Academic literature on the topic 'Citations Proverbes'

La description faite ici de la conceptualisation de la notion d’amour s’appuie sur l’analyse de proverbes et de citations français et polonais. La méthode cognitive appliquée est basée sur l’identification des Modèles Cognitifs Idéalisés (des concepts métaphoriques et métonymiques). On a isolé six types de domaines sources : la personne, la notion abstraite, l’objet, l’être animé (non humain), l’universel cosmogonique et l’universel culturel. Les ICMs ont été aussi subordonnés à des types particuliers d’universaux sémantiques. Les hommes comprennent l’amour dans des catégories aussi bien axiologiques que physiques. La plupart des Modèles Cognitifs Idéalisés sont communs aux deux langues. Les Polonais conceptualisent l’amour au moyen de tous les universaux sémantiques, tandis que les Français, un peu plus fréquemment que les Polonais comprennent ce sentiment dans les catégories des universaux culturels. Les paradigmes notionnels forment dans certains cas des constructions complexes, dans lesquelles les ICMs hyponymiques sont subordonnés aux modèles hypéronymiques.

This essay argues that our inability to map the circulation of William Blake's proverbs in contemporary Anglo-American culture is critically and politically instructive. Opening historicist literary criticism and reception study out to each other, I contend that mainstream citations of the proverbs today point the historicist critic to the radical political potential that Blake's poetic form possessed (but never successfully unleashed) in the original historical contexts in which Blake wrote. Understanding the proverb form and its centrality to Blake's poetry sheds light on how and why his work resists analysis through familiar literary-historical categories like text, corpus, reader, and reading formation. Recognizing this resistance clarifies in turn how, through its use of proverbs and proverblike sentences, his poetry constituted a heterogeneous regulatory challenge to the regulatory power of systems of laws–common, religious, and divine. (MG)

The article provides an etymological classification of religiously marked proverbs in the English and Russian languages. Under religiously marked proverbs, the proverbs etymologically originated from the Bible and proverbs, containing a religiously marked component (God, devil, sin) are understood. The results of analysis allowed us to work out the etymological classification of religiously marked proverbs that can be divided into 4 etymological groups: 1) citations from Bible; 2) transformed biblical proverbs; 3) postbiblical proverbs; 4) religiously marked proverbs, reflecting religious views and evaluations of a particular nation. Religiously marked proverbs are characterized by a high tendency to folklorization and lexical, grammatical and structural transformations that conditions the difficulties in identification of their etymology.

This study is a socio-pragmatic analysis of persuasive strategies used by the participants in “al-ittijāh al-muʿākis”, “The Opposite Direction”, on the Al-­Jazeera TV channel. An ethnographic approach was adopted in the research; the analysis focused on the use of politeness strategies and face-saving and face-­threatening interactions in order to find out their persuasive factors. I observe that religious citations, prophetic sayings, proverbs, and metaphor are used predominantly by the participants in communicating various political issues. I argue that the persuasiveness of these rhetorical strategies stems from their aesthetic influence in establishing moral credibility and in evoking emotional responses. I also argue that these rhetorical strategies are speech acts that indirectly provoke responses and/or aim at saving the speakers’ and/or addressees’ face. The study concludes that persuasiveness is facilitated in part by transferring socio-pragmatic meanings through the use of some politeness and figurative devices such as honorific modes, metaphors and proverbs.

В статье на основе полевых материалов рассматриваются особенности траурных шпрухов российских немцев. Основными источниками исследования стали материалы, собранные в немецких поселениях Урала и Сибири. Изучению траурных шпрухов предшествует исторический экскурс, раскрывающий некоторые особенности традиции шпрухов - цитат из религиозных текстов, пословиц и назиданий - в культуре российских немцев. Траурные цитаты рассматриваются как часть широкой традиции шпрухов, как культурное явление российских немцев. Траурные шпрухи представлены текстами в письмах, уведомляющих о смерти человека и предстоящих похоронах, текстами на крышке гроба и венках. Для траурных цитат была характерна своя стилистика оформления. Изначально тексты были выполнены на немецком языке готическим шрифтом. В локальных сюжетах тексты сопровождаются изображениями креста, ангелов. В некотором смысле и сам текст можно считать своеобразной формой украшения. К середине второй половины XX в. происходит постепенный отход от традиционной графики и переход в цитировании на русский язык. Большая часть шпрухов связана с религиозной тематикой. Прежде всего, это выдержки или прямые цитаты из Библии, кроме того, пословицы и иные высказывания. Траурные цитаты ориентируются на христианское понимание жизни и смерти. В текстах находят отражение представления, связанные с устоявшимися общественными, этическими нормами. This article examines the funeral “shpruchs” (Ger. Sprüche, Rus. shprukhi) of the Russian Germans based on field materials collected in the German settlements in the Urals and Siberia. Shpruchs - short quotations from religious texts, proverbs and edificatory material - used in mourning are part of a long tradition among Russian Germans. They appear in letters announcing a person’s death and upcoming funeral and in texts on the coffin lid and wreaths. Funeral shpruchs have their own special design. In some contexts, the texts are accompanied by images of the cross and angels. In a sense, shpruchs themselves can be considered a form of decoration. Initially shpruchs were written in German in Gothic script; by the last quarter of the 20 th century, there was a gradual departure from traditional graphics and a transition to citation in Russian. Most funerary shpruchs are on religious themes. Predominantly, they are excerpts or direct quotations from the Bible, often proverbs. Mourning shpruchs focus on the Christian understanding of life and death and reflect well-established social and ethical norms.

