Academic literature on the topic 'Citizenship – Namibia'

Analysing two reproductive rights claims brought before the High Court of Namibia and the European Court of Human Rights, this article argues that human dignity is not reducible to a recognized warrant (a right) to demand a particular set of goods, services, or treatments. Rather, dignity in the contexts in which women experience sterilization abuse would be better characterized as an existential protest against degradation, a protest that takes concrete form in legal demands for equal citizenship. Equality is conceived here as necessitating the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women in public and private life. The dignity as non-discrimination framework developed in the article thus integrates two of the leading interpretations of dignity in contemporary political philosophy – the existentialist approach that attends to the inward cry against degradation and the view of dignity as the equal, public status of democratic citizenship.

How do former combatants understand and make themselves into a citizen category? Through exploring the life narratives of former combatants from three different wars (Namibia, Colombia, and United States–Vietnam), this article locates similarities in the claims for recognition. The achievements or the grievances associated with the war and their homecoming made them deserving of special recognition from the state, the country, or other veterans. These claims situate these veterans in a political landscape, where they are called upon to mend and affirm the relation with the state, achieve recognition from society, and defend their fellows, which inform their citizenship practices, as it shaped their political mobilization and perceived political status. Through seeking recognition, they affirm their role as citizens.

ABSTRACTThis case study probes the close link between locality and musical production. The setting is Opuwo, a small city in northern Namibia, notorious for its many bars. Here the music of a local band, Bullet ya Kaoko, provides the soundtrack to the quest for belonging and identity that takes place in the marginal space constituted by these bars and pubs. Bullet ya Kaoko performances are characterized by the simultaneous articulation of paradoxical images and different models of identification: they use keyboards and synthesizers to rework an old genre (omitandu, praise songs), fuse Kwaito moves with the elders' warrior dance, and weave Herero polyphony into a jive-like beat and structure. Lyrics, music and dance address the challenges of (post-)modern life and give voice to uncertainty and fragmentation. At the same time, they embed people in kinship and place, evoking a strong yet encrypted sense of belonging. The music of Bullet ya Kaoko is ironizing: it questions, but does not answer. It challenges both the old and the new, but refrains from solving the tensions created by their juxtaposition.

This study aims to demonstrate processes by which Going Glocal, a Global Citizenship educational program based on Postcolonial Theory, can challenge social representation of the African Other among participating students. Postcolonial Theory argues that the colonial history of countries directly affects the current state of previously colonized countries and contemporary relations between people from Europe and Africa. Critical Whiteness Theory is concerned with the privileged position of a white self, for whom these privileges usually do not become tangible. 15 university college students traveled to Namibia as part of 2012 Going Glocal project and semi-structured interviews were conducted with them directly after they came back, as well as focus groups at the very beginning and end of the program. Two students with opposite socio-economic and ethnical backgrounds were selected for this case study. Their responses were interpreted using Social Representations Theory as a theoretical framework, to reveal the divergent positioning the interviewees took, and were analyzed according to Postcolonial and Critical Whiteness Theory.

Th is article examines Namibian ex-combatant and veteran politics in the context of African claims and struggles over citizenship. Namibian veteran politics has unfolded as long-term negotiation between claimants and political authorities over recognition, realization of citizenship, and legitimacy. This process has operated through repeated claims and responses, material techniques such as employment and compensation, and changing delimitations of the categories of ex-combatant and veteran. Compared with citizenship struggles elsewhere in Africa, particularly the much-discussed surge of autochthony and ethnonationalism, this article discusses how the institutional environment and the particular histories of those involved have influenced modes of claim-making and logics of inclusion and exclusion. It finds that the citizenship politics of Namibian veterans are not based on explicit “cultural” markers of difference but still do construct significant differentiation through a scale of patriotism based on precedence in “liberation.”

