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1
Kryukova, E., and Yu Slivchikova. "Change strategy in Spain: Ciudadanos vs Podemos." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-1-25-32.
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The article sets out to analyze the changing political reality in Spain perturbed by such emerged parties as Podemos and Ciudadanos. While the first one appeared riding on the wave of the massive protests of the «indignant» caused by consequences of the economic crisis and was organized around the populist strategy, the second one was created initially to defend the rights of the Spanish people in Cataluña and gaining popularity grew from the regional party into the national one. The fact that these two young parties could win so fast the credibility of the citizens shows the weakness of the existing Spanish bipolar political system. The authors pretend to compare the programs of both parties and try to predict their possible influence on the political, social and economic situation in Spain.
2
Фонсека and Neli Fonseka. "Is it the end of the Spanish bipartisanship? (on the results of the parliamentary elections in 2015 in Spain)." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 11, no. 3 (June 26, 2016): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/20392.
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The article describes the results of the regional and national parliamentary elections in Spain in 2015. The reasons for the loss of the monopoly of ruling Conservative People’s Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers Party are revealed. The features of entering political arena of new «young» political forces such as the left party Podemos, and the right-populist party Ciudadanos are summarized. In addition, the problem of forming a coalition in the Parliament is analyzed and the prospects for Spain´s exit of the political crisis are assessed.
3
Turnbull-Dugarte, Stuart J. "Selfies, Policies, or Votes? Political Party Use of Instagram in the 2015 and 2016 Spanish General Elections." Social Media + Society 5, no. 2 (April 2019): 205630511982612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119826129.
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Do parties in Spain use Instagram and for what purpose? What characterizes posts that are effective at engaging the electorate? This article examines the use of Instagram during the Spanish general elections of 2015 and 2016. Content analysis of party publications on Instagram was carried out to test whether parties use the application to broadcast their policy positions, mobilize voters, or to promote their main party candidate. Regression estimation models are then used to explain the varying levels of user engagement with party posts. The findings illustrate that the new challenger parties, Podemos and Ciudadanos, use the social media app in a systematic way that is distinct from the traditional mainstream parties in Spain. Moreover, party newness, attempts at mobilization, and the promotion of the main party candidate are found to be important explanations for party success on Instagram.
4
Kurakina-Damir, A. A. "Political process in Spain in a pandemic." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 3 (April 3, 2022): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-20-34.
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Spain became one of the most affected countries both in terms of the number of cases and deaths from COVID-19, and in terms of the damage caused to the economy, which had not fully recovered from the 2008 crisis. The pandemic crisis is now being tackled by a coalition government comprised of the center-left Spanish Socialist Labor Party (PSOE) and the left-wing Unidas Podemos, with external support from small regional forces. It is opposed by the rightwing bloc of parties, which includes recently shifting to the right Partido Popular (PP), the right-wing Vox and the center-right Ciudadanos, rapidly losing political weight. The key question today is whether the government, which is forced to turn to other parties for help, will be able to fulfill its responsibilities until the elections scheduled for the end of 2023. Last November marked two years since the last elections. The purpose of this article thereto is to determine the main features of the modern political process in Spain and take stock of the government’s actions, analyze expectations of society and predict further development of internal politics of Spain during the pandemic and in the post-pandemic reality. The author used a wide range of methods: the analysis and synthesis of information, the statistical method, as well as the system analysis; the author also relies on research by domestic and foreign Hispanists, opinion polls, government and party documents. The author concludes that the political process in Spain today is subject to negative influence of a strong confrontation between the coalition government and the opposition, and the Spanish society is split on a number of issues.
5
Barrio, Astrid. "The Weakness of Populism in Spain." Debats. Revista de cultura, poder i societat 5 (December 30, 2020): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.28939/iam.debats-en.2020-11.
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This paper analyses why Populism has failed to take root in Spain despite a ‘soil’ that has favoured its seeding and growth elsewhere. At first sight, Spain seems to provide the conditions in which Populism can thrive: a deep economic crisis (which began with the financial meltdown in 2008) and a succession of corruption scandals affecting all the main political parties. Even so, Populism has failed to gain a hold in Spain. The traditional Far Right is very weak, and new parties such as Podemos and Ciudadanos cannot be considered Populist. While Vox displays all the features of a radical right-wing party, it is one from which Populism is absent. We argue that the lack of Populism in Spain can mainly be explained by the highly fractured nature of the country’s politics, with left-right and national fault lines shaping how political competition plays out in the nation.