Введение. Проведено лингвостилистическое исследование паремиологических трансформаций в кинотексте и рассмотрены возможности эквивалентной передачи трансформа в языке перевода. Актуальность исследования обусловлена широкой употребительностью пословичных единиц в художественном языке, в частности в кинодискурсе. Встраиваясь в матрицу кинодиалога, они становятся основой для последующих преобразований в высказываниях персонажей, создавая своей окказиональностью значительный экспрессивный потенциал. Цель. Поскольку свидетельством эффективной трансформации является узнаваемость исходной пословицы в трансформе, целью исследования стало выявление лингвостилистических средств, способствующих узнаванию, декодированию и адекватному зрительскому восприятию трансформа в языке принимающей культуры. Материал и методы. Материалом исследования послужили пословичные трансформы в высказываниях персонажей анимационного фильма “The Lion King. Hakuna Matata” («Король Лев. Акуна Матата»). Проводимое исследование имело теоретико-эмпирический характер, при котором анализ материала осуществлялся посредством структурного и описательного методов, позволяющих установить определенные лингвистические закономерности паремиологических трансформаций. Результаты и обсуждение. Анализируемый авторский трансформ является по сути сентенцией, афористическим, то есть лаконичным и поучительным, изречением. Сентенция воспроизводит типические черты народной пословицы: дидактичность, переосмысленность, имплицитность. Оживляя традиционную форму паремиологической единицы, она сохраняет семантико-стилистическое тождество с прецедентным текстом. Наряду со смысловой тождественностью с исходной пословицей, трансформ-сентенция демонстрирует и синтаксическую схожесть, при этом бесшовно включаясь в контекст диалога. Констатируемые проявления трансформационного процесса закономерны, так как трансформ создается по пословичным алгоритмам, что обеспечивает его соотносимость с исходной пословицей. Их имплицитная общность предопределяет и в некоторой степени ограничивает вариативность лексического содержания, а также синтаксической структуры трансформа. Это дедуктивное положение может стать небольшим научным вкладом в лингвостилистические исследования в области паремиологической трансформации. Оно эффективно работает в художественном языке, где обеспечивающая адекватное восприятие логическая структура традиционной пословицы способна производить дериваты, выделяющиеся своеобразием формы. Проводимым лингвостилистическим исследованием изучаются людические (игровые) ресурсы полисемии, применяемые в трансформе, и анализируются изыскиваемые возможности перевода каламбурных речений. Внесение модифицированной пословичной единицы – сентенции – в структуру кинодиалога рассматривается как прием стилистической цитации, функциональная ценность которой подтверждается уместностью употребления в определенной ситуации общения. Статус интертекстуального знака, приобретаемый сентенцией в высказывании персонажа, наделяет ее особой значимостью и способствует возникновению направленных ассоциаций, служит средством усиления аргументации и выражения оценки. Заключение. Трансформация паремиологических единиц – это результат художественно-обработанного прецедентного текста, где структурно-семантическая устойчивость обновляется окказиональным, но идентичным по содержанию выражением. Таким образом, модифицированные паремии не воспринимаются как безжизненные фольклорные штампы, они являются актуальными составляющими речевого узуса. Поскольку краткость входит одним из основных компонентов в понятие «пословица», ее семантико-стилистическому деривату также свойственны смысловая емкость и синтаксическая сжатость. Подобные формы способствуют созданию языковой компрессии, необходимой в субтитровании, наиболее востребованном виде киноперевода. Этот фактор подтверждает как практическую значимость исследования, так и его актуальность для киноиндустрии. Introduction. The linguistic research analyzes paremiological transformations in the film text and stud-ies the possibilities of their equivalent translation in the host culture. The relevance of the study is due to the wide use of proverbial units in the artistic language and namely in film discourse. Embedded in the matrix of the film dialogue, they become a basis for subsequent transformations in characters’ speech, creating a significant expressive potential because of their occasional character. Aim and objectives. Since the recognition of the original proverb in the modified version is the proof of an effective transformation, the aim of the study is to identify the linguistic means that contribute to recognition, decoding and adequate perception of the transform in the language of the host culture. Material and methods. The research is based on the proverbial transforms in the characters’ utterances of the animated film “The Lion King. Hakuna Matata”. Being of a theoretical-empirical nature, the lingua-stylistic study required the use of the structural and descriptive methods, which made it possible to pinpoint certain linguistic regularities of paremiological transformations. Results and discussion. The analyzed author’s transform is actually an epigram – an anaphoristic statement, concise and instructive. It reproduces the typical features of a proverb: didacticity, transfig-uration, implication. Renewing the traditional form of the paremiological unit, the epigram retains the semantic-stylistic identity with the precedent text. Alongside the semantic identity with the proverbial prototype, the transform also demonstrates the syntactic similarity, while seamlessly integrating into the context of the dialogue. The stated manifestations of the transformation process are explicable, since the transform is created according to proverbial algorithms, which ensure its correlation with the original proverb. The implicit mutuality predetermines and limits, to a certan extent, the variability of the lexical content and the syn-tactic pattern of a transform. This deductive reasoning can be a scientific contribution to the lingua-stylistic research in the sphere of paremiological transformation. It works efficiently in the artistic lan-guage, where, ensuring an adequate perception, the logical framework of a traditional proverb pro-duces derivatives, various and expressive in form. The lingua-stylistic research explores the game art resources of polysemy used in the transformation unit, and analyzes the exploited possibilities of translating a pun. The introduction of a modified proverbial unit — an epigram, for example – into the structure of a film dialogue is viewed as a stylistic citation technique, the functional value of which is confirmed by the appropriateness of its use in a certain situation of communication. The status of an intertextual unit, acquired by a transform in a character’s utterance, endows it with special significance and promotes the emergence of directed associations, serves as a means of strengthening argumentation and assess-ment. Conclusion. The transformation of paremias is the outcome of an artistically processed precedent text, where the structural and semantic fixity is revived by an expression, identical in content, but peculiar in form. Thus modified paremias are not perceived as lifeless folklore cliches, but real live compo-nents of speech use. Since brevity is one of the main components in the concept of «a proverb», its derivative is also char-acterized by semantic capacity and syntactic conciseness. Such models contribute to the creation of language compression required in subtitling, the most popular kind of film translation. This factor con-firms both the practical significance of the study and its relevance for the film industry.

