Journal articles on the topic 'City planning Urban renewal Arts facilities City planning Urban renewal Arts facilities'

Abandoned industrial facilities have become a nuisance in cities because the needs of society members are continuously changing. Idle industrial facilities might be considered to be merely abandoned and empty spaces, but they are in reality historic sites that illustrate the period of industrialization in the region. They are valuable because they serve to accumulate memories from the past. Recently, with the need for urban regeneration, there have been various discussions on converting the abandoned industrial facilities into cultural art spaces. They are intended to promote the sustainability of communities and cities by vitalizing the area. Considering the social dimensions of urban regeneration, it is necessary to render such a creative space as a ‘Third Place’ to promote the city’s sustainability. Converted industrial facilities, through the medium of ‘Voluntary Arts Activities,’ have many elements that are suitable for the needs of a creative space, and even for a ‘Third Place’. As opposed to the private sector, it is seen that when the public sector regenerates these facilities, they approach this issue in order to lower the cultural arts barrier. The public sector, which is a government-centered first sector, conducts regeneration projects based on the ‘Democratization of Culture’ perspective. However, in order to promote participation in the third sector, which is a community-based, non-profit sector that actually uses the space, it is important to approach the issue from the ‘Cultural Democracy’ perspective. Focusing on this aspect, this study aims to examine cases of public sector-led converted cultural arts spaces by ‘Voluntary Arts Activities’ in France and South Korea, namely ‘Le Centquatre-Paris,’ the ‘Oil Tank Culture Park,’ and the ‘West Seoul Arts Center for Learning’. This will allow us to contemplate the possibility of sustainable spaces, individuals, communities and cities.

The old city renewal is an unavoidable topic in the city development. The updated residential planning is the important content. The problem in old city renewal can’t be solved only through the traditional urban planning theory. In this paper, we propose a new idea by means of the principle of environmental awareness from the point of view of sustainability, the urban ecological environment, construction methods and urban development. In light of the existing problems, we put forward the appropriate measures like mixed zoning, open residential networks, public facilities and the city sharing, landscape for the city service and the preservation of historic sites.

Along with the increasing development of Chinese urbanization, there have been a lot of cities facing the problem of old city renewal. However, during the process of re-plan and reconstruction of the old city, there is a series of changing that refers to the changing of land-use function, adjustment of land layout and the improvement of development intensity, which would change the load and setting of the urban infrastructures. Therefore, how to renew the municipal facilities safely and effectively to guarantee the routine life of people has become a crucial problem in the old city renewal. This paper takes the case study of Hengdaohezi town emphasizing the discussion on re-planning the municipal facilities in the process of old city renewal. Here, the author suggested that municipal facility planning should be carried out under the premise of safety and reliability. In the process of analysis, it should give consideration on the change of urban function and character as well, in order to make the municipal facility planning more scientific and reasonable providing support for the old city renewal from the perspective of municipal engineering.

More people, more organizations, more towns, cities, regions and countries for more reasons have found that over the last 30 years the arts, their broader culture and overall creativity has something in it for them in renewal and revitalization. Over the last decade there have been over a hundred studies of the economic and social importance or impact of the arts, culture, heritage, the recycling of buildings for cultural purposes, creative quarters and the creative economy across the world. Yet there is much more to the arts, culture and creativity in city development. Places in transition urgently need to develop an overall culture of creativity cu ing across all domains within which the arts can be significant. This can be a painful exercise as old certainties crumble and systems, like education, need rethinking. Yet this can unleash new social innovations, new business models and new forms of citizen engagement. Renewal and transformation together are a cultural project involving a shift in mindset and perspective. Creativity is a primary resource as it creates the conditions from which innovations can emerge. Within this the creative economy sectors, especially when aligned to the dramatic digitization dynamic, play a significant role in developing new products and services, generating jobs, anchoring identity and helping expression. Cultural activities and programming and the physical assets of places, their heritage and older industrial buildings are significant elements in the renewal repertoire.

Urbanization is one of the most important human social activities in the 21st century (Chaolin et al., 2012). With an increasing number of people visiting cities, the provision of adequate urban service facilities, including public and commercial service facilities, in locations where people live has become an important guarantee of the success of urbanization. Exploring the commercial service facilities in a specific area of a city can help us understand the progress and trends of urban renewal in the area, provide a quantitative basis for evaluating the rationality of planning implementation, and facilitate an analysis of the effects of different factors on the regional development of a city (Schor et al. 2003). <br><br> In this paper, we proposed a data processing and analysis method for studying the distribution and development pattern of urban commercial facilities based on customer reviews. In addition, based on road network constraints, we explored the patterns contained in customer reviews data, including patterns for the spatial distribution and spatial-temporal evolution of facilities as well as the number of facilities and degree of satisfaction.

A recent rapid political and economic changes in many eastern European countries demand corresponding changes in the town planning system, and especially in the development control and urban management process. For instance, at a present many historic city and town cores still remain relatively intact in their original form, but have become the target for development pressure. How should this pressure be channeled to achieve enhancement of the urban qualities of those areas (especially barracks and old factory sites), without jeopardising their competitiveness for attracting business and employment. This paper discusses the outcomes of research carried out at the Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia from 1995 to 1998, on the development of appropriate methods for the appraisal and promotion of design quality in relation to economic viability in city development projects especially for an urban renewal. The elements for the assessment of urban design quality derive from the basic principles of good urban design such as identity, permeability, legibility visual appropriateness, robustness, visual and symbolic richness, amongst others. The simplified computerised model for assessing financial viability is based on building costs and market value of the investment, and shows the profitability of the development. It can be a useful tool in both assessing design viability, and for determining extra profit or ?planning gain? in the planning process negotiations such ?surplus? can be used for satisfying local needs (e.g. additional programs, design of public spaces). This method for appraisal and promotion of design quality in relation to economic viability has been examined through an assessment of the competition projects for the renewal of the Rog factory area in the city centre of Ljubljana. This case study has revealed the need for a clear strategy for future city development, with marketing guidance and policies for positive planning to achieve better vitality and viability for the city as a whole. Subsequently, the research examined successful initiatives for the promotion of urban design on a national and local level of the planning process identifying the most important issues affecting city design in the market economy, such as partnership arrangements, joint ventures and city-entrepreneurs. The paper briefly discusses: salient features of the current planning system in Slovenia and the on-going changes relating to the new approaches to town planning; the proposed method for appraisal and promotion of design quality and economic viability of urban environment; the results of the examination of this method applied to a case study - the renewal of an industrial site in the city centre of Ljubljana.

Urbanization is one of the most important human social activities in the 21st century (Chaolin et al., 2012). With an increasing number of people visiting cities, the provision of adequate urban service facilities, including public and commercial service facilities, in locations where people live has become an important guarantee of the success of urbanization. Exploring the commercial service facilities in a specific area of a city can help us understand the progress and trends of urban renewal in the area, provide a quantitative basis for evaluating the rationality of planning implementation, and facilitate an analysis of the effects of different factors on the regional development of a city (Schor et al. 2003). &lt;br&gt;&lt;br&gt; In this paper, we proposed a data processing and analysis method for studying the distribution and development pattern of urban commercial facilities based on customer reviews. In addition, based on road network constraints, we explored the patterns contained in customer reviews data, including patterns for the spatial distribution and spatial-temporal evolution of facilities as well as the number of facilities and degree of satisfaction.

The increase in the growth of cities and the numbers of people moving to cities in the last two decades have led to sharp increase in transportation demand and development of slums and urban sprawl. Cities like Lagos, Ibadan, Kano, Port-Harcourt and Ilorin and other areas in Nigeria are experiencing many pressure on land use such as;, free-space, transportation facilities and a host of urban related problems which urgently deserve planners’ attention. Ilorin is one of the fastest growing cities in Nigeria. The problems of transportation and land use in Ilorin can be summarized into the following: long queue of people daily at ‘bus stops’, the problem of old narrow streets in most of the unplanned areas of the city and the emerging incursion of transport infrastructural facilities into the residential areas. To address these and other urban land-use problems world-wide, various governments have put in place different urban renewal programmes, but in the case of Nigeria little impacts on the city transportation and land-use systems had taken place. This research used exploratory method to justify the essence of planning in transportation system and on land-use in order to enhance and maintain sustainable development. The paper also suggests some measures like; expansion of existing narrow roads and provision of necessary infrastructural facilities, inter modality light rail/tram, creation of modern parks at specified locations as well as enlargement of public and private partnerships-involving the Government, transport associations, financial institutions, the available universities and some other professional bodies to serve as panacea to problems highlighted.

With the rapid development of modern economy and the process of urbanization is faster, a large number of historical relics have been mercilessly destroyed in the urban reconstruction. In order to balance the contradiction between urban development and historical heritage and promote the harmonious development of new and old urban areas, it is necessary to research on the old urban areas from the perspective of historical landscape. Old urban area of Jingdezhen is taken as an example in this paper, the present situation of the reconstruction of the old city in Jingdezhen is analyzed. Then, by using the methodology of urban historical landscape, some specific methods for updating and designing the old urban area reconstruction of Jingdezhen is put forward, such as the elements of spatial form, urban texture, historical and cultural landscape elements, streets and alleys, the Changjiang River, public facilities and landscape sketches, and so on. A new design method of landscape transformation of old urban area is established. As the renewal method of respecting the urban history and cultural heritage is a very intelligent urban renewal model, it is found that the application of urban historical landscape in the old urban city is reasonable and effective, which is based on the development of the old urban area and pursues the coexistence of protection and development.

Purpose – This paper aims to look at the nature of the relationship between the marketing of the contemporary visual arts, cultural tourism and city and urban regeneration. This exploratory study of the marketing of the contemporary visual arts in Leeds has, as its background narrative, the emergence of BritArt. Design/methodology/approach – The growth of contemporary visual arts provides the context for a case study of the Northern Art Prize, which was first awarded in 2007. Findings – The study found a number of factors for success that can aid urban renewal and city regeneration. Private sector marketing expertise levered into the management of the project was one critical success factor. Another was that private sector funding freed up marketers and artists and allowed risk-taking. Participants highlighted a lack of vision for the contemporary visual arts in the city and region and a strong desire for new collaborative working and new governance structures for the delivery of arts marketing and cultural tourism. Originality/value – The Northern Art Prize offers much for the marketing of contemporary visual arts, cultural tourism, city branding and urban renewal. Investing in and marketing of the arts is argued to serve as a stimulus that can bring a range of benefits for the business and wider community. Marketing, especially arts marketing, can help deliver social, economic and urban regeneration.