6
Kurakina-Damir, Alexandra. "Pandemic year in Spain. Political outcome." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 8 (2021): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0015379-5.
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Despite well-founded doubts about the viability of the coalition (which had insufficient support of the deputies for the adoption of important laws), a well-built strategy of political communication during the pandemic allowed the cabinet of ministers not only to withstand, but also to strengthen its positions. Over the past year, a number of strategically important decisions, both from a political and image point of view, have been adopted. The coronavirus pandemic has had a significant impact on the legislative process. The solution to the Catalan problem faded into the background. In part, this was due to the need for early parliamentary elections in the region and the alleged regrouping of political forces. The revealed facts of possible financial abuse of the honorary king hurt the image of the Crown, but the measures taken today to restore prestige are bearing fruit. Among the electoral trends noted, it is worth highlighting the strengthening of positions of socialists and rightwing populists (especially following the results of early regional elections in Catalonia), as well as a decline in support for left-wing populism. Ciudadanos' position remains unstable: on the one hand, it managed to slightly regain its position in early 2020, but further growth in support stalled, and poor results in the Catalan elections once again raised the question of whether the party has a future. Conservatives, by contrast, have established themselves as the leader of the bloc. Having lost a share of supporters at the beginning of the study period, they tried with all their might to restore the balance, periodically changing the strategy of actions.
7
Kurakina-Damir, A. A. "The changing electoral landscape of Spain (2015-2019)." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-19-30.
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In the middle of the second decade of the 21st century there has begun a process of reorganization of Spanish electoral landscape. The Congress of Deputies (lower, and the key chamber of the Spanish Parliament) in its 2019 iteration is not much like the Congress of 2000-2011. The list of parties does not include Unión, Progreso y Democracia (UРyD) and Izquierda Unida (IU), which were predicted to grow significantly due to the decline in competitiveness of the leading parties, and were replaced by new members – Podemos, Ciudadanos, Más País, Teruel Existe. The Catalan parties, being the representatives of the most politically intense region of Spain, were also significantly altered and consequently strengthened their positions. A number of autonomous regions changed their ‘party affiliations’, and an atmosphere of uncertainty reigned in sparsely populated provinces. The author discusses main reference points for the political process of the country which significantly changed the balance of power, as well as the difficulties that political actors faced in the process of reaching or not reaching sought compromises. Over the past 4 years voters have been forced to return to polling stations twice to elect the national Parliament. Evidently, the Cabinet must urgently reform the system of government formation in order to avoid similar problems in the future.
8
Kurakina-Damir, A. A. "The changing electoral landscape of Spain (2015-2019)." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-19-30.
Full textAbstract:
In the middle of the second decade of the 21st century there has begun a process of reorganization of Spanish electoral landscape. The Congress of Deputies (lower, and the key chamber of the Spanish Parliament) in its 2019 iteration is not much like the Congress of 2000-2011. The list of parties does not include Unión, Progreso y Democracia (UРyD) and Izquierda Unida (IU), which were predicted to grow significantly due to the decline in competitiveness of the leading parties, and were replaced by new members – Podemos, Ciudadanos, Más País, Teruel Existe. The Catalan parties, being the representatives of the most politically intense region of Spain, were also significantly altered and consequently strengthened their positions. A number of autonomous regions changed their ‘party affiliations’, and an atmosphere of uncertainty reigned in sparsely populated provinces. The author discusses main reference points for the political process of the country which significantly changed the balance of power, as well as the difficulties that political actors faced in the process of reaching or not reaching sought compromises. Over the past 4 years voters have been forced to return to polling stations twice to elect the national Parliament. Evidently, the Cabinet must urgently reform the system of government formation in order to avoid similar problems in the future.
9
Wiśniewska, Natalia. "El concepto de cambio en el discurso político en Twitter: el caso de Ciudadanos durante las Elecciones generales de 2016." Słowo. Studia językoznawcze 12 (2021): 198–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/slowo.2021.12.18.
