distinction highlighted by Churchill [2] that experts should advise but not decide is intended to ensure that regulators take account of aspects other than the expert view. Nevertheless, it is essential that expert groups have the right to introduce advice thatmight otherwise be overlooked by the regulators, as is the case in a number of expert groups in the EU institutions.

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3

Yoon, Sung-Won. "Winston Churchill and European Integration." Korean Society for European Integration 9, no. 2 (December 30, 2018): 115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2018.17.115.

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4

NICOLL, WILLIAM. "Paths to European Unity." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 23, no. 3 (March 1985): 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1985.tb00068.x.

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5

Troitiño, David Ramiro, and Archil Chochia. "Winston Churchill And The European Union." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2015-0011.

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Abstract Given Winston Churchill’s influence and achievement as a writer, historian, adventurer, soldier, artist, and politician, his participation in the European integration process is crucial to understanding the entire scope of the project in its origins. Churchill was a fundamental voice promoting the Franco-British Union, a promoter of the European Communities, and an active participant of the Congress of Europe, embryo of the Council of Europe. This article analyzes Churchill’s view of European integration through his political speeches, in particular those delivered in Zurich and in The Hague, his ideas about the League of Nations and the United Nations, his understanding of the British Empire, and the special relations between the UK and the USA. His participation in the process of uniting Europe in its early stages provides us with essential information about the original plans for the creation of a united Europe and understanding the traditional British approach to the EU, including the current position of the conservative government led by Cameron.

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6

Watson, Michael. "The churches and European unity." European Legacy 1, no. 1 (March 1996): 298–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579410.

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7

Hernaut, K. "European Engineers: Unity of Diversity." Journal of Engineering Education 83, no. 1 (January 1994): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.2168-9830.1994.tb00115.x.

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8

Goldstein, Joshua R., and Fanny Kluge. "Demographic Pressures on European Unity." Population and Development Review 42, no. 2 (June 2016): 299–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2016.00137.x.

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9

Chambers, T. L. "European paediatrics--unity with diversity?" Archives of Disease in Childhood 66, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 162–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/adc.66.1.162.

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10

Anderson, A. "European unity, inch by centimeter." Science 256, no. 5056 (April 24, 1992): 458–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1570508.

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11

Zweerde, Evert van der. ""Plurality in Unity": European Identity and European Citizenship." CREATIVITY STUDIES 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2009): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2009.1.5-25.

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In this paper, an argument is developed in favour of further integration of “Europe” and, most importantly, its increased “politicization”. It is not based on any romantic or idealistic vision of a positive European cultural identity, but on an assessment of Europe's reality as already integrated economically, socially and ecologically, however lagging behind politically in terms of democratic government and citizenship. The seemingly endless discussions about Europe's identity, limit, unity, civilization, etc. are not a problem that is yet to be solved, but are, precisely, the core of what makes Europe what it is: a plurality in unity instead of a “unity in plurality”, as one of the official slogans of the European Union (EU) has it. Current social, economic and environmental problems require European solutions as well as a more active European citizenship. However, European civil identity that is to match European societal reality, will not be a unitary and homogeneous identity, but heterogeneous and diverse, covering a plurality of perceptions, preferences and ideals ‐ it will be plural, not as a first step towards unity, but in its core; and it will be divided, but not along national lines.

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12

Verdery, Katherine. "A Comment on Goody's Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe." Journal of Family History 13, no. 2 (April 1988): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/036319908801300207.

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Goody's argument linking European marriage and family forms with the growth of the Church is criticized as teleological. It is argued instead that early Church prohibitions, rather than reflecting churchly institutional designs, served as instruments through which powerful members of kin groups reduced the claims of their kinsmen upon property; this facilitated their using that property to consolidate the effective fighting units.

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13

Hopkins, Michael F. "Britain and European unity, 1945–1992." International Affairs 70, no. 4 (October 1994): 811. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624624.

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14

Stern, Fritz, and John W. Young. "Britain and European Unity, 1945-1992." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 4 (1994): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046783.

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15

NEUMANN, IVER B. "The Nordic States and European Unity." Cooperation and Conflict 36, no. 1 (March 2001): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00108360121962272.

