Academic literature on the topic 'City councillor'

‘REMOTIO AB ORDINEM’. COUNCILLORS’ (‘DECURIO’) EXPULSION FROM THE CITY COUNCIL (‘ORDO DECURIONUM’) Summary In the light of the Polish law every citizen who has all civil rights can perform a function of a councillor. Polish legislation, with the exception of the requirement of age, does not introduce any further formal requirements for candidates for that office. A councillor needs not to have any professional or moral qualifications. Although there are codes of councillors’ conduct which relate to such values as honesty and integrity, however they do not introduce any sanctions for their violation. Source analysis shows that in the Roman law the major causes of expulsion from the city council include: conducting an immoral life, performing an infamous profession (actual infamy), conviction on the basis of a disgracing civil action (iudicia privata) or a disgracing public action (iudicia publica) and criminal expulsion from the army (missio ignominiosa). To the professions causing infamy were also included such professions as gladiator, actor, herald, gravedigger, or guardian in a theatre. Civil actions disgracing lost party were: fiduciae actio pro socio, actio tutelae, actio mandati. To the disgracing civil actions, but with the tort nature, were also included actio porter, actio iniuriarum and actio lot. Sentencing in the public was always associated with an additional penalty that generated discredit on the honour, or to infamy. The same was in the case of criminal deportation from the army.

AbstractThis article examines the complementary hypotheses that voting blocs can exist in small cities as well as large cities, and that voting blocs can develop and exist in non-partisan councils. In this respect the study compares the council voting patterns of two Alberta cities—Calgary and Grande Prairie—over the period of one council term, from 1983 to 1986. Well-defined voting blocs, revealed through Rice-Beyle cluster bloc analysis, are found in both councils. Moreover, discriminant analysis reveals that, contrary to previous research on bloc formation in partisan councils, bloc composition can be generally attributed to the interplay of the councillor background attributes.

The commentary mainly concerns procedural issues related to the monetary equivalent for members of voluntary firefighters. The commentary is entirely approving. The resolution on the amount of the equivalent is of a general and abstract nature, and therefore is an act of local law. A councillor, who is at the same time a member of the voluntary fire brigade and takes part in rescue operations or fire training organized by the State Fire Service or the municipality, has a legal interest (derived from Article 28(1) and (2) of the Fire Protection Act) in adopting a resolution on the amount of the equivalent. The resolution on the amount of the equivalent, which was adopted by the city council with the participation of councillors (at the same time members of the voluntary fire brigade), who were excluded from voting by virtue of the law itself, is invalid.

The campus of Heriot-Watt University welcomed the Biochemical Society with open arms, and even managed by Gary Burd to tempt some on to the dancefloor -- oh yes … we saw you! Around 400 delegates attended the meeting, (Executive Editor) which included colloquia on tetrapyrroles, amyloidogenic proteins, type II family of G-protein-coupled receptors, 14-3-3 proteins and antibodies. The Society also organized its first Research Colloquium aiming at a more relaxed, informal atmosphere, and this was judged a great success. The drinks reception was held at the Edinburgh City Chambers, and was hosted by Councillor Maureen Child (Executive Member for Finance).

Gateways, or mon, have served as powerful symbols of authority throughout Japanese history. In particular the stately mon built for the Edo city residences of the regional lords expressed the dignity of high rank in the Tokugawa political and social order, but unlike their earlier counterparts in temples and palaces, they have been neglected as a subject for scholarly study. These gateways, virtually the only surviving examples of secular buildings from the great castle-city of Edo, clarify our understanding of the use of architectural style as a symbol of status in the period of Tokugawa rule (1603-1867). The Rōjūmon, or "Gatehouse of the Senior Councillor," is one of three well-preserved gatehouses dating from the last century of warrior government in Japan. Analysis of the structure of the building reveals the design principles upon which it was based and details of building practices at the time. The technical and stylistic features of the gatehouse are interpreted in the light of Tokugawa government laws and pictorial records to establish the importance of mon architecture as a status symbol in general terms and the precise meaning of this building as an example of the gatehouse type.

The ‘Venetian’ composer Agostino Steffani and the Modenese diplomat Giuseppe Riva became acquainted at Hanover in 1719. Steffani had first resided there between 1688 and 1703, when he served the Hanoverian Duke Ernst August and his son Georg Ludwig as a musician and special envoy (he went to Vienna, for example, to negotiate the elevation of Hanover to an electorate, a distinction approved by the emperor in 1692). He had been ordained a Catholic priest at Munich in 1680, received a sinecure appointment as an abbot in 1683 and been made an apostolic prothonotary by 1695. His diplomatic and evangelical achievements on behalf of the church were recognized in 1706, when he was named Bishop of Spiga, and 1709, when he was appointed Apostolic Vicar of North Germany. His home in 1703–9 was in Düsseldorf, where he served as chief councillor to Johann Wilhelm, the Catholic Elector Palatine, but in November 1709 he returned to Hanover, a Lutheran city in Lower Saxony nearer the centre of his extensive vicariate.

If we believe social media, newspapers, and even some of our best friends and colleagues, the war over standard usage is on. As with many wars, the opposing sides seem to be entrenched in differing ideological positions and many of the battles seem to take place over the most unstable, smallest bits of territory - such as the Oxford comma, singular they, or split infinitives. In this ongoing war, possessive apostrophes have attracted particularly aggressive forays. For example, when some English cities proposed removing apostrophes from street signs, various news outlets published headlines such as, ‘It's a catastrophe for the apostrophe in Britain’ (NBC, 31 January, 2009), ‘Dropped apostrophes spark grammar war in Britain’ (New York Times, 16 March, 2013), and ‘“It's pandering to the lowest common denominator”: Anger as Cambridge bans apostrophe from street names’ (Daily Mail, 18 January, 2014). Explaining Birmingham's ban, one city councillor was not that much less sensational, stating that apostrophes ‘denote possessions that are no longer accurate, and are not needed’ and that ‘they confuse people. If I want to go to a restaurant, I don't want to have an A-level (high school diploma) in English to find it’ (NBC).