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Spanish political discourse has already been studied in numerous investigations from different linguistic perspectives, but it continues to be an area that arouses interest among linguists. Therefore, the objective of this work is to analyze the political discourse carried out by the Spanish party Ciudadanos on Twitter. In particular, we aim to find out how some of the linguistic argumentation mechanisms were used before the 2016 General Elections in Spain. Specifically, we will focus on analyzing evaluative language, operators, and argumentative connectors, considering the concepts of argumentation theory in language (Anscombre and Ducrot, 1994; Portolés 1998, 2001, 2004; Fuentes Rodríguez and Alcaide Lara, 2007) and the typology of axiological language (Puzynina 1992).
10
Kostenko, Yulia. "Civil War Memory Policy in the Documents of Contemporary Spanish Parties (2007–2021)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (September 2022): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.4.21.
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Introduction. The topic of the article is relevant, since the memory of the Civil War of 1936–1939 is an important factor of political processes in modern Spain, including the positioning and discourse of political parties. Methods and materials. The purpose of the article is to determine the semantic dominants of the construction of the memory policy by the political parties of Spain in 2007–2021. The research is carried out on the basis of social constructivism, the concepts of historical memory of P. Nora and A. Assman, and discourse analysis. A secondary analysis of the results of sociological surveys was conducted. Analysis and results. The article reveals the political orientation of the “Act on Historical Memory” of 2007 and the proposals of political parties on its reform. It is proved that the ruling Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party is interested in reviewing the policy of memory, deepening its anti-Francoist content. The left-wing parties – “Unidas Podemos” and “Mas Pais”, as well as the Catalan parties, most radically advocate the adoption of a new law on historical memory, honoring the victims of the war. The centerright forces-the People’s Party and “Ciudadanos” (“Citizens”) to limit the effect of the 2007 Act, portraying the parties to the conflict – Republicans and nationalists – as equally responsible for the violence. The right-wing radical party “Vox” openly considers itself the successor of Francoism and its unitarian program, placing all the blame on the Republicans. The activity of parties of Catalonia and the Basque Country in the field of constructing historical memory is evaluated, the trends of contrasting the memory of the Civil War in public opinion throughout Spain, as well as Catalonia and the Basque Country are shown. Conclusion. In general, the policy of remembering the Civil War for 2018–2021 has become much more important for public opinion, which is explained by the current political competition.
11
Vaccaro Alexander, Yolanda Carmela. "Reconocimiento de la titularidad y el ejercicio de los derechos civiles y políticos de los residentes latinoamericanos en España : el derecho al sufragio en elecciones locales." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 14 (January 1, 2014): 687. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.14.2014.13319.
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Los ciudadanos latinoamericanos que residen en España disfrutan de un marco legal diferenciado respecto de lo que atañe a los residentes procedentes de otras zonas en el marco de los lazos históricos y culturales que unen España y Latinoamérica reflejados en la legislación española. España mantiene suscritos convenios de Doble Nacionalidad con la mayor parte de países latinoamericanos. Y, desde 2009, ha suscrito tratados de reciprocidad en materia de sufragio en elecciones locales con diferentes países, la mayor parte de ellos latinoamericanos, tratados que permitieron que en las elecciones locales celebradas en España el 22 de mayo de 2011 los latinoamericanos concernidos pudieran ejercer el derecho al voto activo en España por primera vez sin necesidad de haberse acogido a los mencionados convenios de Doble Nacionalidad. La encuesta «Ciudadanía inmigrante», analizada en este artículo y realizada para la tesis doctoral «Derechos civiles y políticos de los residentes latinoamericanos en España. El derecho de sufragio», de la doctoranda autora de este artículo, da pautas sobre la percepción de los latinoamericanos residentes en España en torno a los derechos civiles y políticos y sobre su comportamiento respecto de los citados comicios de 2011.Latin American citizens residing in Spain enjoy a distinct legal framework compared to other foreign residents. That difference is based on the historical and cultural relations between Spain and Latin America. Spain has agreements on dual nationality with most Latin American countries. Starting in 2009 Spain has signed several reciprocity agreements about the right to vote in local elections with several countries, most of them in Latin America. On May 22, 2011 many Latin American citizens residing in Spain could exercise their right to vote in the Spanish local elections for the first time without having dual citizenship. The «Immigrant Citizenship» survey, analyzed in this article and developed for the doctoral thesis «Civil and Political Rights of Latin American Residents in Spain. The right to vote», provides guidance on the perception of Latin American living in Spain about civil and political rights and their behavior with respect to said elections.