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16

Tecim, Erhan. "European Multiculturalism: Between Unity and Exclusion." Psychology and Behavioral Sciences 5, no. 1 (2016): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.pbs.20160501.13.

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17

Messelink, Annelies, and Jan D. ten Thije. "Unity in Super-diversity." Dutch Journal of Applied Linguistics 1, no. 1 (August 31, 2012): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dujal.1.1.07mes.

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Vertovec (2007) discusses super-diversity with reference to technological developments and increasing migration patterns which increase exposure to cultural diversity. As a consequence, ‘the other’ becomes less predictable and assumptions regarding cultural and linguistic features are less easily made (Blommaert & Backus, 2011, pp. 2–4). This paper examines students and graduates living in Brussels who have obtained significant experience working and studying in foreign countries: the Erasmus generation 2.0. We analyse discourse strategies used by members of the Erasmus generation 2.0 coping with super-diversity. The aim is to give insight into how members manage cultural and linguistic differences in interaction, and how this enables them to achieve unity in diversity. Instead of speaking of a European identity, we introduce the notion of ‘European capacity’, which denotes the ability to manage differences and multiple identities in interaction. European capacity emphasises how communicative competencies allow interlocutors to successfully operate in European multicultural and multilingual groups.

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18

Bossuat, Gérard. "European economic areas since 1914: old realities and European Unity." European Review 5, no. 03 (July 1997): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700002672.

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19

Bossuat, Gérard. "European economic areas since 1914: old realities and European Unity." European Review 5, no. 3 (July 1997): 323–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1234-981x(199707)5:3<323::aid-euro195>3.0.co;2-x.

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20

Burgess, Michael. "Jean Monnet: the path to European unity." International Affairs 68, no. 2 (April 1992): 364. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623288.

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21

Stern, Fritz, and Robert Marjolin. "Architect of European Unity: Memoirs 1911-1986." Foreign Affairs 68, no. 5 (1989): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044242.

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22

Bayly, Susan. "Extra-European history: the retreat from unity." Historical Journal 36, no. 4 (December 1993): 977–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014618.

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23

Hargreaves, Alec G. "Migration controls, open frontiers and European unity." Journal of Area Studies 1, no. 1 (January 1992): 74–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02613539208455656.

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24

King, Ian. "Kurt Tucholsky as Prophet of European Unity." German Life and Letters 54, no. 2 (April 2001): 164–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0483.00196.

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25

MacKay, R. Ross. "Automatic stabilisers, European union and national unity." Cambridge Journal of Economics 18, no. 6 (December 1994): 571–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.cje.a035291.

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26

Asenjo, Marta Postigo. "A multifaceted historical overview on European unity." Global Intellectual History 1, no. 2 (May 3, 2016): 186–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23801883.2016.1261456.

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27

Arnold, John. "After Brexit? European Unity and the Unity of European Churches, edited by Matthias Grebe and Jeremy Worthen, (2019)." Ecclesiology 16, no. 1 (January 21, 2020): 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-01601013.

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28

Czarny, Elżbieta, and Jerzy Menkes. "European Union and European Germany." Oeconomia Copernicana 6, no. 4 (December 31, 2015): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2015.026.

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We analyze the correlation between the European integration and incorporating Germany into the process of European cooperation. We point out that the European integration after WWII was determined by the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community in the year 1951. This Community made it possible to control the steel industry of the Member States (among them Germany) within the framework of the common market. It was aimed at stable and harmonized development, as well as at preventing an uncontrolled growth of military-industrial complex, increasing the production for the army and decreasing the probability of the outbreak of the next war. Then - after the deepening of cooperation (taking her new areas) – the European Communities (EC) were created. They are still institutional foundations of the EU. One of the main reasons of the EC creation was the willingness to ensure lasting peace in Europe and to create „security community” through a.o. incorporation of Germany into the group of cooperating states. In this paper, we analyze the security system components created (e.g.) by the EC/EU, as well as the origin and changes of their characteristics. We compare the process of German unification (and more general: of defining the German unity, and broader: unity of the German speaking territory) after WWI and WWII. The analysis of similarities and differences leads us to the present stage of the European integration, when the unification of two German states was accomplished for the price of German acceptance of deepening of the integration and the creation of the European monetary union. We analyze various consequences of unification of Germany and the creation of the euro zone. In our opinion, they go far beyond the economic or political ones, and are connected with the EU Eastern enlargement.