One of the profound questions that troubled many philosophers is– “Who am I?” where do I come from? ‘Why am I, where I am? Or “How I see myself?” and maybe more technically -What is my subjectivity? How my subjectivity is formed and transformed? My attempt, in this paper, is to look at “I”, and see how it got shaped. To understand self, this paper tries to show, how subjectivity got transformed or persisted over five generations with changing social structure and institutions. In other words, I am trying to explore self-identity. I have analyzed changing subjectivity patterns of family, and its connection with globalization. Moreover, the research tries to show the role of the Meta field in search of subjectivity based on the following research questions; how my ancestor’s subjectivity changed with social fields? Which power forced them to change their citizenship? And how my identity is shaped within the metafield? The methodology of my study is qualitative. Faced to face interview is taken with the oldest member of family and relatives. The finding of my research is the subjectivity of Namita Poudel (Me) is shaped by the meta field, my position, and practices in the social field.

Thesis (MEd)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis analyses some of the major education policies in Namibia since the introduction of a democratic government in 1990. The analysis reveals that democratic participation through stakeholder representatives is an ideal framework to promote democracy in education discourses, that is, in policy formation, school governance and teaching and learning. However, there is a dilemma of a lack of inclusion, which is incommensurable with modern democratic theorists’ conceptions of democratic citizenship (both Western deliberation and African ubuntu). The thesis asserts that Namibia’s historical and cultural background has to be taken into consideration if a defensible democratic citizenship education is to be engendered and advanced. An examination and interpretation of the three phases of Namibia’s historical background, its pre-colonial, colonial/apartheid and post-apartheid education systems, were carried out in order to understand the current state of education and the type of citizens the country is developing through its education system. Central to this investigation were different conceptions of democratic citizenship, which indicate that deliberation, inclusion, equality, reasonableness, publicity, belligerence, hospitality, compassion and African humanness (ubuntu) are the features of a defensible democratic citizenship education. The exploration of the distinction between deliberation and ubuntu shows that Namibia’s context requires a minimal democratic citizenship framework with ubuntu if a lack of inclusion is to be eliminated. The discussion on democratic conceptions also draws on a minimalist and maximalist continuum of democratic citizenship education. The thesis argues that a minimalist form of democratic citizenship education, in conjunction with African ubuntu – which constitutes less deliberation and non-belligerence with more compassion, careful listening, respect and dignity – engenders conditions for an inclusive policy framework, school governance, and the cultivation of democratic citizenry through teaching and learning in Namibian public schools, and may eventually promote a defensible democratic citizenship education. This framework may create a favourable environment and potential for all participants to co-exist, and for the marginalised groups to also contribute to conversations. This framework is also considered plausible because it takes into account the local people’s historical background and cultural practices. Complementing the argument of this thesis is the exploration of the link between Namibia’s education system, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Moreover, an appeal is made for the Namibian citizenship education system to consolidate the idea of cosmopolitanism, that is; hospitality and forgiveness, if the NEPAD initiative is to be successful and if certain Millennium Development Goals were to be achieved by 2015.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ontleed sommige van die hoof onderwysbeleide in Namibia sedert die instelling van ‘n demokratiese regering in 1990. Die ontleding onthul dat demokratiese deelname deur rolspelerverteenwoordigers is ‘n ideale raamwerk om demokrasie in onderwysdiskoerse te bevorder, dit is, in beleidmaking, skoolbeheer asook onderrig en leer. Nietemin, daar is ʼn dilemma van ‘n gebrek aan inklusiwiteit, wat nie vergelykbaar is met moderne demokratiese teoretici se konsepsies van demokratiese burgerskap (beide Westerse beraadslaging en Afrika ubuntu) nie. Die tesis voer aan dat Namibië se historiese en kulturele agtergrond verreken moes wees, indien ʼn verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskap voortgebring en ondersteun sou word. ʼn Ondersoek en interpretasie van die drie fases van Namibië se historiese agtergrond, haar pre-koloniale, koloniale/apartheid en post-apartheid onderwysstelsels, was uitgevoer om te verstaan wat die huidige stand van onderwys en die soort burgers is wat die land daardeur voorberei. Sentraal tot hierdie ondersoek was verskillende konsepsies van demokratiese burgerskap, wat aandui dat beraadslaging, inklusiwiteit, gelykheid, redelikheid, openbaarheid, strydlustige interaksie, gasvryheid, meelewing en Afrika-menslikheid (ubuntu) die eienskappe van ‘n verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskaponderwys is. Die ondersoek van die onderskeid tussen beraadslaging en ubuntu toon dat die Namibiese konteks, indien ‘n gebrek aan inklusiwiteit geëlimineer moet word, ‘n minimale demokratiese burgerskapsraamwerk met ubuntu benodig. Die bespreking van demokratiese konsepsies is ook gebed in ʼn minimalistiese en maksimalistiese kontinuum van demokratiese burgerskaponderwys. Die tesis argumenteer dat ‘n minimalistiese vorm van demokratiese burgerskaponderwys in samehang met Afrika ubuntu – wat minder beraadslaging en nie-strydlustige interaksie met meer meelewing, versigtige luister, respek en waardigheid veronderstel – toestande vir ‘n inklusiewe beleidsraamwerk, skoolbeheer en die kweek van demokratiese burgerskap deur onderrig en leer in Namibiese publieke skole bevorder en mag so uiteindelik ‘n verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskaponderwys bevorder. Hierdie raamwerk mag ‘n gunstige omgewing en die potensiaal vir alle deelnemers om met mekaar saam te leef asook vir gemarginaliseerse groepe om tot gesprekke by te dra, skep. Hierdie raamwerk kan ook as aanneemlik beskou word, omdat dit die plaaslike mense se historiese agtergrond en kulturele praktyke verreken. Die argument van hierdie tesis word ondersteun deur die ondersoek van die verband tussen die Namibiese onderwysstelsel, die ‘New Partnership for Africa’s Development’ (NEPAD) en die Millennium Ontwikkelingsdoelwitte. Meer nog, ‘n beroep word gemaak vir die Namibiese burgerskap onderwysstelsel om die idee van wêreldburgerskap, dit is, gasvryheid en vergifnis te konsolideer, indien die NEPAD-inisiatief suksesvol en sekere Millenium Ontwikkelingsdoelstellings teen 2015 bereik wil word.