ABSTRACT:Using film and archival evidence, this article focuses on post-war urban redevelopment in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. During this period, two federal institutions, the National Capital Commission and the National Film Board, worked in tandem to disseminate the promise of post-war urban renewal. Film and planning techniques perfected during World War II would be used to sell national urban renewal to Canadians. Rooted in centralized planning, steeped in militarist rhetoric and embedded in authoritarian tendencies, federal plans for a new modern capital had tragic implications for the marginalized and dislocated residents of the inner-city neighbourhood of LeBreton Flats.

The case for art in urban regeneration is widely promoted. Some local authorities and development corporations see it as a means of access to an international cultural map; others see it as enabling the construction of identities for communities. The case remains speculative. The model of post-Enlightenment cities is one of exclusion and confinement, whereby ‘awkward’ aspects of the city, such as the insane or vagrant, are excluded from view and confined in institutions. This compartmentalization of the city extends into policies for single use zoning and a general retreat from public space. If there is a role for art in urban renewal, it is in reclaiming the decorative as an aspect of public space, not in replicating monuments which affirm the dominant, divisive culture.

ABSTRACT:‘Inspiring Capital’ is the sign that confronts visitors and residents alike at the boundaries of the Edinburgh administrative area. It is a consciously ambiguous message of self-promotion: the logo proclaims the dual standing of the city of Edinburgh as a European capital city and a city of international capital. The article uses a long-run approach to explore how, by inventing and nurturing a myth about Edinburgh as a non-industrial city, councillors and planners privileged the ancient and historical character of the city and so conditioned policies associated with urban renewal and land use.

The making of People's Park in Berkeley, California, in 1969 was accompanied by some of the most violent student protests of its era. While these events can be seen as an episode in the movement of student radicalism that focused on the Vietnam War, Peter Allen suggests that conflicting visions of architecture and urban space stood at the center of the People's Park violence. The End of Modernism? People's Park, Urban Renewal, and Community Design argues that the movement to create the park was a reaction to a university program of campus expansion, which had razed existing older housing to build modernist high-rise residential towers, and the urban renewal scheme jointly supported by the city and the university. The events drew on new paradigms in planning and architecture, as People's Park attracted the support of many design professors and students. For them, it was a test case for theories of community-based development in architecture and planning, and their story provides a glimpse into profound divisions in the design professions in the late 1960s.

This paper juxtaposes two key themes: the concept of citizenship and ideas on urban renewal over the past century. The aim is to explore the interaction of cultural changes and the physical environment of cities. The concept of citizenship represents a cultural response to social change which itself has changed dramatically over the past century. Urban renewal has taken many forms. Yet behind all the growing technical expertise in dealing with the physical environment, there are specific social responses to the city which legitimize action. By looking at citizenship and urban renewal together, it is possible to establish a perspective on how the urban environment has been manipulated over the past century, often in ways which have barely interfaced with the social demands of many sections of the community.

ABSTRACT:This article examines the impact of post-war urban renewal on industry and economic activity in Manchester and Leeds. It demonstrates that local redevelopment plans contained important economic underpinnings which have been largely overlooked in the literature, and particularly highlights expansive plans for industrial reorganization and relocation. The article also shows that, in practice, urban renewal had a destabilizing and destructive impact on established industrial activities and exacerbated the inner-city problems of unemployment and disinvestment which preoccupied policy-makers by the 1970s. The article argues that post-war planning practices need to be integrated into wider histories of deindustrialization in British cities.

This article explores the failure of urban renewal in Bombay city during the first quarter of the twentieth century. It shows how colonial rule structured a class-driven process of uneven urban ‘improvements’ that actually exacerbated the problems of congestion, bad housing and environmental blight. In this process, the new forces of modernity were selectively appropriated to accentuate the differentiation in built forms and urban spaces. Finally, through implicit comparisons with contemporary developments in Europe, it reveals the limitations of urban regeneration in a laissez-faire colonial capitalist environment where the search for quick returns by competing economic actors precluded the adoption of long-term policies and interventionist strategies necessary to create the good city life.

The Hobrecht Plan of 1862 is the framework for Berlin's urban development. The changing assessments of this plan over the past 150 years can be followed using contemporary evaluations of street and park layout and the Mietskaserne (tenement). Following early suggestions that it was authoritarian, and persistent criticism that it was responsible for bad housing, it later came to be seen more positively, as renewal and conservation took over from clearance and when reunification highlighted its significance as a common factor in the new capital city.

Owing to high rates of economic growth and increased urbanization efforts, China raised the country’s urbanisation rate to 50 per cent in 2012. ‘Old town renewal’—an important component of urbanisation—has significantly affected the lives of urban residents throughout China. This article focuses on urban transformations in the old city of Kashgar in southern Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. While more and more Chinese scholars are concerned with how effectively to implement the project in the old town itself, only a few are concerned with the resettlement actions caused by the renewal. This paper focuses precisely on this and analyses the challenges related to relocation, changes in the old town community and adaptation strategies in new residential compounds.

In recent decades, the Olympic Games have become one of the most important mega-events in the world. The large number of cities applying for the Olympics and the increase in mega-event budgets indicate that the leadership of cities and regions perceive the possibility of holding the Olympics as a tool to improve economic and social aspects in cities by accumulating investment. Since its inception, the Olympic Games have closely influenced urbanization processes in host societies. From the second half of the 20th century, a significant evolution can be observed via increasing the scale of the mega-event: from the Olympic mono-stadium to the Olympic quarter, urban and regional planning. Thus, the Olympics began to provide investment not only in sports infrastructure but also in becoming an element of urban and regional renewal and development, introducing changes in transport infrastructure, housing, parks, streets, public space. From the point of view of urban and regional planning, the holding of such a mega-event as the Olympics is considered within the concept of the Olympic heritage; namely, researchers study the material impact of mega-events. The tangible Olympic legacy is divided into sports and non-sports. The sports heritage of mega-events includes sports facilities, as well as training facilities. The non-sporting heritage of the mega-event includes the Olympic Villages (after the mega-event, the Olympic Village usually becomes the city's housing stock), the media center (which has the potential to become a shopping, entertainment, exhibition, or multicenter), renewed transport infrastructure and public and park spaces, urban environment. Especially for cities hosting a mega-event, the benefits of hosting the Olympics can be vast and varied. In the post-Fordism world, cities began to consider the possibility of holding the Olympics as a tool for the revival of the city. Such applications can be called "regeneration games". The Olympic Games can be part of a strategic plan to renovate the city, significantly change the urban environment, improve transport infrastructure, and affect the quality of life in the city. However, the mega-event can have a negative impact on the city, forming an overuse of funds or the implementation of unnecessary infrastructure of the city, which declines after the Olympics.

<p>Urban densification and a global shift towards the creation of walkable neighbourhoods have generated demand for more sustainable transport models and supporting infrastructure. Transforming streetscapes from car dominated spaces to places for people. A review of public space allocation in streets demonstrates the need to re-prioritise and re-organise streets to provide improved infrastructure to meet present and future demands on transport corridors.<br />This paper proposes the creation of, an integrated design solution in the form of an urban 'Oasis' that provides a network of on street facilities for cyclists and pedestrians. Planning the network of ‘Oasis’ is informed by the principal of Link and Place creating a visual balance between vehicles and other street users while promoting sustainable ideologies. The 'Oasis' presents itself as a multi-purpose drink station, bus shelter, public seating area, bike rack, public art piece and environmental education tool that, at its core functionality, captures, stores and purifies rainwater so that commuters can park, rest and access water after a walk or ride to the station.<br />The paper explores available technologies and a range of modular adaptable designs to suit various urban landscapes. An integrated network of ‘Oasis’ transforms the street combining furniture combining cycling and pedestrian facilities, comfort and user friendliness, in a unique and attractive form. The development of the Oasis, draws on a range of fields including urban planning and design, landscape architecture, natural resource management, urban water engineering, digital communications and technologies and the visual arts.<br />This research demonstrates the potential flow-on benefits of the Oasis including improved road safety, increased patronage on public transport, increase in cycling, improved natural resource education and management, improved sense of place and foster community building.</p>

<p>In 1973, in the midst of an economic downturn, New York City´s waterfront was envisioned as an enterprise for an urban renewal. This paper reflects on the interplay among a set of actors which was key in launching a more open, accessible, diverse and thrilling city´s edge. The intersecting condition among corporate capitalism, real estate, political interests and talented design illustrates the waterfront as particularly instrumental in the representation of a desire city to live in. However, the case study of two relevant built projects, Battery Park City and Gantry Plaza State Park, showcases different results in the challenge of the city´s waterfront strategy giving over its innovation, privileging instead the rapid commodification of the architecture and the unbalance between public and private interests.</p>

The Old Belgrade Fairground complex is the large area in the center of Belgrade that is completely isolated from other parts of Belgrade: it is one of the most devastated city areas, populated by poor inhabitants, often by those from the marginal groups, burdened with tragic history and it represents one of hardest problems for planners to solve. It is situated on the left bank of the Sava River between two bridges and downtown New Belgrade. Opposite to it, the Sava Amphitheatre slopes down the Belgrade Ridge towards the river. The complex was built in the thirties of the 20th century across the River Sava in the area that was an unpopulated swamp - Belgrade was situated on the right Sava bank. It was meant to be modern extension of oriental city, which could represent the western tendencies of the young state (Kingdom of Yugoslavia) and its capital. Modern and monumental complex of exhibition and commercial pavilions was built, and started its life with national and international fairs and exhibitions. World War 2 changed its destiny: German occupation forces transformed the complex into the concentration camp, where thousands of people were tortured and killed. After the war, new republican government, both communist and antifascist, had double frustration regarding this space: it?s tragic (during the War) and "capitalist" (before the War) past, so complex that was absolutely ignored in the period of the postwar renewal, and the result is described at the beginning of this text. This paper discusses the possibility to conciliate historical roles of the complex, and to realize it?s potentials in the modern world. Facts of the complex?s history are presented in the first part of the paper. Further on, these facts are analyzed in the context of contemporary city development of Belgrade in particular but globally, too.. Finally, some guidelines for crossing the gap between this area and the rest of the city are presented in the third part of the paper.