The Brisbane Powerhouse was reopened in 2000, an election year for the Brisbane City Council, by then Lord Mayor Councillor Jim Soorley. Built in a decommissioned power station, the ‘Centre for the Arts’ was one of the culminations of Soorley's $4 billion Urban Renewal Program (‘About Urban Renewal’). It was also a major — $22 million worth, to be precise — addition to the Brisbane arts scene (Buzacott: 11). It is of particular interest, then, that one of the highest profile events of the Brisbane Powerhouse's inaugural program was the first screening of the Brisbane Queer Film and Video Weekend (now the Brisbane Queer Film Festival or ‘BQFF’). Now in its eighth year, and still screened at the Brisbane Powerhouse, the BQFF continues to be Queensland's only regular public film festival dedicated to explicitly queer films. But at a time when queer film festivals around the world are under increasing pressure to disband, given claims that ‘queer’ is supposedly such an accepted part of mainstream media that separate events are superfluous, what role — if any — does the BQFF have in Brisbane's and Queensland's queer culture (see Rich 2006)?

This paper focuses on the construction history and renovations of the Benzoni Palace located in Grivica Square in the Old Town of Rijeka. The three-storey building was designed by architect Antonio de Verneda and erected during the second quarter of the 18th century as a family palace of Giovanni Antonio Benzoni, bishop of Senj (1693-1745). The palace was renovated in the late 18th century, at the time when it was owned by the bishop’s nephew, Giulio Benzoni (1732-1798), who was a city councillor. He had the front façade redesigned in the late-baroque classicist style, by adding a monumental stone portal, two balconies, and rich window decoration made in wrought iron. The palace underwent further adaptations during the second half of the 19th century, when it was repurposed to serve as an orphanage, then as army barracks, and eventually as a rental apartment building. The 20th century saw several major interventions undertaken by its tenants, which to some extent degraded the palace’s architecture. Based on the archival documentation, the authors present a proposal for the reconstruction of its original façade and the context of its design in the late 18th-century Rijeka.

Abdullah Abdurahman is best-known in South African historiography for his four-decade career as the first coloured City Councillor of Cape Town and the President of the African Political Organisation. However, most literature on Abdurahman lack study on the personal and intimate life that animated his politics. Often painted as a tragic narrative of a dynamic man who failed in his struggle against racial segregation in the first half of the twentieth-century, Abdurahman is largely neglected in South African historiography. This project is a partial biography of Abdurahman focused on examining his personal and family life. Research for this project began with the exploration of the well-known Abdurahman collections at the University of Cape Town and Northwestern University and then expanded to include British, American, and Turkish records. This thesis follows a thematic structure, focusing on Abdullah as a son, a doctor, a husband and a father, with a final chapter focusing on Abdullah's many identities. Through the biographical method, this thesis explores the changes and continuities in coloured, Cape Malay, Indian and Muslim politics, attitudes, and identities at the Cape from the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. The complications and nuances brought about by the ways identities intersect with race, gender, class, religion and other ethos are revealed by focusing on the personal and the intimate. Situating Abdullah Abdurahman within global flows of people, ideas, faith communities, and political ideologies, this thesis allows insight into how coloured, middle-class, Muslim families lived in the early twentieth century and the limits of nonracialism and political organisations of the time. By reincorporating Abdurahman's personal and family life into historiography, the influence of affect and emotions in politics, the import of childhood and early political socialisation, and the role of education in producing citizenship and subjectivity rise to the fore. This unveils themes of how political philosophies are generated, challenged, and transmitted between and across generations. This thesis argues for a transnational and trans-generational approach to considering the contributions of marginalised groups in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

In terms of section 152(1)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 local government should provide a democratic and accountable service to local communities. Therefore, elected representatives and municipal officials must be accountable for their actions. This study investigates the influence of public participation in enhancing the accountability of ward councillors in the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality (BCMM). For the purpose of the study, the hypothesis was formulated that accountability of ward councillors is hampered by improper public participation mechanisms in Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality (BCMM). In order to achieve the goal of this study and to test the hypothesis, it was essential to review literature on the accountability of ward councillors and public participation in local government. Primary data was obtained by interviewing ward committees and ward councillors from Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality. Interviews were conducted with ward councillors and ward committees in wards 13 and 14 of BCMM. The major findings of the study, inter alia, are that ward councillors give feedback to their constituencies. Ward committees are instrumental in encouraging members of the public to attending these meetings. The most popular forum for public participation is the Independent Development Planning (IDP). It was established that approachability, accessibility and visibility of both ward councillors and ward committees in the community enhance public participation. The study concludes with recommendations that will assist the BCMM to enhance the accountability of ward councillors through public participation.

The aim of the study is to critically examine the leadership and accountability of ward councillors in South African municipalities: A case of Buffalo City Municipality. The theory of communicative action by Jürgen Habermas was used to interpret the manner in which ward councillors are expected to interact with the members of the community when performing their leadership and accountability roles. The study adopted a case study design that assisted in establishing what is required from ward councillors with regard to their leadership and accountability roles in local governance. Qualitative and quantitative data collection instruments were used to collect data. The focus group interviews with ward committee members (n=100) from twenty-five (25) wards identified themes that relate to leadership and accountability constructs. The identified themes were verified in the quantitative phase in which questionnaires were administered to fifty (50) ward councillors. The qualitative data was analysed thematically using NVivo and quantitative data was analysed using MS Excel. Generally, the views of the ward councillors regarding their leadership and accountability were positive. However, their leadership and accountability were largely dependent on their individualised communication skills and emotional intelligence. Hence the study established that unless ward councillors are equipped with skills and knowledge in communication and emotional intelligence respectively, their leadership and accountability roles will not be able to contribute effectively to local governance. Subsequently, the study made a set of recommendations in this regard.