Christianity was the religion of spirit (and freedom), and critiqued Islam as a religion of flesh (and slavery); later, Christianity was the religion of reason, and critiqued Islam as the religion of fideism; later still, Christianity was the religion of the critique of religion, and critiqued Islam as the most atavistic of religions. Even now, when the West has critiqued its own Chris- tianity enough to be properly secular (because free, rational, and critical), it continues to critique Islam for being not secular enough. In contrast to Christianity or post-Christian secularism, then, and despite their best ef- forts, Islam does not know (has not learned from) critique. This sentiment is articulated at multiple registers, academic and popular and governmen- tal: Muslims are fanatical about their repressive law; they interpret things too literally; Muslims do not read their own revelation critically, let alone literature or cartoons; their sartorial practices are unreasonable; the gates of ijtihād closed in 900CE; Ghazali killed free inquiry in Islam… Such claims are ubiquitous enough to be unremarkable, and have political traction among liberals and conservatives alike. “The equation of Islam with the ab- sence of critique has a longer genealogy in Western thought,” Irfan Ahmad writes in this book, “which runs almost concurrently with Europe’s colonial expansion” (8). Luther and Renan figure in that history, as more recently do Huntington and Gellner and Rushdie and Manji.Meanwhile in the last decade an interdisciplinary conversation about the stakes, limits, complicities, and possibilities of critique has developed in the anglophone academy, a conversation of which touchstones include the polemical exchange between Saba Mahmood and Stathis Gourgouris (2008); the co-authored volume Is Critique Secular? (2009), by Talal Asad, Wendy Brown, Judith Butler, and Mahmood; journal special issues dedi- cated to the question (e.g. boundary 2 40, no. 1 [2013]); and Gourgouris’s Lessons in Secular Criticism (2013), among others. At the same time, the discipline of religious studies remains trapped in an argument over the lim- its of normative analysis and the possibility of critical knowledge.Religion as Critique: Islamic Critical Thinking from Mecca to the Mar- ketplace seeks to turn these debates on their head. Is critique secular? Decidedly not—but understanding why that is, for Ahmad, requires revising our understanding of critique itself. Instead of the object of critique, reli- gion here emerges as an agent of critique. By this account, God himself is the source of critique, and the prophets and their heirs are “critics par ex- cellence” (xiv). The book is divided into two parts bookended by a prologue and epilogue. “Formulation” comprises three chapters levying the shape of the argument. “Illustration” comprises three chapters taking up the case study of the South Asian reformer Abul-A‘la Maududi and his critics (es- pecially regarding his views on the state and on women) as well as a fourth chapter that seeks to locate critique in the space of the everyday. There are four theses to Ahmad’s argument, none of them radically original on their own but newly assembled. As spelled out in the first chap- ter (“Introduction”), the first thesis holds that the Enlightenment reconfig- uration of Christianity was in fact an ethnic project by which “Europe/the West constituted its identity in the name of reason and universalism against a series of others,” among them Islam (14). The second thesis is that no crit- ic judges by reason alone. Rather, critique is always situated, directed, and formed: it requires presuppositions and a given mode to be effective (17). The third thesis is that the Islamic tradition of critique stipulates the com- plementarity of intellect (‘aql, dimāgh) and heart (qalb, dil); this is a holistic anthropology, not a dualistic one. The fourth thesis is that critique should not be understood as the exclusive purview of intellectuals (especially when arguing about literature) or as simply a theoretical exercise. Instead, cri- tique should be approached as part of life, practiced by the literate and the illiterate alike (18).The second chapter, “Critique: Western and/or Islamic,” focuses on the first of these theses. The Enlightenment immunized the West from critique while subjecting the Rest to critique. An “anthropology of philosophy” approach can treat Kant’s transcendental idealism as a social practice and in doing so discover that philosophy is “not entirely independent” from ethnicity (37). The certainty offered by the Enlightenment project can thus be read as “a project of security with boundaries.” Ahmad briefly consid- ers the place of Islam across certain of Kant’s writings and the work of the French philosophes; he reads their efforts to “secure knowledge of humani- ty” to foreclose the possibility of “knowledge from humanity” (42), namely Europe’s others. Meanwhile, ethnographic approaches to Muslim debates shy away from according them the status of critique, but in so doing they only maintain the opposition between Western reason and Islamic unrea- son. In contrast to this view (from Kant through Foucault), Ahmad would rather locate the point of critical rupture with the past in the axial age (800-200BCE), which would include the line of prophets who reformed (critiqued) their societies for having fallen into corruption and paganism. This alternative account demonstrates that “critical inquiry presupposes a tradition,” that is, that effective critique is always immanent (58). The third chapter, “The Modes: Another Genealogy of Critique,” con- tests the reigning historiography of “critique” (tanqīd/naqd) in South Asia that restricts it to secular literary criticism. Critique (like philosophy and democracy) was not simply founded in Grecian antiquity and inherited by Europe: Ahmad “liberates” critique from its Western pedigree and so allows for his alternative genealogy, as constructed for instance through readings of Ghalib. The remainder of the chapter draws on the work of Maududi and his critics to present the mission of the prophets as critiquing to reform (iṣlāḥ) their societies. This mandate remains effective today, and Maududi and his critics articulate a typology of acceptable (tanqīd) and unacceptable (ta‘īb, tanqīṣ, tazhīk, takfīr, etc.) critiques in which the style of critique must be considered alongside its object and telos. Religion as Critique oscillates between sweeping literature reviews and close readings. Readers may find the former dizzying, especially when they lose in depth what they gain in breadth (for example, ten pages at hand from chapter 2 cite 44 different authors, some of whom are summarizing or contesting the work of a dozen other figures named but not cited di- rectly). Likewise there are moments when Ahmad’s own dogged critiques may read as tendentious. The political purchase of this book should not be understated, though the fact that Muslims criticize themselves and others should come as no surprise. Yet it is chapters 4–6 (on Maududi and his critics) which substantiate the analytic ambition of the book. They are the most developed chapters of the book and detail a set of emerging debates with a fine-grained approach sometimes found wanting elsewhere (espe- cially in the final chapter). They show