Organizing a mega event, even an ephemeral one, can leave many material and non-material traces in a city and a host region and can be a means of bringing to life development visions and urban policy strategy. During preparations for the event itself, numerous interventions are carried out that are directly or indirectly related to the event. Depending on the type and concept of the event itself, the interventions in the city and its region can become part of their permanent heritage, thus improving the long-term quality of life of their inhabitants. The aim of this paper is to show how a large sports event, the 1987 Zagreb Summer Universiade, contributed to the development of the city and the host region, and to the implementation of the urban policy strategy of the time. Although Zagreb has a long history of urban planning, emphasis here is placed on the spatial planning documentation of the second half of the 20th century that preceded the organization of this large sports event. This paper looks at interventions carried out during the preparatory phase of the event that were directly or indirectly related to the temporary event itself as well as at the cultural and social program related to the Universiade. It may be concluded that the 14th Summer Universiade was a significant sports and cultural event that served as an instrument for carrying out numerous projects aimed at constructing new and improving existing sports facilities, accommodation capacities and the urban renewal of the city centre. Since most of the interventions would not have been carried out in such a short period of time were it not for the Universiade, it can be said that the Universiade was a means of realizing urban development policies and renewing Zagreb. The event left a lasting legacy of elements of infrastructure, suprastructure and ecostructure that the inhabitants of the city and the region continue to use for the same purposes.

China is currently designing a regional economic layout for high-quality urban development, shifting its focus from the primary stage of beautifying cities to the next stage of profound urbanization aiming at strengthening industry. This is of high importance given that the urbanization rate of permanent residents by the end of 2019 was 60.60%, according to the National Bureau of Statistics of China. In the face of various factors such as the need to economize the intensive use of resources, urban stock development, and the need for urban constructions to maintain harmony with the surrounding ecosystem, regeneration has emerged as an efficient means to repurpose old residential districts. It conforms to the policy of stock planning and is one of the important methods to ensure the sustainable development of a city. Prioritizing the right attributes in renovation is one of the critical steps in the regeneration of old residential districts—instead of merely focusing on their selection and scoring by experts, more attention should be paid to the resident satisfaction (or the lack thereof) arising from them. Therefore, in this study, we have proposed a collaborative approach that requires communities to prioritize the appropriate aspects in urban renewal. This study employed the three-factor theory of customer satisfaction, to investigate the five attributes namely geographical location, infrastructure, traffic, residential management, and living facilities, of satisfaction and dissatisfaction of residents in the old city. This includes 327 samples based on the residents of Yanta old town in Xi’an. The asymmetric impact-performance analysis technique was used to explore, and quantify the asymmetric relationship between the attributes of old residential districts, and residents’ satisfaction. The results proved that attributes were divided into three: excitement factors, performance, and basic factors, based on the asymmetric influence of attributes on residents’ satisfaction. Residential management was into excitement factors, living facilities were categorized into basic factors, and the remaining three attributes were categorized into performance factors. The satisfaction of the residents regarding the renovation was maximized by comprehensively considering the performance of given attributes, adjusting the improvement strategies of each attribute, and further determining the focus of the renovation of the old residential districts. Simultaneously, it helped planners make more rational choices in urban renewal and sustainable development.

This study asserts that the higher the degree of artists’ and residents’ participation in a culture-led renewal project, the higher the level of residents’ satisfaction. Engaging artist groups and introducing cultural programs can facilitate building a collaborative network between artists and residents. This paper adopts an experimental study method and defines the experimental and control groups as follows: the experimental group (Changwon city) has relatively high artist participation, and the control group (Sacheon, Gimhae, Miryang cities) have relatively low artist involvement. Multiple regression analysis was conducted utilizing 192 valid survey data in R studio software. The significant variables were compared between the experimental group (Model 1) and the control group (Model 2). As a result, the relative effects of “1. experience (or amount) of residents’ participation in urban renewal programs”, “2. reflection of residents’ opinions”, and “3. neighborly trust” on “residents’ satisfaction with urban regeneration projects and expected outcomes” was shown to be greater in the experimental group. The result implies that the involvement of cultural entities and the operation of arts programs increase residents’ will to participate in renewal projects and to build neighborly trust. Further, collection and reflection of residents’ opinions about the renewal works were more smoothly completed when mediated by artist participation and using cultural content.

This article is about experiences of insecurity and the pursuit of resources in the midst of impending housing demolition in the city of Nanjing, China. How do everyday practices reproduce or contest spatial production of the neighborhood? How do residents articulate belonging in urban space? How does spatial production interact with social and cultural life in the neighborhood? Through an ethnographic study of the discourses and practices in an old city neighborhood in China, I find that residents construct their urban neighborhood community through social and cultural means by (1) building and maintaining relationships and (2) negotiating their right to the city. I use state propaganda, ethnographic field notes, and interview data to show how urban inhabitants create their city neighborhood. How residents create space in their neighborhood by building relationships and contesting the right to its resources illustrate their making sense of social belonging and conflicted experiences with urban renewal projects.

Elaboration of architectural and landscape projects in Sevastopol is first considered through the example of healthcare facilities. Sevastopol hospitals were designed with a pavilion planning system and high-quality landscaping. They became part of a number of residential neighborhoods created in a similar way to garden cities during the revival of the hero city after the Great Patriotic War.

This article uses an urban intervention in Panama City to discuss fundamental concepts in public space projects from a critical and theoretical perspective.First, the functions of the street as a basic structure of public space are illustrated. Its importance is recognized not only as an element of urban connectivity, but also as a place of movement, encounter, support and creation of urban meanings and social identities.Secondly, our case study is contextualized: the urban renewal of via Argentina, a street in the urban center whose environment was in a state of degradation like most streets in the city, largely occupied by the presence of vehicles. The intervention is part of a series of urban projects aimed at improving the physical structure of the city.The third section begins a critical analysis of the actions on Via Argentina, starting with the redistribution of street space, the relationship between vehicles and pedestrians, and the consolidation of public space.Next, we discuss in detail the new primary elements used for the urbanization of the street. Curbs, fords, pavement, rigola, gutters, tree surrounds and bollards become part of a system that must maintain a coherent relationship between all its parts. In addition, emphasis is placed on the design of the ground and the application of the pavement as a tool for the construction of an urban image and identity.Finally, the article ends with an analysis of the parameters of accessibility in the project, relating the concept to the use of the pavement and the configuration in some sections of the street as a single platform. The article uses a wide repertoire of documentary photography to contextualize the case study.

ABSTRACT:Between 1868 and 1950, when meat production facilities were expelled from the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina became one of the largest producers of meat in the world. Beginning in 1945, bringing the city into the countryside and the countryside into the city, agriculture was instrumentalized as an urban function. Revealing the convergence of two usually separated movements – hygenics and eugenics – the meat industry in the province of Buenos Aires created a scientifically supported arena for the biopolitical appropriation of human and non-human resources, bearing out a unified ideology of medicalization, aestheticization, urbanization and productivity.

Museums of contemporary art tend to be exclusive landmarks of great capitals. We are used to finding art galleries in the most prominent of locations, either in old palaces, or in purpose-built museum buildings. For the special case of galleries of contemporary art, however, it is also a common policy to provide space at the middle of an out-of-town park, or else into the heart of an urban renewal area, using modern arts as ‘flagships’ of city regeneration. This article strives to show that today's dilemmas and choices about the siting of galleries of art are a legacy of the nineteenth century, recalling the lively controversies concerning the urban setting of the Parisian Musée des Artistes Vivants and its London equivalents. The different national cases are explored, to reveal several distinct models of gallery formation.

ABSTRACTIn 1452, approximately three-quarters of Amsterdam was destroyed by fire. Despite attempts by the city government to encourage citizens to build using brick and pan tiles, the city was mainly rebuilt with timber-framed buildings. Only in 1521 did petrification of Amsterdam's buildings gradually start to become more widespread, coinciding with an enormous increase in the total number of houses. The great rebuilding of Amsterdam led to a sustainable renewal of the housing stock, of which some houses have survived to the present day. This article investigates the reasons for the delay in building with brick, based on building archaeological research, bylaws and investigation of the 1562 tax register. It shows the mechanisms of transforming a wooden city into a brick one and reveals the effects on living conditions in the final stages of the rebuilding process in the sixteenth century.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Zagreb witnessed the appearance of a new building typology meant to accommodate various sorts of monetary institutions: banks, savings banks, insurance companies and stock exchanges. This paper presents one important early example of that type – the seat of the Croatian Escompte Bank in Zagreb. It was designed in 1898-1899 by the Vienna-based studio Fellner and Helmer for a prominent location at 3 Ilica Street and it heralded the defining features of the new building type, such as the union of diverse facilities within a single structure, imposing architectural features and overall grand appearance, and a highly prominent role in the urban fabric of the city. In particular, it contributed to the definition of a spatial and formal scheme for commercial corner buildings, as the most exposed and attractive segments of downtown city blocks. In that sense it served as a productive model for a number of corner buildings intended for business purposes that were to follow.

- Can we today use symbolism to govern a city whose localities can no longer be distinguished? The city has become polycentric and needs symbols to make its decentred landmarks recognisable once again. Zoning was completed some time ago (at least on paper, and certainly not in the minds of local and national administrators), but it is still not altogether clear what is meant by upgrading of the run-down suburbs. Are these notions that await concretisation in laws from which quality architecture will then flow? Or, rather, should the plan go back to being informed primarily by a design which has yet to be regulated by law? These days it seems like community services are redesigning the city in the likeness of a printed circuit board. Indeed, development of the entire area is fuelled by responses to demands for better transport, communications, goods, housing, jobs and leisure facilities, or at least this is how it appears to those who believe in this contemporary paradigm. However, men and women do not identify with public services. They simply use them. Let us therefore avoid the temptation to turn a means into an end.