Thesis (MEd)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study explores the perceptions of Namibian teachers of democratic school governance and its contribution to school discipline. The research examines the education policy shifts towards democratic school governance from before to after 1990. The study further investigates the views of twelve teachers from four secondary schools in the Oshana education region on how democratic school governance can contribute to lack of discipline among learners. The study exposes how learner representation on the school board and their participation in the discussions during meetings is experienced. The study also discusses how learners who are elected to serve on the school board are accountable to other learners who have elected them. The study shows the link between democratic school governance and school discipline, internationally, nationally and locally. Finally, given the exploratory nature of the study, some issues that warrant further investigation to add to the existing knowledge are highlighted.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsverslag ondersoek die persepsies van Namibiese onderwysers met betrekking tot demokratiese skool bestuur en die bestuur bydrae tot skool disipline. Verder word die opvoedkundige riglyne vir demokratiese skoolbestuur voor en na 1990 ondersoek en die indrukke van twaalf onderwysers van vier sekondêre skole in die Oshana Onderwysdistrik met betrekking tot die bydrae van ‘n demokraties verkose skoolbestuur tot ‘n gebrek aan dissipline onder leerlinge word bespreek Hoe leerlingverteenwoordiging op die skoolraad en leerlinge se bydrae tot besprekings gedurende vergaderings ervaar word, sowel as hoe leerlinge wat gekies is om op die skoolraad te dien aan die leerlinge wat hulle verkies het, verslag doen, word ook oorweeg. Die verband tussen ‘n demokratiese skoolbestuur en skooldissipline op internasionale, nasionale en plaaslike vlak word getoon, Weens die ondersoekende aard van die studie word kwessies laastens uitgelig vir verdere ondersoek om sodat meer inligting by die reeds bestaande kennis gevoeg kan word.

This dissertation endeavours to determine whether the concepts nationality and citizenship are interchangeable, or whether they each mean something very specific. In order to ascertain where the “origin” of using the terms nationality and citizenship interchangeably might have occurred, a closer look at antiquity and its practices is necessitated. The question is also addressed whether a person could be in possession of dual nationality and/or dual citizenship. The desirability of any dual status is also discussed and whether such dual status is to be tolerated and if yes, under which, if any, conditions.
Jurisprudence
LLM