how Islam as a discursive tradition is constituted through critique, and perhaps always has been: for against the disciplinary proclivities of anthropologists (who tend to emphasize discon- tinuity and rupture, allowing them to discover the modern invention of traditions), Ahmad insists on an epistemic connection among precolonial and postcolonial Islam. This connection is evident in how the theme of rupture/continuity is itself a historical topos of “Islamic critical thinking.” Chapter 4 (“The Message: A Critical Enterprise”) approaches Maududi (d. 1979) as a substantial political thinker, not simply the fundamentalist ideologue he is often considered to be. Reading across Maududi’s oeuvre, Ahmad gleans a political-economic critique of colonial-capitalist exploita- tion (95), a keen awareness of the limits of majoritarian democracy, and a warning about the dispossessive effects of minoritization. Maududi’s Isla- mism (“theodemocracy”), then, has to be understood within his broader project of the revival of religion to which tanqīd (“critique”), tajdīd (“re- newal”), and ijtihād (“understanding Islam’s universal principles to de- termine change”) were central (103). He found partial historical models for such renewal in ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, Ghazali, Ibn Taymiyya, Ahmad Sirhindi, and Shah Wali Ullah. A key element of this critique is that it does not aim to usher in a different future. Instead it inhabits a more complicated temporality: it clarifies what is already the case, as rooted in the primordial nature of humans (fiṭra), and in so doing aligns the human with the order of creation. This project entails the critique and rejection of false gods, in- cluding communism, fascism, national socialism, and capitalism (117). Chapter 5 (“The State: (In)dispensible, Desirable, Revisable?”) weaves together ethnographic and textual accounts of Maududi’s critics and de- fenders on the question of the state (the famous argument for “divine sov- ereignty”). In doing so the chapter demonstrates how the work of critique is undertaken in this Islamic tradition, where, Ahmad writes, “critique is connected to a form of life the full meaning of which is inseparable from death” (122). (This also means that at stake in critique is also the style and principles of critique.) The critics surveyed in this chapter include Manzur Nomani, Vahiduddin Khan, Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi, Amir Usmani, Sadrud- din Islahi, Akram Zurti, Rahmat Bedar, Naqi Rahman, Ijaz Akbar, and others, figures of varying renown but all of whom closely engaged, defend- ed, and contested Maududi’s work and legacy in the state politics of his Jamaat-e Islami. Chapter 6 (“The Difference: Women and In/equality”) shows how Maududi’s followers critique the “neopatriarchate” he proposes. Through such critique, Ahmad also seeks to affirm the legitimacy of a “nonpatri- archal reading of Islam” (156). If Maududi himself regarded the ḥarem as “the mightiest fortress of Islamic culture” (159)—a position which Ahmad notes is “enmeshed in the logic of colonial hegemony”—he also desired that women “form their own associations and unbiasedly critique the govern- ment” (163). Maududi’s work and legacy is thus both “disabling” and “en- abling” for women at the same time, as is borne out by tracing the critiques it subsequently faced (including by those sympathetic to his broader proj- ect). The (male) critics surveyed here include Akram Zurti, Sultan Ahmad Islahi, Abdurrahman Alkaf, and Mohammad Akram Nadwi, who seriously engaged the Quran and hadith to question Maududi’s “neopatriarchate.” They critiqued his views (e.g. that women were naturally inferior to men, or that they were unfit for political office) through alternative readings of Islamic history and theology. Chapter 7 (“The Mundane: Critique as Social-Cultural Practice”) seeks to locate critique at “the center of life for everyone, including ordinary sub- jects with no educational degrees” (179). Ahmad writes at length about Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (d. 1988), the anticolonial activist who led a massive movement against colonial domination, and whose following faced British brutality with nonviolence. The Khudai Khidmatgār movement he built was “a movement of critique” (195), Ahmad writes, composed of or- dinary men and women, peasants and the unlettered. The brief remainder of the chapter suggests that the proverbs which punctuate everyday life (for example, in the trope of the greedy mullah) also act as critiques. By the end of Religion as Critique it is difficult not to see critique na- scent in every declaration or action. This deflates the analytic power of the term—but perhaps that is one unstated aim of the project, to reveal critique as simply a part of life. Certainly the book displaces the exceptional West- ern claim to critique. Yet this trope of exposure—anthropology as cultural critique, the ethnographer’s gaze turned inward—also raises questions of its own. In this case, the paradigmatic account of critique (Western, sec- ular) has been exposed as actually being provincial. But the means of this exposure have not come from the alternative tradition of critique Ahmad elaborates. That is, Ahmad is not himself articulating an Islamic critique of Western critique. (Maududi serves as an “illustration” of Ahmad’s ar- gument; Maududi does not provide the argument itself.) In the first chap- ters (“Formulation”) he cites a wide literature that practices historicism, genealogy, archeology, and deconstruction in order to temper the universal claims of Western supremacists. The status of these latter critical practices however is not explored, as to whether they are in themselves sufficient to provincialize or at least de-weaponize Western critique. Put more directly: is there is a third language (of political anthropology, for example) by which Ahmad analytically mediates the encounter between rival traditions of cri- tique? And if there is such a language, and if it is historically, structurally, and institutionally related to one of the critical traditions it is mediating, then what is the status of the non-Western “illustration”? The aim of this revision of critique, Ahmad writes, is “genuinely dem- ocratic dialogue with different traditions” (xii). As much is signalled in its citational practices, which (for example) reference Talal Asad and Viveiros de Castro together in calling for “robust comparison” (14) between West- ern and Islamic notions of critique, and reference Maududi and Koselleck together in interpreting critique to be about judgment (203). No matter that Asad and de Castro or Maududi and Koselleck mean different things when using the same words; these citations express Ahmad’s commitment to a dialogic (rather than dialectical) mode in engaging differences. Yet because Ahmad does not himself explore what is variously entailed by “comparison” or “judgment” in these moments, such citations remain as- sertions gesturing to a dialogue to come. In this sense Religion as Critique is a thoroughly optimistic book. Whether such optimism is warranted might call for a third part to follow “Formulation” and “Illustration”: “Reckoning.” Basit Kareem IqbalPhD candidate, Department of Anthropologyand Program in Critical TheoryUniversity of California, Berkeley