- The history of the Olympics, like that of the great World Expos, reveals a long list of successes and failures that involves no so much the athletic competitions or exhibitions as the ‘fallout' once the event closes. This is precisely the problem currently facing Turin, where the use to which the various Olympic facilities are to be put has been decided on only in part. However, Turin is an excellent example of urban regeneration having been effectively implemented for the 2006 Winter Olympics, as seen in the numerous works successfully brought to completion and in the measures taken against risks in the city centre, in the mountains and on the ski slopes. Internationally, the case of Turin is providing a peculiar case in point of just how important it is to hold such events in cities that have a lot to offer in terms of culture and tourism. It is not, therefore, merely a question of sport, but also of providing quality cultural events and making available an increasing number of new facilities to visitors. Genoa, from the ‘Colombiane' to European Capital of Culture.

Twelve large size stadiums are currently under construction in Brazil to host the 2014 World Cup for a total cost of around Euro 20 billion of which 97% met by public funding. This is taking place in urban contexts that are lacking in basic sports facilities for public use. The paper holds that the construction of these new stadiums constitutes the culmination of a project lasting several decades, the objective of which is to change the socio-economic profile of Brazilian football. The changes in progress relating to the mega sports events to be held in the next few years are not compatible with the cultural environment of this sport; an outline is given of its nature and history. It is shown that the projects underway do not adequately meet the needs of the city after the events, but rather support processes to further commercialise the sport and its culture from a show business viewpoint.

Urbanized areas constantly need new surfaces for building of commercial, residental or infrastructure facilities. Belgrade, the capital of Serbia and a big regional center, with 2,000,000 inhabitants, covers a territory of 3,500 km2. Decreasing of surfaces under forest vegetation, urbanization and inadequate agricultural measures have caused intensive erosion and more frequent torrential floods. Belgrade authorities have defined a new strategy for land use and urban planning in order to decrease the risk from destructive erosion processes and torrential floods and help the establishment of new recreational areas, preservation of biodiversity and mitigation of the ?heat island? effect. The strategy is based on the restoration of ?blue-green? corridors (residuals of open streams and fragments of forest vegetation). The restoration of ?blue-green? corridors is presented at the experimental watersheds of the Kaljavi and Jelezovac streams. The restoration works will be performed in the 2014-2020 period, on the basis of erosion and stream control demands, as well as environmental and social requests, including biological, soil-bioengineering activities and certain administrative measures. The forest surfaces will be increased by 1.38 km2 (18.11% of the total area). The restoration of ?blue-green? corridors in the experimental watersheds will decrease the values of maximal discharges (p = 1%) by about 50%, and the volumes of direct runoff by about 40%. Erosive material production and transport will be decreased by about 44% in the Kaljavi stream watershed, and 37% in the Jelezovac stream watershed. Ten kilometers of sealed walking and cycling paths, 1.7 km of unsealed forest paths, six open gyms and seven rest areas will strengthen the potential of this area for sports and recreation. The restoration will help the protection and controlled usage of the natural and cultural values in the area, and the connection of ?blue-green? corridors at different spatial levels. The final goal is the creation of a network of ?blue-green? corridors in the territory of Belgrade city, which provides both effective erosion and stream control and environmental and social services.

ABSTRACTThe development of modern water supply systems has varied widely in terms of speed, paths and results, and each supply system has been strongly conditioned by its spatial, socio-economic and cultural context. Barcelona provides a useful illustration of how such a modern system came into being in a particularly dynamic southern European setting. Despite being Spain's leading industrial centre, the driving force behind the introduction of its new water supply system did not come from an industrial imperative but rather from the city's expansion plan, approved in 1859, which gave rise to a proliferation of private initiatives. Later, decisive changes around the turn of the twentieth century led to a concentration of water companies, sewer renewal projects and the entry of water into the domestic sphere, and the extension of the water supply to people's homes. The development of a modern water supply system in Barcelona, however, required a period of a hundred years – from 1867, when the first steam-powered pumping station was built, to 1967, when the water from the Ter River transfer reached the city, allowing new consumption patterns to spread rapidly.

This article describes the rise of the term governance from its beginnings in the business world and the neoliberal economic thought through its application in urban renewal actions in the world’s major cities. Over the analysis, we argue that it was the theoretical discourse of urban governance and competitiveness that for decades enabled the private property sector to direct the urban regeneration processes of greatest added value. Changes in transport infrastructures and the abandonment of old industrial facilities left large central segments of the city available for redevelopment in line with the theories of post-Fordist capitalism. The global economic crisis has paralysed many of these projects, which had entailed the investment of large sums of public money and yielded low social returns. At the same time, criticism has been levelled against governance and strategic planning. Here, I examine the processes of governance and competitiveness as an urban objective and recent examples of urban renewal in Spanish cities.

The increase in the growth of cities and the numbers of people moving to cities in the last two decades have led to sharp increase in transportation demand and development of slums and urban sprawl. Cities like Lagos, Ibadan, Kano, Port-Harcourt and Ilorin and other areas in Nigeria are experiencing many pressure on land use such as;, free-space, transportation facilities and a host of urban related problems which urgently deserve planners’ attention. Ilorin is one of the fastest growing cities in Nigeria. The problems of transportation and land use in Ilorin can be summarized into the following: long queue of people daily at ‘bus stops’, the problem of old narrow streets in most of the unplanned areas of the city and the emerging incursion of transport infrastructural facilities into the residential areas. To address these and other urban land-use problems world-wide, various governments have put in place different urban renewal programmes, but in the case of Nigeria little impacts on the city transportation and land-use systems had taken place. This research used exploratory method to justify the essence of planning in transportation system and on land-use in order to enhance and maintain sustainable development. The paper also suggests some measures like; expansion of existing narrow roads and provision of necessary infrastructural facilities, inter modality light rail/tram, creation of modern parks at specified locations as well as enlargement of public and private partnerships-involving the Government, transport associations, financial institutions, the available universities and some other professional bodies to serve as panacea to problems highlighted.

In the 1970s and ’80s residents and architects in Amsterdam worked together to shape the renewal of their neighbourhood. Working outside traditional planning constraints they initiated a process for designing ‘neighbourhood plans’ that gave priority to affordable housing and minimized disruption to the existing social and urban design structure. Although these neighbourhood plans stood in stark contrast to prevailing political and urban planning ideas, they formed the basis on which urban renewal was realized from the middle of the 1970s. While the focus in the historiography of urban renewal is usually on politics and policy, this article provides insight into the design process itself and the ideas behind urban renewal architecture based on numerous consultation documents generated by the collaboration between local residents and architects. The Dapperbuurt area serves as an exemplary case study. The example of the Dapperbuurt shows that locals and architects formed energetic and effective coalitions. After the residents of the Dapperbuurt had won far-reaching control over the design process, including a say in the choice of architect, they entered into a collaboration with the architects Hans Borkent, Rob Blom van Assendelft and Hein de Haan. During the extensive consultation process the architects acted as equal discussion partners rather than all-knowing experts, while local residents provided creativity and spontaneous initiatives and had the final say. Together they designed with ‘direct democracy’. In this article those collaborative arrangements are referred to as ‘creative housing coalitions’. This term expresses both their main aim and their greatest strength. It also shows who initiated the urban renewal housing projects and how grass-roots initiatives were ultimately translated into policy. In the course of the design process, local residents and their architects sought creative ways of reconciling the apparent antithesis between the historically evolved city and modern architecture and urban design. Instead of taking a blank slate as their starting point, they proceeded on the basis of the qualities of the existing environment and the interests and wishes of the residents. This resulted in the retention of the existing morphology and functional diversity. However, the housing projects were on a much larger scale than the individual buildings that had previously made up the neighbourhood, because while the local residents were unwilling to give up their familiar living environment, they did want modern home comforts. This study has revealed that the replacement construction was required to combine the best of both worlds. In order to suggest a smaller scale, the external walls were vertically articulated, and their height demarcated by means of balconies, bay windows, hoisting beams, eaves and staggered building lines. So both contrast to and compatibility with the context are relevant criteria for evaluating urban renewal architecture. In addition, it turns out that a key merit of this urban renewal was its function, namely to deliver affordable and comfortable housing on centrally located sites with high land values. The architecture gives expression to that function.

Abstract Scholarship on architecture and urbanism in antiquity has focused on building activity and investment in the fabric of cities as positive processes, typically starting from the assumption that such developments were welcomed by inhabitants – but were they? This article examines objections to urban renewal and the construction of monumental public building in the Roman world. Specifically, it focuses on the city of Prusa and the controversy surrounding the renovation of its civic centre by the local politician Dio Chrysostom in the early 2nd century AD. Using speeches and letters written at the time, the article presents both a new interpretation of this specific episode and brings to the fore the rarely articulated and yet highly controversial nature of building projects that are traditionally thought of as being beneficial. In the conclusion, we also see how this example contributes to research on the issue of heritage as a pre-modern phenomenon.

Abstract In recent years, the permeability of the Iron Curtain seems to have become a new paradigm in the field of post-war history – urban history included. It is clear, however, that significant differences existed among Eastern Bloc countries in terms of how open they were to Western influences, and to what extent their governments allowed those countries’ citizens – professionals among them – to gain experiences abroad. This article investigates the ways city planning and heritage policy in state socialist Hungary were influenced by international trends; it explores the roles Hungarian architects, urban planners and other experts played after 1956 in knowledge transfers, i.e. the transmission of novel ideas in the field of architecture and urban planning, with special regard to the renewal of inner-city areas and historic town centres. Besides reflecting critically on concepts of the strict East–West divide, the article also calls attention to the limits of freedom inherent even in a relatively liberal Eastern Bloc regime: various forms of state control – including state security surveillance – continued to characterize the system until its collapse in 1989, affecting the mobility of urbanists and architects as well as all other professional groups.