12
Sánchez Molina, Raúl, Enrique Galiano Sierra, and Inmaculada López. "Ciudadanos, apátridas, exiliados y migrantes: la diáspora ecuatoguineana de la Comunidad de Madrid." Aldaba, no. 43 (March 7, 2019): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/aldaba.43.2018.24002.
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Condiciones histórico-estructurales vinculadas al colonialismo, la pervivencia de estructuras de poder heredadas del franquismo y los actuales procesos de globalización del capital son algunos de los factores que explican que Guinea Ecuatorial continúe siendo un país expulsor de refugiados y migrantes desde su independencia en 1968. Y que España, como antigua metrópoli colonial, sea el país receptor de gran parte de su diáspora. El origen y el desarrollo de ésta no hace más que incidir en la asociación que en los estudios migratorios y transnacionales se ha establecido entre condiciones estructurales tanto en países expulsores como receptores con los modos de incorporación de refugiados y migrantes en los lugares de asentamiento, con el desarrollo de redes sociales y de relaciones transnacionales poscoloniales. A partir de investigaciones etnográficas llevadas a cabo con migrantes y refugiados ecuatoguineanos asentados en la región metropolitana de la Comunidad de Madrid, este artículo describe y analiza cómo estos factores afectan sus modos de incorporación y adaptación a esta región metropolitana, así como el mantenimiento de relaciones sociales y culturales con sus sociedades de origen.Historic structural conditions from colonialism, power political structures coming from franquismo, and current processes of capital globalization are factors explaining that Equatorial Guinea has become a postcolonial country expelling refugees and migrants to is former colonial metropole (Spain) since its independence in 1968. This migratory movement is an example in which we can observe how postcolonial structural conditions linking sending and receiving countries and social networks affect current refugees and migrants’ dynamics as well as the development of postcolonial transnational relationships. Based on ethnographic research done with refugees and migrants from Equatorial Guinea settled in the Madrid metropolitan region, this article describes and analyzes how these factors affect their modes of incorporation and adaptation to this host metropolitan area while maintaining social and cultural relationships with their home societies.
13
Alzaga Villaamil, Óscar. "Hacia el estudio de lo preocupante en nuestro régimen de partidos = The worrying state of our party system." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 35 (January 1, 2015): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.35.2015.14915.
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Noting that in sociological studies at European level Spain is almost at the bottom of civic appraisal of its democracy and its political, the study explores the historical roots of poor political representation in the nineteenth century Spanish with management from the Crown Decrees of dissolution of parliament and full control by governments shift elections based on small districts and on a rooted cacique system. The 1977 Law for Political Reform conditioned the electoral system for the Parliament, distorting proportional representation in terms that have come down to us and who have devoted bipartisanship when none of the major parties has a majority depends on the Nationalist forces, they have made great revenues as unique representative map. The Spanish legislation regulating political parties with great precision how the upcoming ban terrorism forces, but hardly develops the constitutional requirements regarding the organization and internal functioning must be democratic, nor on party funding, for what you need to consider the reform of the parties Act 2002.Tras constatar que en los estudios sociológicos de ámbito europeo España se sitúa prácticamente a la cola de valoración ciudadana de su democracia y de sus políticos, el estudio profundiza en las raíces históricas de la mala representación política durante el Siglo XIX español con manejo desde la Corona de los Decretos de disolución de las Cortes y pleno control por los gobiernos del turno de unas elecciones basadas en distritos pequeños y en un arraigados sistema caciquil. La Ley de 1977 para la Reforma Política condicionó el sistema electoral para las Cortes, distorsionando la representación proporcional en términos que han llegado a nuestros días y que han consagrado un bipartidismo que cuando ninguno de los principales partidos tiene mayoría absoluta depende de las fuerzas nacionalistas, que han obtenido grandes réditos de tan singular mapa representativo. La legislación española de partidos políticos regula con gran precisión la forma de prohibir las fuerzas próximas al terrorismo, pero prácticamente no desarrolla los imperativos constitucionales en cuanto a que la organización y el funcionamiento interno deben ser democráticos, ni sobre la financiación de los partidos, por lo que procede abordar la reforma de la Ley de partidos de 2002.