Go to the ant, consider her ways, and be wise. Metaphor or paradigm? This article takes as its point of departure two citations. The one is from Marshall and Zohar’s contention that the wave-particle dualism is more than a metaphor and the other is from Clayton claiming that indeterminacy was not merely a temporary epistemic problem, but reflected an inherent indeterminacy of the physical world itself. What does it mean if it is not a mere way of speaking? The author of this article departs from the premise that the task of systematic theology is the endeavour to understand reality and that this is a collective enterprise together with other sciences as well. A constructive empiricism could indeed lead to an understanding of reality where reality is more than merely idealistically conceived. Truth is therefore to be replaced with a pragmatic, but value-laden concept of understanding or comprehension. This has the effect that both epistemology and ontology have to be revisited and subsequently panentheism too. The argument finds its niche in Old Testament wisdom literature and Proverbs 6:6 forms the lens of reference. The late South African ethologist Eugène Marais’s epic work, The Soul of the Ant, is applied to illustrate such a proposed epistemic community.

Artiklis võrreldakse Vera Bischitzky, Rudolf Noelte, Thomas Braschi, ja Hans Polli Tšehhovi „Kirsiaia“ tõlkeid. Püstitatakse küsimus lavatõlke iseärasustest: selguse, häälduse mugavuse, süntaksi lihtsuse nõue. Mõnikord kasutatakse tõlgetes adaptsiooni, püüdes selgitada või eemaldada vaatajale arusaamatuid tekstielemente. Erisuguseid tõlkestrateegiaid illustreeritakse konkreetsete näidetega. Lahatakse vaadeldavate tekstide tõlkeprobleeme: idioomid, reaalid, mitteekvivalentne leksika, ja osutatakse tehtud tõlkeotsustele. Järeldatakse, et vaatamata laialdasele teoreetilisele tõlkealasele kirjandusele, mis soovitab rangelt hoida lahus „kirjandusliku ja lavatõlke“, on reaalsuses kõik põimunud, ning nn kirjanduslikud tõlked võivad vabalt kõlada (ja kõlavadki) lavalaudadel. The article compares several translations of Chekhov’s comedy The Cherry Orchard into German. The translations discussed are made by Peter Urban, Vera Bischitzky, Rudolf Noelte, Thomas Brasch, and Hans Poll. The general theoretical question is raised whether special translations are required for the theatre: for example, if requirements such as clarity, easy pronouncability and simplicity of syntax, all together known as “scenicity”, are crucial in drama translation. The article demonstrates different translation strategies. The difficulties in translating the play can be summed up as follows: Chekhov creates speech peculiarities of each character of his play, depending on his or her social milieu, education, and individual characteristics. How to preserve these in translation? The language of the play contains indicators of its time (obsolete words and expressions). Does the translation need to render these? Transferring the realities of time and place is a task almost always facing the translator who, in this case, must choose the degree of modernity of the play’s language. The same applies to the translation of proverbs, sayings and quotes, as well as proper names, patronymics, diminutives like Dunyasha, etc. as foreign readers and audiences need not know that names such as Avdotya Fedorovna and Dunyasha can denote the same person, etc. How to treat citations, puns, jokes? Again, each translator resolves this issue in their own way. The translation by Rudolf Noelte, made for a radio play, borders on an adaptation: Nölte shortens the text noticeably; eliminates any references to realia such as kvas, Kharkov, Yaroslavl; rejects all patronymics, so that Lyubov Andreyevna becomes Frau Ranewskaya; erases nicknames and many meaningful or stylistically important expressions or even whole remarks from the text. He uses modern language. The translation of Peter Urban implies knowledge from the German audience that it need not have – for example, the awareness that Varya and Varvara Mikhailovna are the same person. Urban uses transliteration of realia, such as the name of the drink “kvas” or the address mamochka (‘mummy’). The translation is close to the original text, it is suitable for reading, but need not be understood by German theatre audiences as a lot of things may remain incomprehensible if this text is delivered on stage. Nevertheless, in the tradition of German translation criticism Chekhov’s texts in Urban’s translations are considered easily pronouncable, simple and clear, and are especially popular with stage directors. A similar approach to Chekhov’s text characterises Hans Walter Poll’s translation – just like Urban, he retains the realia, Russian toponyms, etc. The translation by Vera Bischitzky is even closer to Chekhov’s original than those of Urban and Poll. The translator strictly adheres to the principles of extreme accuracy and fidelity to the source and does not leave out or change anything; she usually opts for obsolete words and expressions typical of Chekhov’s time and uncommon today. It seems that she strictly follows the requirements for a “documentary translation”. She also explains words and names in comments. Her translation is even more readable than those by her predecessors and pursues not only literary, but also cultural and educational goals. From the point of view of scenicity, the best option of all the translations examined is that of Thomas Brasch. Almost without reducing or distorting the text, Brasch brings the original language closer to the modern audience by his use of vocabulary and colloquial syntax, and imitating dialogues. His sentences are shorter than those in Urban’ translation, and he often uses a nominative style to make the text clearer to the spectators. It is generally not known whether translators who translate “close to the text” of the original and provide comments on places unclear for the recipient always realise for what kind of audience their text is intended. It can be assumed that, translating the text of a play, they always have a theatrical production in mind. There is no information whether the translations by Bischitzky have been staged, but it is known that not only the translations of Brasch, who actually wrote for the stage, but also those by Urban and Poll have been recognised by stage directors. Noelte’s translation, that was intended for the stage, is more of an adaptation than a translation, and Brasch’s work is perhaps the only one among those considered that can be called a translation of Chekhov’s text made directly for the stage. It can be concluded that, despite the extensive theoretical literature on translation that proposes a strict separation between the types of “literary translation” and “stage translation”, in real life everything is intertwined, and literary translations, such as the work by Urban or Poll, can be staged as well. Chekhov’s dramatic works are intended not only for being embodied on stage, but also for reading. The translator’s comments accompanying the text are valuable and contribute to the readers’ comprehension of it.