ResumenEl presente artículo analiza el contexto y las posibilidades normativas del país para implementar estrategias de planificación de grandes conjuntos urbanos. Este tipo de planificación se ubica entre los planes reguladores locales y la ejecución del proyecto individual. Su aplicación tiene el alcance del conocido pero nunca aplicado “plan maestro”. Los actuales formatos de transformación del suelo en Costa Rica impiden un abordaje integral de grandes conjuntos urbanos. La separación práctica de la figura de la urbanización y del condominio ha generado una mejor salida en el mercado inmobiliario del segundo. Grandes áreas de la ciudad han sido intervenidas bajo el formato de condominio horizontal. Esta práctica aceptada e institucionalizada, provoca que la trama urbana existente experimente un proceso de sobrecarga. Al mismo tiempo, el condominio horizontal se considera exento de las cesiones que el desarrollo inmobiliario debe brindar a la ciudad. La renovación urbana, inexplorada pero existente en nuestra normativa, abraza muchas de las posibilidades para la implementación de diferentes procesos de escala intermedia. AbstractThis paper analyzes the opportunities of Costa Rica to implement planning strategies for large urban sectors. This kind of planning takes place between municipal planning (local government) and specific (urban) projects, in which case, replaces the quite known but difficult to apply “master plan”. The current patterns of urban development and real estate in Costa Rica, prevent an integrated approach on large urban sectors. The lack of commercial advantages of the traditional urban development versus the gated community has provoked that large sectors of the city have been intervened as closed environments. The consequences of this very profitable and institutionalized practiceare the overload on existing urban areas and the deficit of public facilities, which are necessary for an adequate urban growth. The urban renewal concept, unexplored but present in Costa Rican urban regulations, sets up the ground rules for the approach to large urban areas, also known as partial plans.

Abstract This article explores the relations between everyday life, materiality and urban modernity on two Danish mass housing estates, the Gellerup Plan and Vollsmose, in the 1970s. Specifically, the article examines a series of conflicts concerning the residents’ use and misuse of seemingly mundane material devices, including shopping trolleys, waste disposal and laundry facilities. In doing so, the article argues that the residents’ daily engagements with everyday materialities and technologies constitute a privileged, yet overlooked, point of entry into the shifting relations between modernity, materiality and agency in the Danish welfare city in the 1970s.

Abstract In the 1920s and 1930s, the all-powerful Johannesburg Council, comprising English-speaking middle-class white males, realized the importance of providing leisure spaces and sport facilities for its white residents and prioritized the building of swimming baths in their suburbs. It was regarded as the ideal facility, supporting the growing demand for outdoor activity. The upswing in the economy in the 1920s and especially in the 1930s, expedited this endeavour, as it eased the financial expenditure. As a result, Johannesburg could boast 10 new swimming baths by the end of the 1930s. The council was adamant that the swimming baths should be on a par with international standards. This venture fitted comfortably into the larger project of transforming the economically vibrant Johannesburg into a modern city. In contrast, the first swimming bath for Johannesburg's black residents was only built in the mid-1930s, proving that racial considerations determined the council's provision of leisure facilities.