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CABELLOS ESPIÉRREZ, MIGUEL ÁNGEL. "DESCENTRALIZACIÓN Y DERECHOS DE LOS CIUDADANOS: LA TENSIÓN ENTRE IGUALDAD Y AUTONOMÍA POLÍTICA EN EL MODELO ITALIANO." RVAP 103, no. 103 (December 1, 2015): 131–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.103.2015.04.
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En los Estados compuestos se plantea la necesidad de determinar
hasta qué punto la descentralización política puede influir en el reconocimiento
de derechos a lo largo del territorio, determinando un cierto elemento de variedad
en el contenido de estos, y cuándo tal variedad resultaría contraria a la exigencia
de igualdad que debe hallarse también en la base de todo Estado compuesto. Los
sistemas de distribución competencial en estos Estados abordan este complejo
equilibrio mediante diferentes técnicas, una de las cuales consiste en otorgar al
Estado una competencia para regular una parte de los derechos con carácter homogéneo
en todo el territorio estatal, de modo que la variedad derivada de la autonomía
política solo sea posible más allá de esa zona homogénea, pero no dentro
de ella. De esta técnica, de la que en España tenemos un ejemplo evidente en
el art. 149.1.1 CE, el exponente más reciente en el tiempo es el art. 117.II.m) de la
Constitución italiana, que es el objeto de análisis de este trabajo. Estatu konposatuetan beharrezkotzat jotzen dute zehaztea zer
eragin daukan deszentralizazio politikoak lurraldeko hizkuntz eskubideen aintzatespenean,
eskubide horietan nolabaiteko aniztasuna finkatuta, eta noiz den aniztasun
hori berdintasun-eskakizunaren aurkakoa, estatu konposatu guztien oinarrian baitago.
Era horretako estatuetan, eskumenak banatzeko sistemek bide desberdinak
erabiltzen dituzte oreka zail horri ekitean; bide horietako bat da estatuari eskumena
ematea eskubideetako batzuk estatuaren lurralde osoan era homogeneoan arautzeko,
eta, horrela, autonomia politikotik eratortzen den aniztasuna eremu homogeneo
horretatik kanpo bakarrik izan daiteke, eta inola ere ez eremu horren barruan.
Teknika horren adibide argia daukagu Espainian 149.1.1 CE artikuluan, eta adibiderik
berriena Italiako Konstituzioaren 117.II.m) artikuluan dago, hain zuzen ere, lan honetan
aztertuko dena. In the compound States it¿s necessary to set to what extent
political decentralization may influence the recognition of rights over the territory,
determining a CErtain element of variety in the content of these, and when such a
variety would be contrary to the requirement of equality, that must also be on the
basis of all compound State. The systems of distribution of competences in these
States address this complex balance using different techniques, one of which is
to give the State a power to regulate in an uniform way a part of the rights, so
the variety derived from political autonomy will be possible only beyond that
homogeneous area but not within it. In Spain we have a clear example of this
technique in art. 149.1.1 CE, and the latest exponent in time of this way is art. 117.
II.m) of the Italian Constitution, which is the object of analysis of this work.
15
Vírgala Foruria, Eduardo. "La regulación jurídica de la democracia interna en los partidos políticos y sus problemas en España = The legal regulation of internal democracy in political parties and its problems in Spain." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 35 (January 1, 2015): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.35.2015.14919.
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The crisis started in 2008 has not only affected the economy and the social services, but has spread throughout the organizational framework designed by the Constitution and, especially, to the political parties, on which citizens demand greater democracy. In this sense, the Political Parties Act 2002 represents only a minimal improvement over previous legislation and a very limited development of the provisions of the Constitution. Lacking a more detailed development of central aspects of internal democracy as may be the method of election of the executive bodies of the party and the electoral candidates. The paper analyzes these aspects, collecting the existing case law from the Constitutional Court to the Provincial Courts.La crisis comenzada en 2008 no ha afectado únicamente a la economía y a los servicios sociales, sino que se ha extendido a todo el entramado organizativo diseñado en la Constitución y, en especial, a los partidos políticos, con las demandas ciudadanas de mayor democratización de los mismos. En este sentido, la LO de partidos políticos de 2002 supone sólo un avance mínimo con respecto a la legislación anterior y un desarrollo muy limitado de lo dispuesto en la Constitución. Sigue faltando un desarrollo más detallado de aspectos centrales de la democracia interna como puede ser la forma de elección de los órganos ejecutivos del partido y de las candidaturas electorales. El trabajo analiza estos aspectos, recogiendo la jurisprudencia existente en la materia, desde la del Tribunal Constitucional hasta la de las Audiencias Provinciales.
