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Academic literature on the topic 'Citizens Action for Free and Fair Elections'
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Journal articles on the topic "Citizens Action for Free and Fair Elections"
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Park, Chan Wook. "Budget Review in the National Assembly of Democratic Korea." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 3 (December 2003): 493–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001612.
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Although Korea has made significant strides to strengthen its democratic system since the successful transition in the late 1980s as part of the “third wave” of global democratization, a look into the process of making budgetary policy in the National Assembly would suggest that Korean democracy is far from consolidation. Korean politics has shed itself for the most part of its authoritarian past, when the military was the main conduit of action and oppression. The principle of free, regular, and fair competition has taken root as the procedural norm in both national and local elections. Korean citizens enjoy civil liberties to a degree unprecedented in the authoritarian era, and civil society transformed into an increasingly open, transparent, and pluralistic field of political action.
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Rulka, Marcin. "Republika Singapuru: wyrok Sądu Apelacyjnego z 30 czerwca 2020 r. w sprawie Daniel De Costa Augustin vs. Attorney-General (dotyczący realizacji prawa do głosowania w wyborach parlamentarnych zarządzonych w czasie pandemii koronawirusa), sygn. [2020] SGCA 60." Przegląd Sejmowy 6(161) (2020): 223–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.90.
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The Parliament of Singapore of the 13th parliamentary term was dissolved on 23 June 2020. Despite the ongoing SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus pandemic, this meant, in accordance with Article 66 of the 1965 Constitution of the Republic of Singapore, that the parliamentary elections had to be held. However, the legislator has established special rules for the election procedure in connection with the ongoing coronavirus pandemic. A special statutory regulation was adopted on 4 May 2020. Among other things, solutions have been introduced to give people isolated due to the coronavirus the opportunity to vote by organizing elections in places of mass isolation, such as hotels or student dormitories. The solutions provided for in this regulation have been the subject of a court complaint filed by Daniel De Costa Augustin, a Singapore citizen. In the complaint it was argued that the precautionary measures needed to protect public health at the present time have the effect of depriving voters of the right to free and fair elections. In the judgement, the Court of Appeal found that the applicant had failed to show that the adopted solutions violated the right to vote. In particular, it pointed out that health issues are not related to the right to vote and should be dealt with separately as a public health issue, which was not the subject of any action brought before the Court of Appeal.
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Brancati, Dawn. "Building Confidence in Elections: The Case of Electoral Monitors in Kosova." Journal of Experimental Political Science 1, no. 1 (2014): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2013.1.
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AbstractWhile most research on electoral monitors has focused on the effect of electoral monitors on politicians and their behavior in terms of committing electoral fraud, this study examines the effect of electoral monitors on citizens, and their effect, in particular, on people's perceptions of electoral integrity and behavior in terms of turnout at the polls. To examine this relationship, I conducted a field experiment around the 2009/2010 municipal elections in Kosova, which varied the amount of information people had about the responsibilities of monitors in these elections. In the experiment, people who had more information about the monitors' responsibilities believed that the elections were more free and fair than those who had less information, and also believed that the monitors helped make these elections more free and fair, even though they were not more likely to vote as a result.
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Izzaty, Risdiana, and Xavier Nugraha. "Perwujudan Pemilu yang Luberjurdil melalui Validitas Daftar Pemilih Tetap." Jurnal Suara Hukum 1, no. 2 (September 30, 2019): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.26740/jsh.v1n2.p155-171.
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In Article 22E paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, it is explained that General Elections (Elections) are held based on the principle of “luberjudil” (direct, general, free, confidential, honest and fair). One of the manifestations of this principle is through the final voter list in the implementation of the election. This research is normative research with statute approach and conceptual approach. The issues discussed in this study are 1. Can the validity of the Permanent Voters List be seen as a manifestation of a direct, general, free, confidential, honest and fair election? 2. What are the problems that arise in determining the Permanent Voters List? 3. How is the guarantee of political rights for citizens due to problems that arise in the determination of the Permanent Voters List? Based on this research, it was found that the validity of the Permanent Voters List was part of the realization of the election system which was direct, general, free, confidential, honest and fair. This research also describes the problems in determining the Permanent Voters List and the mechanism for protecting the political rights of citizens in the event of problems in the final voter list
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Faiz, Pan Mohamad. "Memperkuat Prinsip Pemilu yang Teratur, Bebas, dan Adil Melalui Pengujian Konstitusionalitas Undang-Undang." Jurnal Konstitusi 14, no. 3 (January 9, 2018): 672. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk14310.