This study was conducted at Intsika Yethu Local Municipality of Chris Hani District Municipality in the Eastern Cape Province, in the Republic of South Africa. The study has as its main thrust: The role of councillors in service delivery: The case of the Intsika Yethu Local Municipality of Chris Hani District Municipality. This municipality consists of 21 wards and 21 ward councillors. The Preamble to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, states that the injustices of the past have to be addressed and those who suffered for justice and freedom in the country should be honoured. The results of the 1994 national and 1995 local government elections marked a political breakthrough in South African politics. The new democratic and social reconstruction agenda necessitated the transformation of the legislative framework in various areas. The legislative prescriptions that underpin the operations and activities of municipal councillors in delivering public services to citizens and in ensuring the effective and efficient implementation of government policies are therefore crucial. In this study, the role of ward councillors in service delivery was interrogated and investigated to establish whether the Intsika Yethu Local Municipality community in Tsomo and Cofimvaba has benefited in accessing basic services. Furthermore, the study seeks to find ways through which the relationship between community and ward councillors could be managed to harmonise the relationship between them in order to improve service delivery in Intsika Yethu Local Municipality. In this regard, a legislative framework regulates and guides municipal councillors in performing their developmental duties to achieve local government developmental outcomes.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study describes and analyses the water governance and developmental water services education and training needs of councillors in water services authorities (WSAs) in the Northern Cape Province in order to enable them to fulfil their responsibilities as required by the legislative framework in the new dispensation in South Africa. The new South African Constitution ushered in a new legislative framework, which recognises that developmental water supply, sanitation facilities as basic services are local government matters, and that they are in the functional area of concurrent national and provincial legislative competence. The Water Services Act No. 108 of 1997 and a number of Acts of Parliament thereafter, which are a spine for a local government developmental agenda (LGDA) in South Africa, give effect to this determination. Collectively, these Acts and policies have set the LGDA or modernisation of local government for change and marked a departure from the selection, recruitment and deployment of councillors without minimum engineering and technical skills in water and infrastructure planning and development portfolios. This invariably imposes new leadership responsibilities upon a range of hydropolitical councillors in WSAs, and creates the need for a redefined model of representation on the part of councillors from ―resemblance to public capability, accountability, responsibility and responsiveness‖ (Sartori 1968: 465). With the current calibre and breed of councillors in water portfolios and infrastructure planning and development, it appears that the country is facing a leadership crisis that can strike at the very roots of the democratic values of the LGDA system. Without effective, innovative, creative and committed leadership, all anti-poverty strategies may just plug in superficial solutions rather than tackle the root of the problem, namely governance crises in WSAs. Accordingly, 'good enough governance' or radical restructuring of the recruitment, selection and deployment policy in the current water crisis in the Northern Cape should act as a "decontaminator or antiseptic in a germ-infested area" (Cloete 2006:6-19). To extend the analogy further in terms of good enough water governance, the selection, recruitment and deployment of appropriately qualified representatives in bulk water infrastructure planning and development may lead to long-term hydropolitical adaptive capacity to respond proactively to water scarcity in the Northern Cape whereby a discernible set of water governance values and principles will benefit all citizens. Using mixed methods, the researcher found that comparative literature evidence clearly underscores the importance of effective leadership by competent and skilled councillors in water portfolios. It is also significant that academic and independent studies have ignored the oversight role of councillors in water governance. The debates only focus on officials who do not have executive powers under the new LGDA and its administration system. Yet, the current water crisis, extreme weather conditions, climate changes, and protests against poor service delivery provide an opportunity to rethink water governance. The dissertation argues that councillors in water portfolios should have minimum engineering and technical qualifications and that they need to be empowered to be adaptive and apply modern technology solutions. Any reform effort is doomed if this aspect is not addressed sufficiently well in the water sector, as it has been established in this dissertation that there is a clear link between effective leadership and excellent water governance and management. The study is not intended to be prescriptive nor can it claim to be exhaustive, as the researcher continually discovered. In many instances, it may introduce water governance complexities under a LGDA administration and political management system that are unwarranted – and misplaced idealism is always a problem. Thus, for water services to remain a viable "instrument of humanity" especially at a municipal level, it is concluded that more effective competency-based water councillor education and training (CBWCE&T) programmes are required to equip current and future councillors with the water governance skills and intellectual competencies to address the complex challenges they face. The essence of the CBWCE&T is that developmental water services need to engage in a broader governance agenda integrated with other basic services and mutually reinforcing areas of social adaptive capacity to water scarcity under the LGDA. Researchers in the water sector have neglected the hydropolitical role of councillors in determining water governance and the use of water for socioeconomic and developmental outcomes now subsumed under various poverty eradication policies. The unique contribution of this dissertation is that it focuses on this critical role of councillors and the skills they need to execute water governance institutional oversight role. The researcher makes recommendations for enriching the hydropolitical sociology of local government studies, to match the skills requirements, given the complexity of the LGDA and the numerous challenges for councillors in WSAs in the Northern Cape.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie beskryf en ontleed die waterregerings- en ontwikkelingswaterdienste onderwys- en opleidingsbehoeftes van raadslede betrokke by waterdienste owerhede (WSAs) in die Noord-Kaap provinsie wat hulle in staat sal stel om hulle verantwoordelikhede na te kom soos vereis deur die wetlike raamwerk van die nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika. Die nuwe Suid-Afrikaanse Grondwet het 'n wetlike raamwerk ingelei wat ontwikkelingswatervoorsiening en sanitasie geriewe, synde basiese dienste, erken as plaaslike owerheidsaangeleenthede; dit funksioneer ook terselfdertyd ingevolge 'n soortgelyke wetlike bevoegdheid op nasionale en provinsiale vlak. Die Wet op Waterdiensteverskaffing, Nr 108 van 1997, asook verskeie daaropvolgende wette deur die Parlement vorm die ruggraat van die plaaslike owerheidsontwikkelingsagenda (LGDA), of te wel, die modernisasie van plaaslike owerheid, in Suid-Afrika. Hierdie wette en beleide het gesamentlik die LGDA bepaal en die afskeid toenemend gekenmerk van 'n seleksie, rekrutering, en aanwending van raadslede wat sonder minimum ingenieurs- en tegniese vaardighede in water- en infrastruktuurbeplanning en -ontwikkeling hul portefeuljes beoefen. Hierdie verwikkelings plaas sonder uitsondering nuwe leierskapsverantwoordelikhede op 'n spektrum van hidropolitieke raadslede in WSAs. Dit skep ook die behoefte aan 'n hergedefinieerde model vir verteenwoordiging deur raadslede wat volgens Sartori (1968: 465) verander van "ooreenkoms na openbare vermoë, aanspreeklikheid en reagerend". Die huidige stoffasie en soort raadslede wat water protefeuljes beklee en die infrastruktuurbeplanning en ontwikkeling laat die gedagte ontstaan dat die land 'n leierskapskrisis tegemoet gaan wat die demokratiese waardes onderliggend tot die LGDA stelsel kan ondergrawe. Sonder doeltreffende, vernuwende, skeppende en toegewyde leierskap mag die teen-armoede strategieë kunsmatige oplossings bied eerder as om die wortel van die probleem aan te durf, naamllik die regeringskrisisse in WSAs. Gevolglik moet 'goeie regering' wat neerkom op radikale herstukturering van die beleid van rekrutering, seleksie, en aanwending in die huidige waterkrisis in die Noord-Kaap geaktiveer word om te dien as 'n "ontsmetter of antiseptiese middel in 'n kiem-besmette gebied" (Cloete 2006: 6-19). Om die analogie van 'goeie waterregering; verder te neem, kan gesê word dat die seleksie, rekrutering en aanwending van toepaslik gekwalifiseerde verteenwoordigers in massa waterinfrastruktuur- beplanning en -ontwikkeling mag lei tot 'n langtermyn hidropolitieke aanpassingsvermoë om proaktief te reageer op waterskaarsheid in die Noord-Kaap waardeur 'n onderskeidende stel waterregering waardes en beginsels alle burgers sal bevoordeel. Met die gebruik van gemengde metodes het die navorser bevind dat getuienis afkomstig van vergelykende literatuuroorsigte duidelik die belangrikheid van doeltreffende leierskap deur bevoegde en vaardige raadslede in water portefeuljes onderstreep. Dit is ook betekenisvol dat akademiese en onafhanklike studies die oorsigrol van raadslede in waterregering geïgnoreer het. Die debat konsentreer slegs op amptenare wat nie uitvoerende magte binne die LGDA en die administrasie het nie. Tog is dit duidelik dat die huidige waterkrisis, uiterste weerstoestande, klimaatsverandering, en proteste teen swak dienslewering geleentheid bied tot 'n herbedink van waterregering. Die proefskrif voer aan dat raadslede oor minimum ingenieurs- en tegniese kwalifikasies moet beskik en dat hulle bemagtig word om aanpassend te wees en moderne tegnologiese oplossings kan toepas. Enige hervorming sal tot mislukking gedoem wees indien hierdie aspekte nie voldoende in die water sektor aangespreek word nie. Dit is vasgestel in die proefskrif dat daar 'n duidelike skakel is tussen doeltreffende leierskap en uitmuntende waterregering en –bestuur. Soos voortdurend ontdek is in die verloop van die navorsing, is die studie nie voorskriftelik, en ook nie uitputtend nie. In vele opsigte bied die studie kompleksiteite aan in waterregering binne 'n LGDA administrasie en politieke bestuurstelsel wat verregaande is; en misplaaste idealisme is altyd 'n probleem. Daarom, vir waterdienste om 'n lewensvatbare 'instrument van menslikheid' te bly veral op die munisipale vlak, is die gevolgtrekking dat meer doeltreffende, bevoegdheidsgebaseerde waterraadslid onderwys en opleiding programme (CBWCE&T) vereis word. Hierdie programme het die oogmerk om huidige en toekomstige raadslede toe te rus met waterregeringsvaardighede en intellektuele bevoegdhede om die komplekse uitdagings wat hulle in die gesig staar, die hoof te bied. Die essensie van die CBWCE&T program behels dat, volgens die LGDA, ontwikkelingswaterdienste sal koppel met die breër regeringsagenda wat ander basiese dienste integreer met die uitdaging van waterskaarsheid deur sosiale aanpassingsvermoëns wat onderlinge ondersteuning vir die verskillende dienste aanbied. Navorsers in water sektor het die hidropolitieke rol van raadslede verwaarloos deur nóg aandag te gee aan hoe raadslede inhoud aan waterregering gee, nóg die gebruik van water vir sosio-ekonomiese en ontwikkelingsdoeleindes soos dit tans ingesluit in verskeie armoede-uitwissingsbeleide, te beklemtoon. Die besondere bydrae van die proefskrif is die beklemtoning van hierdie kritieke rol van raadslede en van die vaardighede wat hulle benodig om 'n institusionele oorsigrol in waterregering te vervul. Die navorser maak aanbevelings vir die verryking van die hidropolitieke sosiologie van plaaslike regeringstudie, om die vaardigheidsvereistes te ontmoet in die lig van die LGDA kompleksiteite en die talle uitdagings in WSAs in die Noord-Kaap.