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López-Rabadán, Pablo, and Hugo Domenech-Fabregat. "Gestión estratégica de Instagram en los partidos españoles. El avance de la política espectáculo en el proceso independentista de Cataluña." Tripodos, no. 45 (December 22, 2019): 179–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2019.45p179-207.
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En los últimos años Instagram se ha desarrollado también como una innovadora herramienta para la distribución de imágenes políticas. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la gestión estratégica que realizan los partidos en un contexto de crisis política. En concreto, se ha seleccionado como caso de estudio la fase más intensa del proceso independentista en Cataluña. A partir de una propuesta metodológica propia, se han revisado nueve categorías de análisis contenido asociadas a la espectacularización de la política. Integran la muestra 291 imágenes publicadas por los 8 principales partidos del mapa político español. Los resultados muestran la normalización de su uso político, pero una gestión más regular y estratégica entre los partidos independentistas, y de mayor calidad técnica entre los contrarios a la independencia. En el aspecto temático, el mensaje viene determinado por una orientación hacia temas profesionales, y un reparto del protagonismo entre líderes, cuadros del partido y la ciudadanía. Y, además, se detecta la aplicación inicial de recursos de base espectacular como la hibridación de espacios, la apelación emocional y la experimentación con filtros y rótulos. Parties. The Advance of “Politics of Spectacle” in the Independence Process in CataloniaIn recent years, Instagram has also become an innovative tool for the distribution of political images. The objective of this article is to analyze the strategic management of the parties in a context of political crisis. Specifically, the most intense phase of the independence process in Catalonia has been selected as a case study. Based on our own methodological proposal, nine categories of content analysis associated with the spectacularization of politics have been reviewed. The sample includes 291 images published by the 8 main parties of the Spanish political spectrum. The results show the normalization of its political use, but a more regular and strategic management among the pro-independence parties, and of greater technical quality among those opposed to independence. On a thematic level, the message is determined by an orientation towards professional issues, and a distribution of the leading role among leaders, party cadres and citizens. And, in addition, the initial application of spectacular-based resources such as space hybridization, emotional appeal and experimentation with filters and labels is detected. Palabras clave: comunicación política, medios sociales, Instagram, espectacularización, partidos políticos, España.Key words: political communication, social media, Instagram, spectacularization, political parties, Spain.
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Castro Martínez, Andrea. "Ciberdiplomacia y comunicación institucional: La presencia de la diplomacia digital española en redes sociales | Cyber-diplomacy and institutional communication: The presence of Spanish digital diplomacy in social networks." REVISTA ESTUDIOS INSTITUCIONALES 6, no. 10 (May 31, 2019): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/eeii.vol.6.n.10.2019.23243.
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En la última década a nivel internacional la diplomacia se ha adaptado al nuevo contexto tecnológico en el que se enmarcan muchas de las relaciones entre los diferentes actores políticos, sociales y económicos. Los canales online han fortalecido su presencia dentro de las estrategias de comunicación institucional en aras de promover una mejor proyección de su imagen pública y de su reputación digital. De este modo, son muchos los países que han adoptado diferentes medidas para potenciar su diplomacia digital.En el caso de España, las redes sociales se han establecido como uno de los ejes de la ciberdiplomacia con el propósito de atender a los españoles en el extranjero, acercar a los ciudadanos la actividad diplomática y aumentar el conocimiento que en el exterior se tiene del país y de su cultura.El modo en que se configura la presencia española en los medios sociales a través de los perfiles de sus representaciones en el exterior centra la atención de este estudio, que tiene como objetivo conocer la estructura de la diplomacia digital española en redes sociales, así como el uso que se hace de las mismas por parte de los distintos actores digitales._______________________In the last decade, internationally speaking, the diplomacy has adapted itself to the new technological context in which many of the relations among the different political, social and economical agents are framed. Online channels have strengthened their presence into the strategies of institutional communication in order to promote a better projection of their public image and digital reputation. So, many are the countries which have adopted different measures in order to potentiate their digital diplomacy.In Spain, social networks have established themselves as one of the axes of the cyberdiplomacy with the aim of assisting Spanish people abroad, of approaching the diplomatical activity to the citizens and of increasing the knowledge of the country and its culture outside its frontiers.The way in which the Spanish presence is configured in the social medias through the profilesof its representations abroad is the target of this study, which aims at knowing the structure of the Spanish digital diplomacy and also the use of these ones which is done by different digital agents.