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Artikel ini membahas peran Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam memperkuat prinsip-prinsip demokrasi di Indonesia, khususnya prinsip Pemilu yang teratur, bebas, dan adil (regular, free and fair elections). Analisis dilakukan terhadap putusan-putusan monumental (landmark decisions) dalam pengujian konstitusionalitas undang-undang yang dikeluarkan oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi terkait dengan penyelenggaraan Pemilu. Penelitian ini didasarkan pada metodologi kualitatif dengan menggunakan studi kepustakaan yang bersumber dari putusan-putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi, peraturan perundang-undangan, buku, dan artikel jurnal ilmiah. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa Mahkamah Konstitusi telah turut membentuk politik hukum terkait dengan sistem Pemilu di Indonesia dan berbagai aturan pelaksanaannya. Selain itu, Mahkamah Konstitusi juga telah memperkuat prinsip Pemilu yang teratur, bebas, dan adil dengan cara melindungi hak pilih warga negara, menjamin persamaan hak warga negara untuk dipilih, menentukan persamaan syarat partai politik sebagai peserta Pemilu, menyelamatkan suara pemilih, menyempurnakan prosedur pemilihan dalam Pemilu, dan menjaga independensi penyelenggara Pemilu.This article discusses the Constitutional Court’s role in strengthening the principles of democracy in Indonesia, particularly the principle of regular, free, and fair elections. An analysis was conducted towards landmark decisions declared by the Constitutional Court regarding general elections. This research is based on qualitative research by undertaking library-based research using the Court’s decisions, legislations, books and journal articles. It concludes that the Constitutional Court has established legal policies concerning electoral system in Indonesia and other related implementing regulations. Furthermore, the Constitutional Court has also strengthened the principle of regular, free and fair elections by protecting citizens’ right to vote, guaranteeing equal right of citizens to be elected, determining the same requirements for political party participating in the elections, saving citizen’s votes, improving electoral procedures and maintaining the independence of election organisers.
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Izzaty, Risdiana, and Xavier Nugraha. "Perwujudan Pemilu yang Luberjurdil melalui Validitas Daftar Pemilih Tetap." Jurnal Suara Hukum 1, no. 2 (September 30, 2019): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.26740/1.jsh.2019.1.2.5153.
Full textAbstract:
In Article 22E paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, it is explained that General Elections (Elections) are held based on the principle of “luberjudil” (direct, general, free, confidential, honest and fair). One of the manifestations of this principle is through the final voter list in the implementation of the election. This research is normative research with statute approach and conceptual approach. The issues discussed in this study are 1. Can the validity of the Permanent Voters List be seen as a manifestation of a direct, general, free, confidential, honest and fair election? 2. What are the problems that arise in determining the Permanent Voters List? 3. How is the guarantee of political rights for citizens due to problems that arise in the determination of the Permanent Voters List? Based on this research, it was found that the validity of the Permanent Voters List was part of the realization of the election system which was direct, general, free, confidential, honest and fair. This research also describes the problems in determining the Permanent Voters List and the mechanism for protecting the political rights of citizens in the event of problems in the final voter listKeywords: General Election, Final Voter List, Validity
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Walker, Mark. "Censorship, Logocracy and Democracy." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 21, no. 1 (January 2008): 199–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900004380.
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This paper argues: (i) Canadian “Hate Speech Laws”, and similar laws in other jurisdictions, are instances of ‘unilateral censorship’, the suppression of a single political viewpoint. (ii) Unilateral censorship infringes upon the democratic commitment to free and fair elections. (iii) The legislated exclusion of some from the political process through the control of speech means that Canadian governance is best described as ‘logocratic’. (iv) It may be possible to mount a new “Charter Challenge” to Hate Speech laws invoking Section 3 of the Charter, based on the idea that unilateral censorship infringes upon Section 3 guarantees of free and fair elections, and eligibility to run for Canadian legislative bodies. (v) The envisioned challenge differs significantly from previous Charter Challenges because what is at issue are not the liberty rights of citizens in a democracy, but the democratic process itself.
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Smith, Peter H., and Melissa R. Ziegler. "Liberal and Illiberal Democracy in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 50, no. 1 (2008): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2008.00003.x.
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AbstractThis article examines the incidence of liberal and “illiberal” democracy in Latin America from 1978 through 2004. It demonstrates, first, that illiberal democracy—which combines free and fair elections with systematic constraints on citizens’ rights—became the norm throughout the region. Second, it shows that regime transitions most often ended not in liberal democracy but in illiberal democracy. Third, rare events logit analysis reveals that two variables, hyperinflation and presidential elections, had significant impact on movement toward fuller democracy. As a form of short-term economic shock, hyperinflation generates widespread discontent; given the opportunity to vote, citizens elect reformist opposition candidates who, once in office, remove controls on civil liberties. This scenario substantially increases the likelihood of transition from illiberal to liberal democracy.