Thesis (MPhil) -- University of Stellenbosch, 2004.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study describes and analyses the water services education and training needs of councillors in local authorities in the Northern Cape to enable them to implement their legislative framework in the new dispensation in South Africa. It is the proposition of this study that during the transitional period from 1994 to 2003 and thereafter, there is a likelihood of lack of capacity in most local authorities in the Northern Cape to execute their legislative requirements. This invariably imposes leadership responsibilities upon a range of stakeholders and councillors in Local Authorities (LAs), and creates the need for a redefined model of representation on the part of councillors "from resemblance to responsibility and responsiveness" (Sartori 1968: 465). Using literature review to analyse leadership responsibilities of councillors, four priority education and training (E&T) needs of councillors have been identified: • the need to understand water services policy and business cycle within the context of decentralisation and devolution of powers and functions • to local government; • the need for water services business programme management and planning skills; • the need to understand community participation in water services development plans and development processes; and • the need for conflict-resolution skills. Based upon inferences drawn from literature evidence, it is concluded that Local Government (LG) patterns of responses involving the application of managerial and analytical principles grounded firmly in the twentieth century Organisational Development (00) and public service management experience and thoughts, can neither explain nor remedy the complex variables of Local Government Developmental Agenda (LGDA) and/or the complex array of water crises that are unfolding in Northern Cape. Thus, for water services to remain a viable "instrument of humanity" especially at a municipal level, it is concluded that more effective E&T strategies are required to equip current and future councillors with intellectual water business tools to address the complex challenges that lie before them. Furthermore, an Outcomes Based Education (OBE) action-based strategy is offered as an alternative to the current traditional training approaches in Northern Cape. It is also clear from the researcher's interpretations and analysis of LGDA variables that the water services E&T needs and the relevant "gaps" identified are not simply questions of "how to do things". Rather an OBE action-based strategy under LGDA processes involves a fundamental reorientation of all participants in E&T programme for councillors that should be relevant to the special demands of the Northern Cape LAs and councillors. The researcher makes recommendations for enriching the sociology of LG studies, to match the skills requirements, given the complexity of LGDA and numerous challenges for competent and innovative councillors in LAs. Finally, this study is not intended to be exhaustive but rather to complement a number of education and training initiatives commissioned or under preparation by water sector stakeholders in line with Skill Development Act of 1998 and SAQA of 1995 (South African Qualifications Act) processes. KEYWORDS: Best Value Regime, Local Government Developmental Agenda, Spheres of government; local government; socio-economic & political dynamics in transition; decentralisation; constitutional powers and functions of local government; education and training (E&T) needs of councillors in water services; Northern Cape Province.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie beskryf en ontleed die behoefte aan onderwys en opleiding (E&T) by raadslede in plaaslike owerhede in die Noordkaap, om hul moeilike taak te kan verrig in In veranderende beleidsomgewing in Suid Afrika. Die studie besin daaroor dat daar waarskynlik gedurende die oorgangstydperk vanaf 1994 tot 2003 en ook daarna, In tekort aan bevoedgheid om hul funksies te vervul, by heelwat plaaslike owerhede in die Noordkaap bestaan. Dit is deels In gevolg daarvan dat nuwe verantwoordelikhede op die skouers van die rolspelers en raadslede in plaaslike owerhede geplaas word. Die nuwe rol van raadslede word herdefinieer vanaf verteenwoordiging na verantwoording en optrede; "from resemblance to responsibility and responsiveness" (Sartori 1968: 465). Vier belangrike areas waar onderwys- en opleidingsbehoeftes ten opsigte van die leierskapsprofiel van Raadslede bestaan, is op grond van In literatuuroorsig ge'identifiseer: • die belangrikheid daarvan om beleid- en besigheidsaspekte van die lewering van waterdienste te verstaan teen die agtergrond van desentralisering en stelselmatige afwenteling van magte en funksies na die plaaslike owerheidsvlak; • die behoefte wat bestaan aan bestuurs- en beplanningsvaardighede met betrekking tot waterdienste en water-ekonomiese aspekte; • In begrip van die rol van die plaaslike gemeenskap in beplanning en uitvoer van ontwikkelingsprojekte vir die lewering van waterdienste; • konflikhanteringsvaardighede. Na aanleiding van die getuienis uit hierdie literatuurstudie word dit duidelik dat die heersende reaksie- en besluitnemingstyle van Plaaslike Owerheid (LG) wat spruit uit beginsels van organisasie ontwerp (00) wat dateer uit die vorige eeu en die staatsdienservaring en -denke van daardie era, nie die komplekse veranderlikes van die nuwe Plaaslike Owerheid Ontwikkelingsagenda (LGDA) kan verduidelik of aanspreek nie, en dus nie geskik is om In dreigende krisis in die Noordkaap te af te weer nie. am waterdienste in die toekoms as 'n voertuig vir die opheffing van agtergeblewe gemeenskappe te kan gebruik, veral op plaaslike owerheidsvlak, is dit belangrik dat huidige en toekomstige raadslede deur middel van effektiewe onderwys - en opleidingstrategiee toegerus word met water-ekonomie kennis en vaardighede. Sodoende sal hulle die komplekse uitdagings wat aan hulle gestel word, die hoof kan bied. 'n Aksie-gerigte strategie gefundeer op 'n uitkomsgebaseerde (aBE) kurrikulum, word voorgestel as plaasvervanger vir die huidige tradisionele onderwysbenadering in die Noordkaap. Dit is duidelik uit die outeur se interpretasie en ontleding van LGDA veranderlikes, dat die ge"identifiseerde onderwys- en opleidings behoeftes en gapings 'n heeltemal nuwe benadering vereis. Die benadering behels 'n deurdagte herorienterinq tot opleidingsprogramme vir raadslede in plaaslike owerhede (LG) in die Noordkaap. Die studie dra by tot die sosiologie van plaaslike owerheidstudie, en wys op die vaardighede, vermoens en innovasie-eienskappe van raadslede wat benodig word om die kompleksiteit van LGDA en die uitdagings in plaaslike owerhede aan te spreek. Ten slotte is die studie nie bedoel om volledig te wees nie maar om wei 'n bydrae te lewer tot die onderwys- en opleidingsinisiatiewe wat voortspruit uit die aksies van belanghebbendes in die water sektor in ooreenstemming met die Wet op Vaardigheidsontwikkeling (1998) en SAKWA (1995).