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29

Lendvai, Ferenc L. "NATIONAL AND EUROPEAN IDENTITY." CREATIVITY STUDIES 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2008): 124–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2008.1.124-130.

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According to a generally accepted conception, members of a nation foster their national identity through assorting their memories of the past, elaborating and preserving their symbols collectively. We have to look for the original unity forming the basis of national unity either in the cohesive force of common origin and residence, or in the self‐conscious contracts of the individuals, or in both. The European Union as such does not have sovereignty; those of the Member States overrule its legislative and executive institutions. Perhaps we can speak about the European Union as a community on a cultural basis. This will raise the question of multiculturalism. Recently an interesting polemic has been developing on the concept and role of Leitkultur. In antiquity the Imperium Romanum, in the Middle Ages the Republica Christiana seem to have been the multicultural forerunners of the European Union.

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30

Dischamps, Jean Claude. "The European Community, International Trade, and World Unity." California Management Review 35, no. 2 (January 1993): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41166724.

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31

Zagorski, Andrei. "New European unity: The end of the CSCE?" Paradigms 5, no. 1-2 (January 1991): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600829108443001.

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32

Goncharenko, Lesya, and Irina Golub. "The ideology of european unity in 1923-1932." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.6-19.

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The article analyzes the main provisions of pan-European projects by R.Coudenhove-Kalergi and A.Briand, who formed the basis of the ideology of European unity in the Inter-War period. On the basis of these projects it examines the theoretical basis of future integration processes and their practical value in the future creation of the government associations of the European unions. The article reveals the essence of the ideas of European unity and their bringing to the European society. It investigates the main reasons of the origin of the unifying ideas on the European continent. Particular attention is paid to the understanding of the essence of European unification, the rationality of its necessity. The article analyzes the content of the integration project R.Coudenhove-Kalergi and A.Briand and their fundamental importance in shaping the conceptual integration’s main goals of the future association. It as well highlights the negative reaction of the European ruling elites on these ideas and explains the reasons for this relationship. It is concluded that the ideology of European unity R.Coudenhove-Kalergi and A.Briand created the projects of alternative arrangement of postwar Europe, the main purpose of which was to achieve peace and prosperity of the European countries, but under objective historical circumstances (the spread of the ideas of revanchism, fascism and the preparation of countries to the Second World War), these ideas were untimely, and therefore delayed for several decades.

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33

Hiden, J. "Mitteleuropa. History and Prospects. Studies in European Unity." German History 13, no. 3 (July 1, 1995): 439–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/13.3.439.

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34

Hrabovec, Emília. "Pius XII and the Idea of European Unity." Polonia Sacra 24, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/ps.3787.

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35

Smith, Anthony D. "National identity and the idea of European unity." International Affairs 68, no. 1 (January 1992): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620461.

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36

Brenner, Michael. "Stay the course: European unity and Atlantic solidarity." International Affairs 73, no. 4 (October 1997): 805. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624508.

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37

Molis, Arūnas, Angela Aiello, and Simona Sglavo. "Nord Stream 2: Litmus Test for European Unity." Humanities and Social Sciences Latvia 26, no. 2 (2018): 4–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/hssl.26.2.1.

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38

Hobolt, Sara B. "The 2014 European Parliament Elections: Divided in Unity?" JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 53 (June 11, 2015): 6–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12264.

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39

Holden, Nigel, Gerhard Fink, and Vlad Vaiman. "Towards identifying the unity in European corporate cultures." European J. of International Management 1, no. 3 (2007): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ejim.2007.014698.

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40

Greiner, Florian. "Patrick Pasture, Imagining European Unity Since 1000 AD." European History Quarterly 48, no. 1 (January 2018): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417747183w.