Q: How many people does it take to change a light bulb for a Jewish mother? A: None, Dahlink, I'll sit in the dark. Q: How many Jewish mothers does it take to change a light bulb? A: Don't worry about your mother. You go have a good time. I'll just sit here in the dark again. Alone. The Jewish American Mother light bulb jokes cited above are illustrations of a special categorical form that is performative. They are quite different from their traditional, non-performative counterparts. Moreover, they are, as Della Chiaro puts it, "doubly clever (or funny) because, as well as the punch[es], [they seem] to make fun of [themselves] too" (73). Performative versions from the Jewish American Mother light bulb joke cycle reveal an inherently metacommunicative tone. Among the non-performative variants, replies like "None. They'll sit in the dark and bemoan their fate" are more common. In the performative versions, a role shifting occurs, and the joke teller changes from his or her role as an answer provider who uses a third person voice to "become" the person about whom s/he is telling the joke: the Jewish mother. Folklorist Barre Toelken uses the terms "dynamism" and "conservatism" to describe verbal and material folkloristic content that ranges across a spectrum of styles from flexible to formulaic. Applying Toelken's schema to address light bulb jokes, it seems clear that this joke genre's form is typically more conservative and formulaic than dynamic and flexible (39-43). Although a joke teller has the capacity to use intonation and subtle intervening style to her advantage, the joke's form cannot be changed too extensively or the form's point will be lost. However, like proverbs that are parodied, light bulb jokes can be altered to create another category of variants that, while being recognized as illustrative of the form, manage to make up a new form within the form. This is the case with performative light bulb jokes. A performative light bulb joke's narrator/joke teller and audience may experience an enhanced potential to perceive nuanced critiques during the joke event. This heightened perceptibility is less likely to be available during non-performative joke encounters due to the absence of role shifting. Role shifting as a storytelling event technique or element is well known for its effectiveness. Performative jokes demonstrate what Bauman refers to as "the creation of social structure in performance" (43) that can, as he says, promote transformation as social control for multiple reasons. Given the potential for sharpened perception, the narrator and audience may feel keenly affected by this joke. At the moment when the joke teller becomes the Jewish mother answer giver, the audience and the joke teller hear several 'voices' manifest instead of the expected answer motif present in non-performative versions. The metanarrative1 is especially poignant because not one but two other 'characters' beside the narrator exist within this joke: the Jewish mother, and the one toward whom ironic affection and other complex feelings are projected - a child role or "Dahlink." When Mother 'answers' the narrator, the narrator occupies the Dahlink and Mother roles simultaneously. In this way, the joke teller can 'become' his or her own Jewish mother. The answer "Don't worry about your mother" succinctly demonstrates this concept. Moreover, the joke listeners (a joke's audience) can think of themselves as being addressed by the mother as "her" Dahlinks. The audience may also envision itself as being 'outside' of the joke, watching it as an event. Alternately, audience members may feel kinship with the characters who are being indexed. In re-telling the joke, audience members turned narrators can experience all the joke's roles. If the narrator is both the mother and the child, it can be said that there is only one, multi-voiced character all along, a trickster-like changeling. Georges and Jones suggest that mastery over difficult or problematic situations is accomplished (or at least attempted) through joke telling. They cite Jung's and others' treatments of trickster cycles to emphasize their point (239). The hybridized, trickster self is summoned during the joke event, when it embraces its myriad voices and, perhaps, the audience. Many choices exist within this joke-telling event moment, depending upon who is listening, who is telling, and what local knowledge exists among all parties involved. The themes of insider versus outsider in terms of who tells, listens to, and 'gets' the joke can turn the ethnic slant of the joke into overt anti-Semitism. It is arguable that 'even Jews' telling the joke can be seen as self-disparaging, anti-Semitic, anti-Jewish mother, and misogynistic. In the full length version of this essay, I critique both the reductive argument that Jewish jokes are mostly self-flagellating and the Freudian aggression hypothesis in humor theory in order to