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-07-08T17:21:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Jonathan Fachini da Silva.pdf: 3567579 bytes, checksum: d660e1a890e6918b837e8800bb031744 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-08T17:21:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jonathan Fachini da Silva.pdf: 3567579 bytes, checksum: d660e1a890e6918b837e8800bb031744 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-07<br>CNPQ – Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>Este estudo pretende aprofundar o conhecimento histórico acerca de um fenômeno amplamente aceito e praticado durante o Antigo Regime. Trata-se da prática de exposição de crianças na Freguesia Madre de Deus de Porto Alegre, entre os anos de 1772 a 1837, tema pouco abordado pela historiografia sulina. Ressalta-se que, nesse período, assim como em tantas outras regiões do Brasil colonial e imperial, a Freguesia Madre de Deus não dispunha de uma Santa Casa de Misericórdia com uma roda de expostos ativa que pudesse amparar estas crianças, que, nesse contexto, eram, portanto, enjeitadas nas portas das casas desta população. Na ausência da roda dos expostos, a legislação portuguesa e, posteriormente, a legislação imperial, delegava à Câmara Municipal a responsabilidade em administrar o amparo e a criação dessas crianças desvalidas, através do pagamento de amas de leite e amas de criação, ou como no caso aqui proposto, pagar salários a famílias que se propusessem a criar esses rebentos. Nesse sentido, outra questão que se analisou foi a ação da Câmara Municipal de Porto Alegre a respeito destas crianças, ao longo do período, uma vez que cabia àquela instituição custear a criação dos expostos. Após a reconstrução desse quadro administrativo da exposição de crianças, analisamos a dimensão demográfica do fenômeno, verificando não apenas o perfil e as condições do abandono em si, mas também procuramos detectar e analisar as características dos domicílios ?receptores?, bem como perceber a inserção do sujeito (que foi exposto) naquela sociedade. Para atingir os objetivos propostos, utilizamos um conjunto de fontes, exploradas através do cruzamento das informações contidas nos Termos de Vereanças, produzidos pela Câmara Municipal e os registros paroquiais (batismo, casamento e óbito), bem como o cruzamento com outras fontes eclesiásticas, como os róis de confessados, os testamentos e as habilitações matrimoniais. Os principais referenciais teórico-metodológicos adotados neste estudo são os da Demografia Histórica, que nos oferece métodos adequados de análise, bem como um embasamento historiográfico acerca desta temática na História Social, História da Família e da Criança.<br>This study intends to further contribute with the historical knowledge of a phenomenon widely accepted and practiced during the Ancient Regime. The exposure of children in the Parish Madre de Deus de Porto Alegre, between 1772 and 1837, is a subject that has not received much approach by the southern historiography. It is important to highlight that, during this period the Parish Madre de Deus did not have a Santa Casa de Misericórdia with an active foundling wheel to help this children, which, in this context, were left on the doorstep of this population, a common fact in other regions of Brazil as well. In the absence of the foundling wheel, the Portuguese legislation and the Imperial legislation that succeed it left the responsibility to care and raise those rejected children to the Municipal Chamber, which had to pay wet nurses and baby sitters or, as it happened in the case studied here, the Chamber would pay wages to the families willing to raise those children. In this sense, another issue that has been analyzed was the action of Porto Alegre's Municipal Chamber regarding those children throughout the proposed period, as caring for them was the Chamber's responsibility. After we rebuild this administrative setting of foundling children, we will analyze the demographical dimension of this phenomenon, verifying not only the profile and the conditions of the foundling itself, but also trying to detect and study the traits of the "receiving" households, as well as take notice of the (exposed) subject in that society. To achieve the objectives proposed here, we use a set of sources, explored by crossing the information contained in the Termos de Vereanças, produced by the Municipal Chamber, and in the parochial records (baptism, marriage and death), as well as crossing these with other ecclesiastic sources, such as confessants lists, wills and matrimonial habilitations. The main theoretical-methodological approaches adopted in this study are those from Historical Demography, which offers us adequate methods of analysis, as well as a historiographic foundation regarding this subject in Social History, Family History and History of Children.