A pesquisa disserta o tema da política da descentralização administrativa em Angola: fatores que condicionam a institucionalização das autarquias.(Namibe). Partindo da literatura existente, o objetivo geral da pesquisa consiste em analisar os fatores que interferem na institucionalização das autarquias em Angola. Para o presente trabalho recorremos a pesquisa documental e a entrevistas a um grupo de onze indivíduos da sociedade civil, organizações políticas, Assembleia Nacional, jornalismo e académicos. As discussões já existes em artigos, debates parlamentar, televiso, plataformas digitais e análise de dados internacionais foram fundamentais para o ponto de partida da pesquisa. Sendo Angola é o único país da África Austral em que as autarquias não são uma realidade e com uma perceção de um Estado não democrático segundo dados internacionais. Atinente aos entrevistados constata-se: A descentralização administrativa (Autarquias) é uma política necessária e indispensável no intuito de amenizar diversas burocracias e melhor controlo e gestão do erário; o medo de partilhar o poder por parte de quem governa agudiza a consolidação da democracia e coíbe o interesse dos cidadãos na participação política; a necessidade de políticas de inclusão governativa sem conotações partidárias; carência na inversão do atual paradigma de governação do fortemente centralizado para o descentralizado reduzindo o excesso de burocracia. No geral a ausência de uma cultura democrática tem servido de barreira na instituição da autarquia. O presente trabalho traz à discussão a problemática das autarquias num país onde a mesma não é uma realidade e com uma transição lenta para a democracia.
The research addresses the topic on the policy of administrative decentralization in Angola: factors that condition the institutionalization of autarchies (Namibe). Based on the existing literature, the general objective of the research is to analyse the factors that interfere in the institutionalization of municipalities in Angola For the present work we used documentary research and interviews to a group of people from civil society, political organizations, national assembly, journalists and academics. The discussions that already existed in articles, parliamentary debates, television, digital platforms and analysis of international data were fundamental to the starting point of the research. Angola being the only country in Southern Africa in which municipalities are not a reality and with a perception of an undemocratic state, according to international data. Regarding the interviewees, some conclusions may be drawn: Administrative decentralization (Municipalities) is a necessary and indispensable policy in order to ease various bureaucracies and better control public finances; the fear of sharing the power on the part of those who govern sharpens the consolidation of democracy and curbs citizens’ interest in political participation; the need for policies of governmental inclusion without party connotations; lack of inversion of the current governance paradigm of the strongly centralized by the decentralized, reducing the excess of bureaucracy. In general, the absence of a democratic culture has served as a barrier in the institution of the autarchy. This paper discusses the problem of municipalities in a country where it is not a reality and with a slow transition to democracy.

Few African countries provide for an explicit right to a nationality. Laws and practices governing citizenship effectively leave hundreds of thousands of people in Africa without a country. These stateless Africans can neither vote nor stand for office; they cannot enrol their children in school, travel freely, or own property; they cannot work for the government; they are exposed to human rights abuses. Statelessness exacerbates and underlies tensions in many regions of the continent. Citizenship Law in Africa, a comparative study by two programs of the Open Society Foundations, describes the often arbitrary, discriminatory, and contradictory citizenship laws that exist from state to state and recommends ways that African countries can bring their citizenship laws in line with international rights norms. The report covers topics such as citizenship by descent, citizenship by naturalisation, gender discrimination in citizenship law, dual citizenship, and the right to identity documents and passports. It is essential reading for policymakers, attorneys, and activists. This second edition includes updates on developments in Kenya, Libya, Namibia, South Africa, Sudan and Zimbabwe, as well as minor corrections to the tables and other additions throughout.

Recovering the cosmopolitanism of the medieval Catholic university, Jeremy Waldron offers an eloquent update of what Hollinger would call the “old” cosmopolitanism that is both particular and universal. For him, differences have been overvalued. Whatever their usefulness to a grade school teacher introducing children to the larger world, differences may not define how actual people around the world see themselves or experience the world. Monotheisms link very diverse societies. Scientific knowledge is universal: there is no Swedish physics or Namibian chemistry, just chemistry and physics. World trade has made many commodities universal. These are the real material basis for a cosmopolitanism that need not after all deny its founding universalism. The critics of Martha Nussbaum are wrong to think that cosmopolitanism requires a world state. Religion, science, and commerce are doing the job of grounding it and making it concrete.