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Mungiu‐Pippidi, Alina. "The Return of Populism ‐ The 2000 Romanian Elections." Government and Opposition 36, no. 2 (April 2001): 230–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00063.
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During The Years Immediately Following The Fall Of The Ceausescu regime in 1989, Romania fulfilled the requirements of an ‘electoral democracy’. Free and reasonably fair elections regularly produced parliaments (1990, 1992) and governments dominated by the communist successor parties run by Ion Iliescu, a member of the old nomenklatura. Once elected, these institutions operated in principle within the framework of procedural democracy, but in practice often broke the rules and norms accepted in the West as characteristic of liberal democracy. When this occurred public opinion was either too weak, or divided, or simply too indifferent to demand more accountability. Further impoverishment of the poorest citizens due to mismanagement of the economy and rampant corruption contributed to the demise of the post-communist regime in 1996, which in turn led to the hope that with electoral democracy established, the development of democratic institutions and government accountability would follow.
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Singh, Mayengbam Nandakishwor. "Election Commission, Electoral Democracy and Constitutionalization of Elections in India." Indian Journal of Public Administration 67, no. 2 (June 2021): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561211022579.
Full textAbstract:
Amid the debates as to whether India practises democracy in the true fashion, the stupendous role of the Election Commission of India (ECI) clearly exhibits that India adopts at least a robust electoral democracy. Stringent election codes of conduct are imposed on political parties. The ECI ensures that all Indian citizens eligible for political rights exercise their franchise independently. They are sufficiently empowered to choose their representatives. Since the responsibilities of ensuring free and fair elections are shouldered by the Election Commission, there is no doubt that it holds one of the worthiest roles in shaping Indian democracy. This article seeks to examine the changing role of the ECI in building electoral democracy in the country. Most importantly, the present article attempts to examine the noteworthy measures undertaken by the ECI to bolster the electoral democracy in India in the 21st century.
Books on the topic "Citizens Action for Free and Fair Elections"
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Citizens Action for Free and Fair Elections. The continuing electoral reform process in Jamaica: The 1998 local government elections. Kingston, Jamaica: CAFFE, 1998.
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Elections, Citizens Action for Free and Fair. The 1997 general elections in Jamaica: The establishment of CAFFE and its role in the electoral process. Kingston, Jamaica: CAFFE, 1998.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Citizens Action for Free and Fair Elections"
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Dienstag, Joshua Foa. "The Up Series and the Future of Representation." In Cinema Pessimism, 107–31. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190067717.003.0006.
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Why are democratic populations so dissatisfied with their representatives even when elections are free and fair and the representatives are honest and well-informed about their constituents’ desires? The Up documentary series, which follow the same small group of Britons for fifty years, helps us to understand and address this perpetual problem. Humans are hard to represent, both because they are always growing and changing and because they are often opaque to themselves. Thus, human freedom and any static representation are in permanent tension. Individually, the Up films each have this problem, but as a series, they are an accumulating presentation of citizens as emergent in time and therefore show something of their subjects that they cannot show by themselves. Representation, properly structured, may express freedom, but it cannot embody it. The Up films do not show how representation can succeed but how it can fail better.
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Crook, Malcolm. "Introduction." In How the French Learned to Vote, 1–15. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894786.003.0001.
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Free and fair elections, on the basis of universal suffrage, are a relatively recent achievement, their development deeply controversial, and how ordinary people voted in the past, as opposed to who they elected, has become an important object of scholarly research of late. France represents an excellent case study for exploring the history of voting on account of the long, uneven, and contested process of experimentation that was undertaken there. The sovereignty of the people, enunciated in 1789, was expressed in the frequent election of numerous representatives, at local as well as national level, while an enduring tradition of direct democracy also encouraged the use of referendums. France became an influential electoral laboratory as a result and much was demanded of its citizens as they learned to vote in some challenging circumstances. Their ensuing apprenticeship seemed to have been completed in the twentieth century, with the belated advent of a female franchise and consistently high turnout in all elections, but declining participation over the last few decades has raised serious doubts. This fascinating subject is tackled here on a thematic basis, highlighting candidatures and campaigning, as well as who could vote, how they did so and to what extent, beginning in the Ancien Régime and ending in the present day.