IntroductionThe walking tour is an enduring feature of cities. Fuelled by a desire to learn more about the hidden and unknown spaces of the city, the walking tour has moved beyond its historical role as tourist attraction to play a key role in the transformation of urban space through gentrification. Conversely, the walking tour has a counter-history as part of a critical urban praxis. This article reflects on historical examples, as well as our own experience of conducting Field Trip, a critical geographical walking tour through an industrial precinct in Marrickville, a suburb of Sydney that is set to undergo rapid change as a result of high-rise residential apartment construction (Gibson et al.). This precinct, known as Carrington Road, is located on the unceded land of the Cadigal and Wangal people of the Eora nation who call the area Bulanaming.Drawing on a long history of philosophical walking, many contemporary writers (Solnit; Gros; Bendiner-Viani) have described walking as a practice that can open different ways of thinking, observing and being in the world. Some have focused on the value of walking to the study of place (Hall; Philips; Heddon), and have underscored its relationship to established research methods, such as sensory ethnography (Springgay and Truman). The work of Michel de Certeau pays particular attention to the relationship between walking and the city. In particular, the concepts of tactics and strategy have been applied in a variety of ways across cultural studies, cultural geography, and urban studies (Morris). In line with de Certeau’s thinking, we view walking as an example of a tactic – a routine and often unconscious practice that can become a form of creative resistance.In this sense, walking can be a way to engage in and design the city by opposing its structures, or strategies. For example, walking in a city such as Sydney that is designed for cars requires choosing alternative paths, redirecting flows of people and traffic, and creating custom shortcuts. Choosing pedestrianism in Sydney can certainly feel like a form of resistance, and we make the argument that Field Trip – and walking tours more generally – can be a way of doing this collectively, firstly by moving in opposite directions, and secondly, at incongruent speeds to those for whom the scale and style of strategic urban development is inevitable. How such tactical walking relates to the design of cities, however, is less clear. Walking is a generally described in the literature as an individual act, while the design of cities is, at its best participatory, and always involving multiple stakeholders. This reveals a tension between the practice of walking as a détournement or appropriation of urban space, and its relationship to existing built form. Field Trip, as an example of collective walking, is one such appropriation of urban space – one designed to lead to more democratic decision making around the planning and design of cities. Given the anti-democratic, “post-political” nature of contemporary “consultation” processes, this is a seemingly huge task (Legacy et al.; Ruming). We make the argument that Field Trip – and walking tours more generally – can be a form of collective resistance to top-down urban planning.By using an open-source wiki in combination with the Internet Archive, Field Trip also seeks to collectively document and make public the local knowledge generated by walking at the frontier of gentrification. We discuss these digital choices as oppositional practice, and consider the idea of tactical media (Lovink and Garcia; Raley) in order to connect knowledge sharing with the practice of walking.This article is structured in four parts. Firstly, we provide a historical introduction to the relationship between walking tours and gentrification of global cities. Secondly, we examine the significance of walking tours in Sydney and then specifically within Marrickville. Thirdly, we discuss the Field Trip project as a citizen-led walking tour and, finally, elaborate on its role as tactical media project and offer some conclusions.The Walking Tour and Gentrification From the outset, people have been walking the city in their own ways and creating their own systems of navigation, often in spite of the plans of officialdom. The rapid expansion of cities following the Industrial Revolution led to the emergence of “imaginative geographies”, where mediated representations of different urban conditions became a stand-in for lived experience (Steinbrink 219). The urban walking tour as mediated political tactic was utilised as far back as Victorian England, for reasons including the celebration of public works like the sewer system (Garrett), and the “othering” of the working class through upper- and middle-class “slum tourism” in London’s East End (Steinbrink 220). The influence of the Situationist theory of dérive has been immense upon those interested in walking the city, and we borrow from the dérive a desire to report on the under-reported spaces of the city, and to articulate alternative voices within the city in this project. It should be noted, however, that as Field Trip was developed for general public participation, and was organised with institutional support, some aspects of the dérive – particularly its disregard for formal structure – were unable to be incorporated into the project. Our responsibility to the participants of Field Trip, moreover, required the imposition of structure and timetable upon the walk. However, our individual and collective preparation for Field Trip, as well as our collective understanding of the area to be examined, has been heavily informed by psychogeographic methods that focus on quotidian and informal urban practices (Crosby and Searle; Iveson et al).In post-war American cities, walking tours were utilised in the service of gentrification. Many tours were organised by real estate agents with the express purpose of selling devalorised inner-city real estate to urban “pioneers” for renovation, including in Boston’s South End (Tissot) and Brooklyn’s Park Slope, among others (Lees et al 25). These tours focused on a symbolic revalorisation of “slum neighbourhoods” through a focus on “high culture”, with architectural and design heritage featuring prominently. At the same time, urban socio-economic and cultural issues – poverty, homelessness, income disparity, displacement – were downplayed or overlooked. These tours contributed to a climate in which property speculation and displacement through gentrification practices were normalised. To this day, “ghetto tours” operate in minority neighbourhoods in Brooklyn, serving as a beachhead for gentrification.Elsewhere in the world, walking tours are often voyeuristic, featuring “locals” guiding well-meaning tourists through the neighbourhoods of some of the world’s most impoverished communities. Examples include the long runningKlong Toei Private Tour, through “Bangkok’s oldest and largest slum”, or the now-ceased Jakarta Hidden Tours, which took tourists to the riverbanks of Jakarta to see the city’s poorest before they were displaced by gentrification.More recently, all over the world activists have engaged in walking tours to provide their own perspective on urban change, attempting to direct the gentrifier’s gaze inward. Whilst the most confrontational of these might be the Yuppie Gazing Tour of Vancouver’s historically marginalised Downtown Eastside, other tours have highlighted the deleterious effects of gentrification in Williamsburg, San Francisco, Oakland, and Surabaya, among others. In smaller towns, walking tours have been utilised to highlight the erasure of marginalised scenes and subcultures, including underground creative spaces, migrant enclaves, alternative and queer spaces. Walking Sydney, Walking Marrickville In many cities, there are now both walking tours that intend to scaffold urban renewal, and those that resist gentrification with alternative narratives. There are also some that unwittingly do both simultaneously. Marrickville is a historically working-class and migrant suburb with sizeable populations of Greek and Vietnamese migrants (Graham and Connell), as well as a strong history of manufacturing (Castles et al.), which has been undergoing gentrification for some time, with the arts playing an often contradictory role in its transformation (Gibson and Homan). More recently, as the suburb experiences rampant, financialised property development driven by global flows of capital, property developers have organised their own self-guided walking tours, deployed to facilitate the familiarisation of potential purchasers of dwellings with local amenities and ‘character’ in precincts where redevelopment is set to occur. Mirvac, Marrickville’s most active developer, has designed its own self-guided walking tour Hit the Marrickville Pavement to “explore what’s on offer” and “chat to locals”: just 7km from the CBD, Marrickville is fast becoming one of Sydney’s most iconic suburbs – a melting pot of cuisines, creative arts and characters founded on a rich multicultural heritage.The perfect introduction, this self-guided walking tour explores Marrickville’s historical architecture at a leisurely pace, finishing up at the pub.So, strap on your walking shoes; you're in for a treat.Other walking tours in the area seek to highlight political, ecological, and architectural dimension of Marrickville. For example, Marrickville Maps: Tropical Imaginaries of Abundance provides a series of plant-led walks in the suburb; The Warren Walk is a tour organised by local Australian Labor Party MP Anthony Albanese highlighting “the influence of early settlers such as the Schwebel family on the area’s history” whilst presenting a “political snapshot” of ALP history in the area. The Australian Ugliness, in contrast, was a walking tour organised by Thomas Lee in 2016 that offered an insight into the relationships between the visual amenity of the streetscape, aesthetic judgments of an ambiguous nature, and the discursive and archival potentialities afforded by camera-equipped smartphones and photo-sharing services like Instagram. Figure 1: Thomas Lee points out canals under the street of Marrickville during The Australian Ugliness, 2016.Sydney is a city adept at erasing its past through poorly designed mega-projects like freeways and office towers, and memorialisation of lost landscapes has tended towards the literary (Berry; Mudie). Resistance to redevelopment, however, has often taken the form of spectacular public intervention, in which public knowledge sharing was a key goal. The Green Bans of the 1970s were partially spurred by redevelopment plans for places like the Rocks and Woolloomooloo (Cook; Iveson), while the remaking of Sydney around the 2000 Olympics led to anti-gentrification actions such as SquatSpace and the Tour of Beauty, an “aesthetic activist” tour of sites in the suburbs of Redfern and Waterloo threatened with “revitalisation.” Figure 2: "Tour of Beauty", Redfern-Waterloo 2016. What marks the Tour of Beauty as significant in this context is the participatory nature of knowledge production: participants in the tours were addressed by representatives of the local community – the Aboriginal Housing Company, the local Indigenous Women’s Centre, REDWatch activist group, architects, designers and more. Each speaker presented their perspective on the rapidly gentrifying suburb, demonstrating how urban space is made an remade through processes of contestation. This differentiation is particularly relevant when considering the basis for Sydney-centric walking tours. Mirvac’s self-guided tour focuses on the easy-to-see historical “high culture” of Marrickville, and encourages participants to “chat to locals” at the pub. It is a highly filtered approach that does not consider broader relations of class, race and gender that constitute Marrickville. A more intense exploration of the social fabric of the city – providing a glimpse of the hidden or unknown spaces – uncovers the layers of social, cultural, and economic history that produce urban space, and fosters a deeper engagement with questions of urban socio-spatial justice.Solnit argues that walking can allow us to encounter “new thoughts and possibilities.” To walk, she writes, is to take a “subversive detour… the scenic route through a half-abandoned landscape of ideas and experiences” (13). In this way, tactical activist walking tours aim to make visible what cannot be seen, in a way that considers the polysemic nature of place, and in doing so, they make visible the hidden relations of power that produce the contemporary city. In contrast, developer-led walking tours are singularly focussed, seeking to attract inflows of capital to neighbourhoods undergoing “renewal.” These tours encourage participants to adopt the position of urban voyeur, whilst activist-led walking tours encourage collaboration and participation in urban struggles to protect and preserve the contested spaces of the