explore some of the nuanced feelings I believe the narrator as Mother and Dahlink, and different joke audience members are expected to internalize. I will now examine who Mother and Dahlink 'are' - who they represent. This discussion potentially provides some insights into the messages the joke is geared to promote, how it is intended to be received, and within what audiences it is likely to be told, heard, and understood. Among many Jewish Americans of Eastern European descent, the Yinglish (or 'Yiddish-ified' English) term "Dahlink" ("Darling"), while not definitionally diminutive, is usually reserved as an endearment for a person younger than the person using the term. Although a person who is referred to as Dahlink may not be younger than the person using the term, one who is called Dahlink is often treated like an offspring. During the joke event, Dahlink has a child's role in relation to Mother's expertise and parental authority. In psychotherapeutic terms, the joke's Dahlink is infantilized. Mother communicates ironically, the paradoxes she feels layering and finding life in her speech, and in what she says by not saying it. Potential interpretations of examples adopted from the joke cycle variants include: "Don't worry" could mean "Of course you should worry, don't you love me?"; "Don't do it" conveys "Do it"; "I'll sit in the dark" translates as "I don't want that at all, and I'm scared"; "I want to suffer, here in the dark (unaware)" means "I don't want that at all, and I can't stand not knowing what's going on. Okay, okay - sometimes, I admit, I like not having to know everything." By way of inversion, there is a distinct opportunity for Mother to question and express annoyance with her stereotypical job of being overprotective, intrusive, caretaking and responsible for Dahlink. More than merely articulating aggression, here in the joke's location she has the license to request the help that she is not supposed to ask for or need. Thus, the performative joke suggests a profound critique regarding her positionality as a woman and a mother. With local knowledge and perspective, those who tell, listen to, and experience this joke have the chance to hear this critique. The performative joke event functions through irony in conjunction with a Bakhtinian sense of double-voiced discourse (Bahktin), interpreted by Barbara Babcock as "a phenomenon characteristic of the 'Others' among us; both a strategy for dealing with oppression and a form of survival" ("Personal"). The inversion messages in the joke highlight many motherly anxieties. Not only is she worried that her child can live without her, she may realize with concern that maybe she cannot live without her child. Who changes her light bulbs when her kids move away? Is she alone, divorced, widowed? Why can't some other person change the light bulb? Why can't she change the light bulb for herself? The joke's irony provides a space for anxiety to be safely uttered, and for these and other questions to be asked of the teller, Dahlink, Mother, and the audience. I conjecture that the complex subject of mothers' relationships with their children is helpfully and creatively negotiated through performative joke telling. Notes This essay is dedicated to the memory of my friend, Faye Glazer, a Polish-born, Jewish American whose patience with my Yiddish (and with me) will always be appreciated and never be forgotten. 1. My usage of "metanarrative" in this essay is borrowed from Barbara Babcock, with gratitude. See her piece "The Story in the Story". Works Cited Babcock, Barbara. Personal Correspondence. December 8, 1997. Babcock, Barbara. "The Story in the Story: Metanarration in Folk Narrative." Verbal Art as Performance, Richard Bauman, ed. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press, 1977. 61-79. Bakhtin, Michail. "Discourse in the Novel." The Dialogic Imagination. Trans. Michael Holquist. Austin: U of Texas P, 1981. 259-422. Bauman, Richard. "The Emergent Quality of Performance." Verbal Art as Performance. ed. Richard Bauman. Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press, 1977. 37-45. Chiaro, Delia. The Language of Jokes: Analysing Verbal Play. London and New York: Routledge, 1992. Georges, Robert A. and Michael Owen Jones. Folkloristics: An Introduction. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1995. Toelken, Barre. The Dynamics of Folklore. Logan, Utah: Utah State University Press, 1996. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Wiener, Diane R. "Performativity and Metacommentary in Jewish American Mother Light Bulb Jokes" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/5-weiner-jewish-lightbulb.php>. APA Style Wiener, D. (2003, Nov 10). Performativity and Metacommentary in Jewish American Mother Light Bulb Jokes. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6, <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/5-weiner-jewish-lightbulb.php>