A pesquisa que dá lugar a presente tese de doutorado tem como seu objeto de estudo a carreira política dos vereadores paulistanos eleitos para seis legislaturas que compreendendo o período que vai da eleição de 1982 até a de 2004. A hipótese principal é de que a Câmara Municipal de São Paulo (CMSP), a maior do país em Magnitude (55), caracteriza-se como sendo um incentivo político para a vida política daqueles que em sua maioria procuram progredir em direção a outros cargos públicos, mas precisam do capital político necessário para tornar tal empreendimento viável. Tal incentivo, embora não seja uma exclusividade da câmara paulistana, encontra-se nas poucas edilidades de maior Magnitude. Paradoxalmente, esta mesma instituição, que tem o condão de recrutar os candidatos que irão assumir diferentes postos na administração pública brasileira, depara-se com enorme dificuldade para estimular uma carreira que se faça no próprio município, o qual lida com significativo orçamento público, elevado quadro de funcionários, conta com importantes empresas públicas e privadas, gera muitas riquezas para o próprio Brasil, atrai recursos humanos de diferentes quadrantes do Brasil e do mundo, entre tantos outros fatos de grande relevância.<br>The subject of the present research is the political career of the São Paulo councilors elected along six terms, from 1982 till elections of 2004. The main hypothesis is that as the largest City Council of Brazil, with magnitude of 55 seats, the municipal legislative branch is eventually an important incentive to those whom want to go ahead in the political career, as getting an incumbency of state legislative, federal representative or in the executive branch. Besides, São Paulo municipality is the richest of Brazil local governments, its public budget is around R$ 15 billions (2004), and its councilors are able to pass bills of several different important matters. Paradoxically, the City Council is not being a sufficient incentive to develop a permanent career, once the most councilors have only one term (although law affords they can run for office any time they want) or run for state and federal levels.