city. It is in this context that we sought to devise our own walking tour – Field Trip – to encourage active participation in issues of urban renewal.In organising this walking tour, however, we acknowledge our own entanglements within processes of gentrification. As designers, musicians, writers, academics, researchers, venue managers, artists, and activists, in organising Field Trip, we could easily be identified as “creatives”, implicated in Marrickville’s ongoing transformation. All of us have ongoing and deep-rooted connections to various Sydney subcultures – the same subcultures so routinely splashed across developer advertising material. This project was borne out of Frontyard – a community not-just-art space, and has been supported by the local Inner West Council. As such, Field Trip cannot be divorced from the highly contentious processes of redevelopment and gentrification that are always simmering in the background of discussions about Marrickville. We hope, however, that in this project we have started to highlight alternative voices in those redevelopment processes – and that this may contribute towards a “method of equality” for an ongoing democratisation of those processes (Davidson and Iveson).Field Trip: Urban Geographical Enquiry as Activism Given this context, Field Trip was designed as a public knowledge project that would connect local residents, workers, researchers, and decision-makers to share their experiences living and working in various parts of Sydney that are undergoing rapid change. The site of our project – Carrington Road, Marrickville in Sydney’s inner-west – has been earmarked for major redevelopment in coming years and is quickly becoming a flashpoint for the debates that permeate throughout the whole of Sydney: housing affordability, employment accessibility, gentrification and displacement. To date, public engagement and consultation regarding proposed development at Carrington Road has been limited. A major landholder in the area has engaged a consultancy firm to establish a community reference group (CRG) the help guide the project. The CRG arose after public outcry at an original $1.3 billion proposal to build 2,616 units in twenty towers of up to 105m in height (up to thirty-five storeys) in a predominantly low-rise residential suburb. Save Marrickville, a community group created in response to the proposal, has representatives on this reference group, and has endeavoured to make this process public. Ruming (181) has described these forms of consultation as “post-political,” stating thatin a universe of consensual decision-making among diverse interests, spaces for democratic contest and antagonistic politics are downplayed and technocratic policy development is deployed to support market and development outcomes.Given the notable deficit of spaces for democratic contest, Field Trip was devised as a way to reframe the debate outside of State- and developer-led consultation regimes that guide participants towards accepting the supposed inevitability of redevelopment. We invited a number of people affected by the proposed plans to speak during the walking tour at a location of their choosing, to discuss the work they do, the effect that redevelopment would have on their work, and their hopes and plans for the future. The walking tour was advertised publicly and the talks were recorded, edited and released as freely available podcasts. The proposed redevelopment of Carrington Road provided us with a unique opportunity to develop and operate our own walking tour. The linear street created an obvious “circuit” to the tour – up one side of the road, and down the other. We selected speakers based on pre-existing relationships, some formed during prior rounds of research (Gibson et al.). Speakers included a local Aboriginal elder, a representative from the Marrickville Historical Society, two workers (who also gave tours of their workplaces), the Lead Heritage Adviser at Sydney Water, who gave us a tour of the Carrington Road pumping station, and a representative from the Save Marrickville residents’ group. Whilst this provided a number of perspectives on the day, regrettably some groups were unrepresented, most notably the perspective of migrant groups who have a long-standing association with industrial precincts in Marrickville. It is hoped that further community input and collaboration in future iterations of Field Trip will address these issues of representation in community-led walking tours.A number of new understandings became apparent during the walking tour. For instance, the heritage-listed Carrington Road sewage pumping station, which is of “historic and aesthetic significance”, is unable to cope with the proposed level of residential development. According to Philip Bennett, Lead Heritage Adviser at Sydney Water, the best way to maintain this piece of heritage infrastructure is to keep it running. While this issue had been discussed in private meetings between Sydney Water and the developer, there is no formal mechanism to make this expert knowledge public or accessible. Similarly, through the Acknowledgement of Country for Field Trip, undertaken by Donna Ingram, Cultural Representative and a member of the Metropolitan Local Aboriginal Land Council, it became clear that the local Indigenous community had not been consulted in the development proposals for Carrington Road. This information, while not necessary secret, had also not been made public. Finally, the inclusion of knowledgeable local workers whose businesses are located on Carrington Road provided an insight into the “everyday.” They talked of community and collaboration, of site-specificity, the importance of clustering within their niche industries, and their fears for of displacement should redevelopment proceed.Via a community-led, participatory walking tour like Field Trip, threads of knowledge and new information are uncovered. These help create new spatial stories and readings of the landscape, broadening the scope of possibility for democratic participation in cities. Figure 3: Donna Ingram at Field Trip 2018.Tactical Walking, Tactical Media Stories connected to walking provide an opportunity for people to read the landscape differently (Mitchell). One of the goals of Field Trip was to begin a public knowledge exchange about Carrington Road so that spatial stories could be shared, and new readings of urban development could spread beyond the confines of the self-contained tour. Once shared, this knowledge becomes a story, and once remixed into existing stories and integrated into the way we understand the neighbourhood, a collective spatial practice is generated. “Every story is a travel story – a spatial practice”, says de Certeau in “Spatial Stories”. “In reality, they organise walks” (72). As well as taking a tactical approach to walking, we took a tactical approach to the mediation of the knowledge, by recording and broadcasting the voices on the walk and feeding information to a publicly accessible wiki. The term “tactical media” is an extension of de Certeau’s concept of tactics. David Garcia and Geert Lovink applied de Certeau’s concept of tactics to the field of media activism in their manifesto of tactical media, identifying a class of producers who amplify temporary reversals in the flow of power by exploiting the spaces, channels and platforms necessary for their practices. Tactical media has been used since the late nineties to help explain a range of open-source practices that appropriate technological tools for political purposes. While pointing out the many material distinctions between different types of tactical media projects within the arts, Rita Raley describes them as “forms of critical intervention, dissent and resistance” (6). The term has also been adopted by media activists engaged in a range of practices all over the world, including the Tactical Technology Collective. For Field Trip, tactical media is a way of creating representations that help navigate neighbourhoods as well as alternative political processes that shape them. In this sense, tactical representations do not “offer the omniscient point of view we associate with Cartesian cartographic practice” (Raley 2). Rather these representations are politically subjective systems of navigation that make visible hidden information and connect people to the decisions affecting their lives. Conclusion We have shown that the walking tour can be a tourist attraction, a catalyst to the transformation of urban space through gentrification, and an activist intervention into processes of urban renewal that exclude people and alternative ways of being in the city. This article presents practice-led research through the design of Field Trip. By walking collectively, we have focused on tactical ways of opening up participation in the future of neighbourhoods, and more broadly in designing the city. By sharing knowledge publicly, through this article and other means such as an online wiki, we advocate for a city that is open to multimodal readings, makes space for sharing, and is owned by those who live in it. References Armstrong, Helen. “Post-Urban/Suburban Landscapes: Design and Planning the Centre, Edge and In-Between.” After Sprawl: Post Suburban Sydney: E-Proceedings of Post-Suburban Sydney: The City in Transformation Conference, 22-23 November 2005, Riverside Theatres, Parramatta, Sydney. 2006.Bendiner-Viani, Gabrielle. “Walking, Emotion, and Dwelling.” Space and Culture 8.4 (2005): 459-71. Berry, Vanessa. Mirror Sydney. 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Made in Marrickville: Enterprise and Cluster Dynamics at the Creative Industries-Manufacturing Interface, Carrington Road Precinct. Report DP17010455-2017/2, Australian Research Council Discovery Project: Urban Cultural Policy and the Changing Dynamics of Cultural Production. QUT, University of Wollongong, and Monash University, 2017.Glazman, Evan. “‘Ghetto Tours’ Are the Latest Cringeworthy Gentrification Trend in NYC”. Konbini, n.d. 5 June 2017 <http://www.konbini.com/us/lifestyle/ghetto-tours-latest-cringeworthy-gentrification-trend-nyc/>. Graham, Sonia, and John Connell. “Nurturing Relationships: the Gardens of Greek and Vietnamese Migrants in Marrickville, Sydney.” Australian Geographer 37.3 (2006): 375-93. Gros, Frédéric. A Philosophy of Walking. London: Verso Books, 2014.Hall, Tom. “Footwork: Moving and Knowing in Local Space(s).” Qualitative Research 9.5 (2009): 571-85. Heddon, Dierdre, and Misha Myers. “Stories from the Walking Library.” Cultural Geographies 21.4 (2014): 1-17. Iveson, Kurt. “Building a City for ‘The People’: The Politics of Alliance-Building in the Sydney Green Ban Movement.” Antipode 46.4 (2014): 992-1013. Iveson, Kurt, Craig Lyons, Stephanie Clark, and Sara Weir. “The Informal Australian City.” Australian Geographer (2018): 1-17. Jones, Phil, and James Evans. “Rescue Geography: Place Making, Affect and Regeneration.” Urban Studies 49.11 (2011): 2315-30. Lees, Loretta, Tom Slater, and Elvin Wyly. Gentrification. New York: Routledge, 2008.Legacy, Crystal, Nicole Cook, Dallas Rogers, and Kristian Ruming. “Planning the Post‐Political City: Exploring Public Participation in the Contemporary Australian City.” Geographical Research 56.2 (2018): 176-80. Lovink, Geert, and David Garcia. “The ABC of Tactical Media.” Nettime, 1997. 3 Oct. 2018 <http://www.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-9705/msg00096.html>.Mitchell, Don. “New Axioms for Reading the Landscape: Paying Attention to Political Economy and Social Justice.” Political Economies of Landscape Change. Eds. James L. Wescoat Jr. and Douglas M. Johnson. Dordrecht: Springer, 2008. 29-50.Morris, Brian. “What We Talk about When We Talk about ‘Walking in the City.’” Cultural Studies 18.5 (2004): 675-97. Mudie, Ella. “Unbuilding the City: Writing Demolition.” M/C Journal 20.2 (2017).Phillips, Andrea. “Cultural Geographies in Practice: Walking and Looking.” Cultural Geographies 12.4 (2005): 507-13. Pink, Sarah. “An Urban Tour: The Sensory Sociality of Ethnographic Place-Making.”Ethnography 9.2 (2008): 175-96. Pink, Sarah, Phil Hubbard, Maggie O’Neill, and Alan Radley. “Walking across Disciplines: From Ethnography to Arts Practice.” Visual Studies 25.1 (2010): 1-7. Quiggin, John. “Blogs, Wikis and Creative Innovation.” International Journal of Cultural Studies 9.4 (2006): 481-96. Raley, Rita. Tactical Media. Vol. 28. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2009.Ruming, Kristian. “Post-Political Planning and Community Opposition: Asserting and Challenging Consensus in Planning Urban Regeneration in Newcastle, New South Wales.” Geographical Research 56.2 (2018): 181-95. Solnit, Rebecca. Wanderlust: A History of Walking. New York: Penguin Books, 2001.Steinbrink, Malte. “‘We Did the Slum!’ – Urban Poverty Tourism in Historical Perspective.” Tourism Geographies 14.2 (2012): 213-34. Tissot, Sylvie. Good Neighbours: Gentrifying Diversity in Boston’s South End. London: Verso, 2015.