Cette thèse a pour thème la représentation de la femme dans la parémiologie française et espagnole. Après avoir cerné le concept de proverbe, exposé ses caractères définitoires et tenté une classification des parémies au sein de la phraséologie, cette étude se poursuit avec son double objectif. Le premier est l'élaboration d'un corpus parémiologique français exhaustif, relatif à l'univers féminin, de même qu'un essai critique parémiologique inédit, basé sur la consultation et l'étude approfondies des sources françaises, aussi bien recueils de proverbes que dictionnaires de la langue française. L'étude se poursuit par l'aspect traductologique, l'objectif suivant étant d'établir une correspondance entre ce corpus français et son similaire espagnol pré-établi. Ce second volet précise la démarche du traducteur face à ce problème de correspondance, équivalence ou traduction, analyse les différentes approches possibles en fonction du but recherché et de l'environnement proverbial du texte ou discours considéré, et propose finalement un dictionnaire bilingue français-espagnol des proverbes " féminins ".

Inferno constitutes a turning point in Strindberg's literary production in that scriptural quotations appear more frequently and a new style emerges. This thesis presents the characteristics of the scriptural quotations appearing in Inferno (1897) and Jacob Wrestles (a fragment following Légendes, written in French and in Swedish in 1898). Comparative, discourse, textual and intertextual approaches are used to define the place and role of scriptural quotations in this literary corpus.

From a historical point of view, both novels are part of the religious history of late 19th century France, where religion played a more important role than during the scientific, rationalist era characterizing the preceding decades. Strindberg adopts a new style corresponding to the spirit of his time. The art of "quoting the Bible at random" is a rhapsodic style, which appears mainly in Strindberg’s correspondence, in his Occult Diary (writings contemporary with Inferno) and in the work of some French 19th century writers. This style originates, above all, in the occult tradition, but it is also a means of imitating the Bible and identifying with a prophetic figure.

The research discussed in this dissertation has made it possible to determine, for the first time, what Bible translations are used in the two novels by Strindberg (translations by Ostervald and Martin / Roques). Five different types of rewritings of quotations were found: omissions, cutting of verses, substitutions, typographical changes and inversions. These variations were aimed at harmonising the Biblical text and the Strindbergian text, while removing contextual and theological elements that bothered the writer. The discourse analysis has concentrated on the quotations viewed as reported speech, distinguishing different ways of introducing Biblical verses in the novel. It was found that the narrator's subjectivity is present in the comments leading up to the quotations. The polyphonic character of some quotations has stressed the importance of identification play between the narrator and certain quotations characters such as Christ, Job and the psalmist.

The intertextual analysis has revealed a large number of similarities in the scriptural quotations in the literary production of Strindberg, Swedenborg and French 19th century literature. It is shown that Inferno contains various quotations that appear in Occult Diary and in other writers’ works, such as those of Swedenborg, Péladan, Zola, Huysmans and Chateaubriand. Jacob Wrestles, on the other hand, does not include as many intertextual elements but instead reassembles many scriptural quotations that were underlined in the Bible translation used for this novel: La Sainte Bible, Ostervald's translation from 1890, which can be found in Blå Tornet (The Strindberg Museum in Stockholm). Strindberg is consequently recycling Biblical material when he writes Inferno, while resorting to the French Bible of Ostervald from 1890 to write Jacob Wrestles.

The quotations strewn in Inferno constitute a crescendo and reveal the narrator’s unsuccessful attempt at conversion, at the same time forming the structure of a complaint psalm in which the narrator cries out his suffering and awaits liberation. In the French text of Jacob Wrestles, the writer offers a package of scriptural quotations in order to identify the narrator as "a religious man", imploring God's mercy like Moses and Job. In the Swedish text of Jacob Wrestles, a new perspective is introduced as a result of the change in language, the change from Old to New Testament, the new spiritual disposition of the narrator and the sudden intrusion of the writer in the narrator’s space. The role of scriptural quotations in the entire fragment of Jacob Wrestles is a true linguistic, thematic and theological revolution, which accounts for the narrator's extraordinary religious evolution. The misery of the narrator in Inferno allows a ray of Christian hope, which will persist in Strindbergs’s literary production post-Inferno.