La légitimité d’une organisation est fondée sur sa mission, c’est-à-dire sur sa raison d’être. Des responsables des bibliothèques et de nombreux chercheurs craignent que la légitimité des bibliothèques publiques soit contestée dans la société de l’information. De plus, les textes officiels présentant les missions des bibliothèques publiques sont divers et les missions y sont délibérément non définies. Au Québec, où une grande majorité des bibliothèques publiques autonomes sont placées directement sous la tutelle des municipalités, les bibliothèques publiques doivent définir et légitimer leurs missions avec les élus municipaux. L’objectif principal de cette recherche est de comprendre, via les discours, le point de vue des élus municipaux québécois sur les missions des bibliothèques publiques autonomes, en comparaison avec les pratiques et les ressources des bibliothèques au plan local. Basé sur la théorie de la construction sociale de la réalité, un cadre conceptuel est proposé de manière à étudier non seulement les discours dans leur dimension textuelle, mais aussi à contextualiser ces discours et analyser l’écart entre ces discours et les pratiques des bibliothèques.La stratégie de recherche adoptée est une étude de cas multiples. L’objectif est de développer une analyse en profondeur de chaque cas et une analyse inter cas. Les douze cas (municipalités) ont été sélectionnés en fonction de deux critères de variation (la taille de la municipalité et le budget annuel alloué par la municipalité à la bibliothèque) et un critère discriminant (la distance par rapport à l’Université de Montréal). Des entrevues ont été menées auprès des élus municipaux présidant la commission ou le comité dont dépendent les bibliothèques publiques. Ces entrevues et les politiques culturelles ont fait l’objet d’une analyse de discours. Les entrevues auprès des responsables des bibliothèques et la documentation ont fait l’objet d’une analyse de contenu. Ces analyses ont permis la triangulation des méthodes et des sources de données.Les élus municipaux québécois, comme les professionnels, n’offrent pas un discours homogène sur les missions des bibliothèques publiques. Toutefois, un modèle de discours émerge. Il montre un discours « limité » par rapport à la littérature, dans lequel une image passive de la bibliothèque est présentée et dans lequel la tradition perdure malgré le contexte de la société de l’information. Mais l’analyse révèle aussi que les élus municipaux construisent leurs points de vue sur leurs propres convictions en tant qu’individus, sur leur rôle dans la gestion de la municipalité en tant qu’élus et sur l’image qu’ils ont des usagers des bibliothèques publiques. Enfin, l’analyse a révélé un axe de différenciation des points de vue selon que le discours s’appuie sur des valeurs fondamentales ou sur les usages (réels ou supposés) de la bibliothèque.<br>The legitimacy of an organization is based on its mission, i.e. its raison d’être. Some libraries directors and many researchers fear that the legitimacy of public libraries is challenged in the information society. Moreover, official texts presenting the missions of public libraries are varied and the missions are deliberately not defined there. In Quebec, where a large majority of autonomous public libraries are directly under the supervision of municipalities, public libraries have to define and legitimate their missions with city councillors. The main objective of this research is to understand, via the discourses, the point of view of city councillors in Quebec on the missions of autonomous public libraries, compared to the libraries’ practices in their communities. Using the theory of the social construction of reality, a conceptual framework is proposed not only to study the discourses in their textual dimension, but also to contextualize them and analyze the distance between them and the libraries’practices.The research strategy adopted is that of the multiple case study. The aim is to develop an in-depth analysis of each case as well as a cross-case analysis. The twelve cases (municipalities) were selected according to two criteria of variation (size of the municipality and annual budget allocated by the municipality to the library) and a discriminant criterion (the distance from the Université de Montréal). Interviews were conducted with the city councillors who chair the commissions or the committees on which the public libraries depend. These interviews and the municipal cultural policies were subjected to a discourse analysis. The interviews with the directors of the public libraries and documents were subjected to content analysis. This made possible the triangulation of methods and data sources. Neither the city councillors in Quebec, nor the professionals have a homogenous discourse on the missions of public libraries. However, a model of discourse does emerge. It shows a “limited” discourse compared to the literature, in which a passive image of thelibrary is presented and in which the tradition continues in spite of the context of the information society. But the analysis also revealed that the city councillors base their points of view on their own convictions as individuals, on their role in the management of the municipality as elected officials, and on the image they have of the users of public libraries. Finally, the analysis revealed an axis of differentiation of the points of view according to whether the discourse was based on fundamental values or on the (real or supposed) uses of the library.<br>FQRSC. Bourse de doctorat en recherche

In the 1980s, Sheffield became known as the ‘Socialist Republic of South Yorkshire.’ Underlying this radical reputation was a push for community-led activism and a City Council that attempted to answer to the community. But who this community included was up for debate among councillors and activists, as was the notion of Sheffield as a radical city. This chapter traces City Council-leader David Blunkett’s ideas on paper and in practice and how these were met by Sheffield’s activists. It shows that behind the rhetoric of radicalism, Sheffield’s politics was centred on more traditional notions of working-class community than the radical tendencies of the new urban left and the revolutionary left.

Early modern Prague is best known through snapshot glimpses as the setting for the escapades of the English alchemist John Dee, Rudolf II’s exotic Kunstkammer, or the famous defenestration of Catholic councillors that sparked the Thirty Years’ War that ravaged Europe between 1618 and 1648. No continuous treatment of its social and cultural history across the seventeenth century exists. Moreover, Prague is often viewed through refracted categories: as a court city, a city of four administratively independent towns, a city of reform and protest prior to 1620, or a city of Baroque Catholic ascendancy after 1620. While delineating the social, cultural, and religious topography of Prague over a century, this profile presents a different perspective of a city that enabled a web of encounters between people of different social strata, faiths, and occupations, and fostered its own urban cosmos.