IntroductionTraditionally, suburbs have been conceived as dormitory – in binary opposition to the inner-city (Powell). Supporting this stereotypical view have been gendered binaries between inner and outer city areas; densely populated vs. sprawl; gentrified terraces and apartment culture vs. new estates and first home buyers; zones of (male) production and creativity against (female) sedate, consumer territory. These binaries have for over a decade been thoroughly criticised by urban researchers, who have traced such representations and demonstrated how they are discriminatory and incorrect (see Powell; Mee; Dowling and Mee). And yet, such binaries persist in popular media commentaries and even in academic research (Gibson and Brennan-Horley). In creative city research, inner-city areas have been bestowed with the supposed correct mix of conditions that may lead to successful creative ventures. In part, this discursive positioning has been borne out of prior attempts to mapthe location of creativity in the city. Existing research on the geography of creativity in the city have relied on proxy data forms: mapping data on firms and/or employment in the creative industry sectors (e.g. Gibson, Murphy and Freestone; Markusen et al.; Watson). In doing so, the focus has rested on “winners” – i.e. headquarters of major arts and cultural institutions located in inner city/CBD locations, or by looking for concentrations of registered creative businesses. Such previous studies are useful because they give some indication of the geographical spread and significance of creative activities in cities, and help answer questions about the locational preferences of creative industries, including their gravitational pull towards each other in an agglomerative sense (Scott). However, such studies rely on (usually) one proxy data source to reveal the presence of creative activities, rather than detail how creativity is itself apparent in everyday working lives, or embedded in the spaces, networks and activities of the city. The latter, more qualitative aspects of the lived experience of creativity can only at best be inferred from proxy data such as employment numbers and firm location. In contrast, other researchers have promoted ethnographic methods (Drake; Shorthose; Felton, Collis and Graham) including interviewing, snowballing through contacts and participant observation, as means to get ‘inside’ creative industries and to better understand their embeddedness in place and networks of social relations. Such methods provide rich explanation of the internal dynamics and social logics of creative production, but having stemmed from text-based recorded interviews, they produce data without geographical co-ordinates necessary to be mapped in the manner of employment or business location data – and thus remain comparatively “aspatial”, with no georeferenced component. Furthermore, in such studies relational interactions with material spaces of home, work and city are at best conveyed in text form only – from recorded interviews – and thus cannot be aggregated easily as a mapped representation of city life. This analysis takes a different tack, by mapping responses from interviews, which were then analysed using methods more common in mapping and analysing proxy data sources. By taking a qualitative route toward data collection, this paper illustrates how suburbs can actually play a major role in creative city economies, expanding understandings of what constitutes a creative workplace and examining the resulting spatial distributions according to their function. Darwin and the Creative Tropical City Project This article draws on fieldwork carried out in Darwin, NT a small but important city in Australia’s tropical north. It is the government and administration capital of the sparsely populated Northern Territory and continues to grapple with its colonial past, a challenging climate, small population base and remoteness from southern centres. The city’s development pattern is relatively new, even in Australian terms, only dating back to the late 1970s. After wholesale destruction by Cyclone Tracy, Darwin was rebuilt displaying the hallmarks of post-1970 planning schemes: wide ring-roads and cul-de-sacs define its layout, its urban form dominated by stout single-story suburban dwellings built to withstand cyclonic activity. More recently, Darwin has experienced growth in residential tower block apartments, catering to the city’s high degree of fly-in, fly-out labour market of mining, military and public service workers. These high rise developments have been focussed unsurprisingly on coastal suburbs with ample sections of foreshore. Further adding to its peculiar layout, the geographic centre is occupied by Darwin Airport (a chief military base for Australia’s northern frontier) splitting the northern suburbs from those closer to its small CBD, itself jutting to the south on a peninsula. Lacking then in Darwin are those attributes so often heralded as the harbingers of a city’s creative success – density, walkability, tracts of ex-industrial brownfields sites ripe for reinvention as creative precincts. Darwin is a city dominated by its harsh tropical climate, decentralised and overtly dependant on private car transport. But, if one cares to look beyond the surface, Darwin is also a city punching above its weight on account of the unique possibilities enabled by transnational Asian proximity and its unique role as an outlet for indigenous creative work from across the top of the continent (Luckman, Gibson and Lea). Against this backdrop, Creative Tropical City: Mapping Darwin’s Creative Industries (CTC), a federally funded ARC project from 2006 to 2009, was envisaged to provide the evidential base needed to posit future directions for Darwin’s creative industries. City and Territory leaders had by 2004 become enchanted by the idea of ‘the creative city’ (Landry) – but it is questionable how well these policy discourses travel when applied to disparate examples such as Darwin (Luckman, Gibson and Lea). To provide an empirical grounding to creative city ideas and to ensure against policy fetishism the project was developed to map the nature, extent and change over time of Darwin’s creative industries and imagine alternate futures for the city based on a critical appraisal of the applicability of national and international creative industry policy frameworks to this remote, tropical location (Lea et al.). Toward a Typology of Darwin’s Creative Workplaces This article takes one data set gathered during the course of the CTC project, based around a participatory mapping exercise, where interviewees responded to questions about where creative industry activities took place in Darwin by drawing on paper maps. Known as mental maps, these were used to gather individual representations of place (Tuan), but in order to extend their applicability for spatial querying, responses were transferred to a Geographic Information System (GIS) for storage, collation and analysis (Matei et al.). During semi-structured interviews with 98 Darwin-based creative industry practitioners, participants were provided with a base map of Darwin displaying Statistical Local Area (SLA) boundaries and roads for mark up in response to specific questions about where creative activities occurred (for more in depth discussion of this method and its varied outputs, refer to Brennan-Horley and Gibson). The analysis discussed here only examines answers to one question: “Where do you work?” This question elicited a total of 473 work locations from 98 respondents – a fourfold increase over statistics gleaned from employment measures alone (Brennan-Horley). Such an increase resulted from participants identifying their everyday work practices which, by necessity, took place across multiple locations. When transferring the spatial location of workplaces into the GIS, each site was coded depending on whether it was cited by the interviewee as their “major” or primary place of work, or if the place being discussed played a secondary or “minor” role in their creative practice. For example, an artist’s studio was categorised as major, but other minor sites also featured in their mental maps, for example, galleries, supply locations and teaching sites. Each worksite was then assigned to one of four categories: Front, Back, Networking and Supply (Table 1). In a similar fashion to McCannell’s work on the “front and back regions” of tourist towns (597), the creative industries, predicated on the production and exchange of texts, objects and ideas also display front spaces of sorts – sites that facilitate interactions between practitioner and audiences, spaces for performance and consumption. Operating behind these front spaces, are sites where creative endeavours take place – perhaps not as so readily seen or engaged with by wider publics. For example, a rehearsal room, artist’s studio or a theatre company’s office may not be key sites of interaction between creator and audience but remain nonetheless important sites of creative work. However, a binary of Front versus Back could not encapsulate the variety of other everyday, prosaic work sites evident in the data. Participants indicated on their maps visits to the post office to send artworks, going to Bunnings to buy paint (and inadvertently networking with others), through to more fleeting spaces such as artist materials fossicked from parklands to photoshoot locations. These supply sites (each themselves positioned along a continuum of “creative” to “mundane”) were typified as supply locations: sites that act as places to gather inputs into the creative process. Finally, sites where meetings and networking took place (more often than not, these were indicated by participants as occurring away from their major work place) were assigned under a heading of networking spaces. Table 1: A typology of creative workplaces Space Definition Coded examples Front A space for consumption/exchange of creative goods, outputs or expertise. Performance space, Market, Gallery, Client Location, Shopfront, Cinema, Exhibition space, Museum, Festival space Back A site of production, practice or business management Office, Studio, Rehearsal Space, Teaching Space, Factory, Recording Studio Networking A space to meet clients or others involved in creative industries Meeting places Supply Spaces where supplies for creative work are sourced Supplier, Photoshoot Location, Story Location, Shoot Location, Storage Coding data into discrete units and formulating a typology is a reductive process, thus a number of caveats apply to this analysis. First there were numerous cases where worksites fell across multiple categories. This was particularly the case with practitioners from the music and performing arts sector whose works are created and consumed at the same location, or a clothing designer whose studio is also their shopfront. To avoid double counting, these cases were assigned to one category only, usually split in favour of the site’s main function (i.e. performance sites to Front spaces). During interviews, participants were asked to locate parts of Darwin they went to for work, rather than detail the exact role or name for each of those spaces. While most participants were forthcoming and descriptive in their responses, in two percent of cases (n=11) the role of that particular space was undefined. These spaces were placed into the “back” category. Additionally, the data was coded to refer to individual location instances aggregated to the SLA level, and does not take into account the role of specific facilities within suburbs, even though certain spaces were referred to regularly in the transcripts. It was often the case that a front space for one creative industry practitioner was a key production site for another, or operated simultaneously as a networking site for both. Future disaggregated analyses will tease out the important roles that individual venues play in Darwin’s creative economy, but are beyond this article’s scope. Finally, this analysis is only a snapshot in time, and captures some of the ephemeral and seasonal aspects of creative workplaces in Darwin that occurred around the time of interviewing. To illustrate, there are instances of photographers indicating photo shoot locations, sites that may only be used once, or may be returned to on multiple occasions. As such, if this exercise were to be carried out at another time, a different geography may result. Results A cross-tabulation of the workplace typology against major and minor locations is given in Table 2. Only 20 per cent of worksites were designated as major worksites with the remaining 80 per cent falling into the minor category. There was a noticeable split between Back and Front spaces and their Major/Minor designation. 77 per cent of back spaces were major locations, while the majority of Front spaces (92 per cent) fell into the minor category. The four most frequently occurring Minor Front spaces – client location, performance space, markets and gallery – collectively comprise one third of all workplaces for participants, pointing to their important role as interfacing spaces between creative output produced or worked on elsewhere, and wider publics/audiences. Understandably, all supply sites and networking places were categorised as minor, with each making up approximately 20 per cent of all workplaces. Table 2: creative workplaces cross tabulated against primary and secondary workplaces and divided by creative workplace typology. Major Minor Grand Total Back Office 44 1 45 Studio 22 - 22 Rehearsal Space 7 11 18 Undefined - 11 11 Teaching Space 3 1 4 Factory 1 - 1 Recording Studio 1 - 1 Leanyer Swamp 1 - 1 Back space total 79 24 103 Front Client Location - 70 70 Performance Space 2 67 69 Market 1 11 12 Gallery 3 8 11 Site - 8 8 Shopfront 1 3 4 Exhibition Space - 3 3 Cinema 2 1 3 Museum 1 1 2 Shop/Studio 1 - 1 Gallery and Office 1 - 1 NightClub 1 - 1 Festival space - 1 1 Library 1 - 1 Front Space total 14 173 187 Networking Meeting Place - 94 94 Networking space total - 94 94 Supply Supplier - 52 52 Photoshoot Location - 14 14 Story Location - 9 9 Shoot Location - 7 7 Storage - 4 4 Bank - 1 1 Printer - 1 1 Supply Space total - 88 88 Grand Total 93 379 472 The maps in Figures 1 through 4 analyse the results spatially, with individual SLA scores provided in Table 3. The maps use location quotients, representing the diversion of each SLA from the city-wide average. Values below one represent a less than average result, values greater than one reflecting higher results. The City-Inner SLA maintains the highest overall percentage of Darwin’s creative worksites (35 per cent of the total) across three categories, Front, Back and especially Networking sites (60 per cent). The concentration of key arts institutions, performance spaces and CBD office space is the primary reason for this finding. Additionally, the volume of hospitality venues in the CBD made it an amenable place to conduct meetings away from major back spaces. Figure 1: Back spaces by Statistical Local Areas Figure 2: Front spaces by Statistical Local Areas Figure 3: Networking sites, by Statistical Local Areas Figure 4: Supply sites by Statistical Local Areas However this should not deter from the fact that the majority of all worksites (65 per cent) indicated by participants actually reside in suburban locations. Numerically, the vast majority (70 per cent) of Darwin’s Front spaces are peppered across the suburbs, with agglomerations occurring in The Gardens, Fannie Bay, Nightcliff and Parap. The Gardens is the location for Darwin’s biggest weekly market (Mindl Beach night market), and a performance space for festivals and events during the city’s long dry season. Mirroring more the cultures of its neighbouring SE Asian counterparts, Darwin sustains a vibrant market culture unlike that of any other Australian capital city. As the top end region is monsoonal, six months of the year is guaranteed to be virtually rain free, allowing for outdoor activities such as markets and festivals to flourish. Markets in Darwin have a distinctly suburban geography with each of the three top suburban SLAs (as measured by Front spaces) hosting a regular market, each acting as temporary sites of networking and encounter for creative producers and audiences. Importantly, over half of the city’s production sites (Back spaces) were dispersed across the suburbs in two visible arcs, one extending from the city taking in Fannie Bay and across to Winnellie via Parap, and through the northern coastal SLAs from Coconut Grove to Brinkin (Figure 1). Interestingly, 85 per cent of all supply points were also in suburban locations. Figure 4 maps this suburban specialisation, with the light industrial suburb of Winnellie being the primary location for Darwin’s creative practitioners to source supplies. Table 3: Top ten suburbs by workplace mentions, tabulated by workplace type* SLA name Front Back Networking Supply Workplace total Inner City/CBD City - Inner 56 (29.9%) 35 (36%) 57 (60.6%) 13 (14.8%) 162 (34.3%) Inner City Total 56 (29.9%) 35 (36%) 57 (60.6%) 13 (14.8%) 162 (34.3%) Top 10 suburban The Gardens 30 (16%) 3 (2.9%) 6 (6.4%) 5 (5.7%) 44 (9.3%) Winnellie 3 (1.6%) 7 (6.8%) 1 (1.1%) 24 (27.3%) 35 (7.4%) Parap 14 (7.5%) 4 (3.9%) 6 (6.4%) 9 (10.2%) 33 (7%) Fannie Bay 17 (9.1%) 5 (4.9%) 4 (4.3%) 2 (2.3%) 28 (5.9%) Nightcliff 14 (7.5%) 7 (6.8%) 2 (2.1%) 4 (4.5%) 27 (5.7%) Stuart Park 4 (2.1%) 8 (7.8%) 4 (4.3%) 4 (4.5%) 20 (4.2%) Brinkin 1 (0.5%) 8 (7.8%) 9 (9.6%) 2 (2.3%) 20 (4.2%) Larrakeyah 5 (2.7%) 5 (4.9%) 1 (1.1%) 3 (3.4%) 14 (3%) City - Remainder 5 (2.7%) 2 (1.9%) 0 (0%) 6 (6.8%) 13 (2.8%) Coconut Grove 3 (1.6%) 4 (3.9%) 1 (1.1%) 4 (4.5%) 12 (2.5%) Rapid Creek 3 (1.6%) 6 (5.8%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 9 (1.9%) Suburban Total** 131 (70.1%) 67 (65%) 37 (39.4%) 75 (85%) 310 (65.7%) City-Wide Total 187 103 94 88 472 *All percentages calculated from city- wide total **Suburban total row includes all 27 suburbs, not just top tens Discussion There are two key points to take from this analysis. First, the results show the usefulness of combining in-depth qualitative research with GIS mapping methods. Interviewing creative workers about where activities in their working days (or nights) take place, rather than defaulting to incomplete industry statistics can reveal a more comprehensive view of where creative work manifests in the city. Second, the role that multiple, decentred and often suburban facilities played as sites of supply, production and consumption in Darwin’s creative economy leads theories about the spatiality of creativity in the city in new directions. These results clearly show that the cultural binaries that theorists have assumed shape perceptions of the city and its suburbs do not appear in this instance to be infusing the everyday nature of creative work in the city. What was revealed by this data is that creative work in the city creates a variegated city produced through practitioners’ ordinary daily activities. Creative workers are not necessarily resisting or reinventing ideas of what the suburbs mean, they are getting on with creative work in ways that connect suburbs and the city centre in complex – and yet sometimes quite prosaic – ways. This is not to say that the suburbs do not present challenges for the effective conduct of creative work in Darwin – transport availability and lack of facilities were consistently cited problems by practitioners – but instead what is argued here is that ways of understanding the suburbs (in popular discourse, and in response in critical cultural theory) that emanate from Sydney or Los Angeles do not provide a universal conceptual framework for a city like Darwin. By not presuming that there is a meta-discourse of suburbs and city centres that everyone in every city is bound to, this analysis captured a different geography. In conclusion, the case of Darwin displayed decentred and dispersed sites of creativity as the norm rather than the exception. 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