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41

Vick, B. "Unity and Diversity in European Culture c.1800." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 500 (February 1, 2008): 228–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem398.

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42

Gorzelak, Grzegorz, and Bohdan Jałowiecki. "European Boundaries: Unity or Division of the Continent?" Regional Studies 36, no. 4 (June 2002): 409–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343400220131179.

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43

Lesaffer, Randall. "Patrick Pasture. Imagining European Unity since 1000 AD." American Historical Review 122, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 244–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.1.244.

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44

Hrabovec, Emília. "The Popes and the Idea of European Unity." Polonia Sacra 25, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/ps.3911.

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45

Haanes, Vidar L. "Unity in Diversity and Diversity in Unity: The Role and Legitimacy of European Universities." Higher Education in Europe 31, no. 4 (December 2006): 443–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03797720701304176.

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46

Kraus, Peter A. "Political unity and linguistic diversity in Europe." European Journal of Sociology 41, no. 1 (May 2000): 138–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600007918.

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The paper seeks to assess the consequences of cultural diversity for European polity-building by focusing on the language issue. What does the European Babel mean for the project of transnational political integration ? To what extent has the shaping of the European language regime become a declared goal on the agenda of the EU ? In contrast with precedent patterns of nation-state formation, the present situation in Europe offers only few reasons to believe that some cultural standardization could be achieved by putting major political restrictions on multilingualism. Deliberate attempts at setting the institutional foundations of a culturally integrated European public sphere may end up producing unintended outcomes and lead to anti- European mobilizations striving for the protection of cultural difference. Hence, a political community of Europeans will not be based on a unitary and homogeneous public sphere, but rather reflect a complex mosaic of different cultural identities with cross-cutting political loyalties. In this context, cultural and linguistic diversity will be institutionalized, institutionalized, but to varying degrees and with different implications at different political levels.

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47

Nelsen, Brent F., and James L. Guth. "European Union or Kingdom of the Antichrist? Protestant apocalyptic narratives and European unity." National Identities 19, no. 2 (January 12, 2017): 251–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2016.1265492.

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48

Piasecki, Ryszard, and Jan Woroniecki. "Europeanness: A Path To Unity Within The European Union." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 19, no. 1 (March 30, 2016): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2016-0003.

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The postwar experience has shown that the implanting of European consciousness, or Europeanness, calls for coordinated efforts among the European institutions, national states, and NGOs. Such consciousness, a key pillar of the European integration, is necessary for the EU to effectively function and motivate member states’ – also the EU’s – citizens. And yet European institutions and EU governments show little interest in promoting the formation of this European consciousness. Pro-European social movements are weak, while anti-European ones gain strength. This désintéressement of the EU countries probably results from the conviction that the goal has been reached and that there is no more need for a widespread pro-European education of their societies. However analysis of the problem, and in particular of the interaction between European and national identities, shows that this is not the case. We fear that this lack of proactive measures mobilizing EU citizens to keep on struggling for a common Europe will lead to the erosion of existing achievements of integration within the EU, and undermine European values. It may threaten the future of the EU, which is not an ordinary integration grouping but a great peaceful, civilizational, social and economic project. Our hypothesis – positively verified in this article – is that the promotion of Europeanness in the EU societies is urgently needed to maintain the unity (and even membership) of the Union, and to avert trends unfavorable for all of Europe and therefore for the West as a whole.

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49

Robbers, Gerhard. "Diversity of State-Religion Relations and European Union Unity." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 34 (January 2004): 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005391.

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There is no single system of state-religion relations within Europe which is equal to another. Each one is distinct. Many countries know a number of different systems within themselves, as does the United Kingdom, Germany or France. The presence of history is strongest perhaps in this field of life. Tradition and truth, emotion and identity flourish in this field. Future law on religion in Europe is best built on strong regional structures. This paper reports on three aspects of state-religion relations in Europe: What is the situation in Germany? What does the United Kingdom look like from the continent? And what about Europe?

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50

Burgess, Michael, and Franz Gress. "German unity and European Union: Federalism restructured and revitalized." Regional Politics and Policy 1, no. 3 (September 1991): 242–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597569108420828.

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