The purpose of this chapter is describe why and how a multiplicity of especially diverging forces, ‘voices' and rationalities can work against effective place branding. Specifically, it aims to demonstrate by the case of Harare, the capital city of Zimbabwe, that economic hardships are the major place shaper rather than the wishes and marketing strategies that may be put in place by the state. An ailing economy will naturally see the terrain and fabric of a place, in this case, a city deteriorating both in terms of its service performance and in terms of outlook. This is in contrast with the main urban planning philosophies of order, amenity, functionality, aesthetics and convenience. The post-colonial Harare has suffered major blows of trying to retain its vividness and functionality due to a number of forces including state control and interference, the consistently perturbed political economy that explains rising retrenchments, unemployment and underemployment, which has seen the ushering in of rampant informality. Both the state and the non-state actors, including politicians and households have laid claim on the affairs of the city without approaching the same with a sense of place stewardship. Proper city branding presupposes shared visioning and moving on an agreed path and trajectory. However, characteristic of Harare is disparate and fragmented efforts, most of which work against the cause of city branding. Street vending, of late, is the major cancer haemorrhaging the city fabric and outlook. Even the politicians, who have assumed a major seat in the decision-making of the affairs of the city, seem not to agree on the way forward. Although, the city is under the leadership of the opposition – MDC-T councilors, their role has not been subsumed, within the council chambers as one that matters. The councilors have largely been silenced, if not technically, co-opted. The role of physical planning, on the other side of the story, has become increasingly nullified. Some real estate investors are considering reducing their portfolios. The dramatis personæ and the effects it is inflicting on the ground needs adequate scholarly interrogation hence the line of the argument in this paper: Whose city is it anyway? Unless, the city is seen as a collective responsibility), efforts to brand will simply prove futile and a waste of time. Overall, there is an economy that needs first to be fixed and players that need aligning their inspirations, aspirations and actions for achieving a branded city. Planning has to be given its place because it provides a solid foundation upon which actions are built.

This chapter considers whether the introduction of a directly elected mayor form of political leadership can make a difference to the governance of a city. To do so we present research results from a study of governance reform in Bristol, UK, which introduced a directly elected mayor in 2012. The views of Bristol citizens and civic leaders are analysed using an evaluation framework encompassing different aspects of urban political leadership. The new model of governance has led to: a startling increase in the visibility of city leadership, the development of a clear vision for the future of the city, and a boost to Bristol’s reputation as an inventive city. However, data shows public perceptions of trust in and timeliness of decision-making have not improved. Also, for some the mayoral model concentrates too much power in the hands of one individual, and impairs the quality of representative democracy because it weakens the vital role of councillors in the governance of the city. Conclusions are drawn highlighting themes emerging from the Bristol experience that could be of interest to wider debates about how to improve the quality and effectiveness of urban governance.

The 1984-5 Miners’ Strike drew upon an exceedingly broad basis of support from representatives of the churches and trade unions to environmentalists, feminists, students, anti-nuclear campaigners, peace activists and inner city radicals. The strike was sustained by an extensive network of miners’ support groups working closely with the mining communities. This chapter analysis the composition, methods and effectiveness of the groups which raised prodigious amounts of money. By emphasising their gender and sexuality, Women Against Pit Closures and Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners presented a substantive challenge to the chauvinistic attitudes of the coalfields. Working-class women’s activism drew upon equal rights traditions established in the mining areas between the wars. The support demonstrated by some trade unions and individual trade unionists is contrasted to the equivocation of the TUC and the support offered by the Communist Party (despite its internal divisions) and by many Labour authorities, councillors and constituency Labour Parties which contrasted with the position taken by Neil Kinnock as Labour Party leader.

This chapter analyses the seventh characteristic of Roman political culture. The way that political institutions were functioning was based on the claim that they were central to society. Reality was different, and this produced ambiguities in the way elites positioned themselves. These can be analysed on the basis of the Ravenna papyri, which contain a number of reports of meetings of the city council of Ravenna and some other Italian cities. They show how a number of developments coalesced. First, the city council still formed a place to foster elite identity, but it did so in a society in which the traditional markers of elite identity were no longer adhered to by all, in which the church took over some of the social and economic roles, and in which some persons outside the council quite likely enjoyed a significantly higher level of wealth and status than the councillors themselves. Second, it shows what functions the remaining councils could perform, both at a practical and a symbolic level. By authenticating documents in accordance with the requirements of late-antique law, they performed an important practical notarial function. At a symbolic level, the elaborate procedures meant that social relations were enacted during the transactions. The council could assume—if only briefly—the central position in society that it still claimed. Third, it also shows the scripted quality of the proceedings. As the functions of the council and its role in society were reduced, role playing took over. Politics became literally scripted.

The Brazilian police killed 16 people per day in 2017 and 3/4 of the victims were black people. Recently, a Brazilian called Evaldo Rosa dos Santos, father, worker, musician, and black, was killed in Rio de Janeiro with 80 rifle bullets shot by the police. Everyday, the statistics and the news show that the police uses more force when dealing with black people and it seems obvious that, in Brazil, the state bullet uses to find a black skin to rest. Unfortunately, the brutal force and violence by the state and the police to black people is not a problem only in this country. It is a global reality that led to the creation of an international movement called Black Lives Matter (BLM), a movement against all types of racism towards the black people specially by the police and the state. The BLM movement also aims to connect black people of the entire world against the violence and for justice. In our work, we try to establish a link between the reality of black people in Brazil with the culture of black people around the world, connecting people and artists to perform a tribute to the black lives harved by the state force. For this, the piece uses web content, news, pictures, YouTube’s videos, and more, to create a collage of visual and musical environment merged with expressive movements of a dance, combining technology and gestures. Black culture beyond violence because we believe that black lives matter. such as the Ku Klux Klan, which bring the black population of the world into concern for possible setbacks in their rights. In Brazil, it is not different. Brazil is the non African country with the biggest afro descendant population in the world and one of the last country in the world to abolish slavery. Nowadays, a black person is 3 times more propense to be killed and most part of the murders in the country happened to afro Brazilians. Marielle Franco, a black city councillor from Rio, the only black female representative and one of seven women on the 51-seat council was killed in 2018. The killers were two former policeman. According to Human Rights Watch, the police force in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, killed more than 8,000 people between 2005 and 2015, 3/4 of them were black men. At the same time, the African culture strongly influenced the Brazilian culture and most part of the traditional Brazilian music and rhythms can be considered black music.