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Troncoso Reigada, Antonio. "La bandera y la capitalidad // The flag and the capital." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 103 (December 16, 2018): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.103.2018.23197.
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Resumen:En este artículo se abordan dos elementos que han estado presentes en la conformación de nuestra identidad nacional: la bandera y la capitalidad.En primer lugar, se analiza el papel de los símbolos en la relación entre socialización e individualidad, entre lo racional y lo emocional, lo mítico o lo intuitivo, algo esencial en los Estados democráticos para alejarnos de los totalitarismos, teniendo en cuenta la capacidad de los nacionalismos, los fascismos y los populismos de manipular en ese espacio. En segundo lugar se estudia la bandera como símbolo del Estado tanto desde una perspectiva de derecho comparado y de historia constitucional como teniendo en cuenta su actual regulación constitucional. Igualmente se analiza la exhibición de la bandera como elemento de integración voluntaria y consciente de los ciudadanos en la comunidad y como defensa de la unidad de España y de reivindicación de la CE y de las libertades de todos, también de los ciudadanos catalanes, ante el problema de libertad que ha supuesto la declaración unilateral de independencia, como ha ocurrido recientemente con la presencia masiva de la bandera española en los balcones. También se estudia la constitucionalización de las banderas autonómicas y el establecimiento de una obligación de utilización conjunta de éstas junto a la bandera de España, símbolo de una España constitucional y democrática, que reconoce un alto nivel de autogobierno a sus nacionalidades y regiones. Asimismo se abordan los conflictos por el uso de las banderas —la llamada guerra de las banderas— , analizándose las Sentencias más recientes, que ponen de manifestó la crisis en el sentido de pertenencia a España derivada de nuestra diversidad territorial. Así, se analiza el incumplimiento de la obligación de utilizar la bandera de España en edificios públicos y actos oficiales. También se aborda la bandera como bien jurídico merecedor deprotección penal y el cuestionamiento del delito de ultrajes a la bandera, un límite a la libertad de expresión querido por el legislador, lo que proscribe una conducta expresiva como la quema de la bandera. Igualmente se analiza la doctrina de la JEC sobre la prohibición de la exhibición de banderas esteladas en edificios públicos en aplicación del principio de neutralidad política de la Administración Pública, sin perjuicio de su uso legítimo por entidades privadas en virtud de la libertad de expresión, así como la prohibición de la utilización de la bandera de España como símbolo oficial de un partido político, que traslada a la sociedad la idea de que la bandera es patrimonio de una parte de la población. En tercer lugar, se analiza el concepto constitucional de capitalidad. La capitalidad no es en puridad un símbolo aunque tiene un importante componente simbólico. Atribuir a una ciudad la capitalidad significa convertirla en cabeza política de un territorio y concederle una posición central dentro del Estado. Igualmente la capitalidad hace referencia a un lugar fijo donde se ejerce la soberanía y, por tanto, sede de los órganos de poder del Estado. Este estudio aboga por una interpretación flexible que no vacíe de contenido constitucional la noción de capitalidad y que al mismo tiempo permita un margen de maniobra al legislador en el marco de un Estado fuertemente descentralizado. Así, los órganos de poder del Estado y los órganos constitucionales deben tener su sede en Madrid, si bien la existencia de alguna excepción no vulneraría el precepto constitucional. Finalmente el trabajo aborda cuáles son las materias objeto del régimen de capitalidad y las otras singularidades de Madrid.Summary:I. The symbols. II. The flag. 1. The flag as a symbol of the State and as an element of integration of citizens in the community and the constitutionalization of regional flags 2. The conflicts over the use of the flags: the flags war. a) The obligation to use the Spanish flag in public buildings and official acts and their non-compliance. b) The criminal protection of the flag and its questioning as a limit to freedom of expression. c) The prohibition of the display of partisan flags in public buildings and the partisan use of the Spanish flag. d) Conflicts over the use of the flags of the Autonomous Communities. III. The capital. 1. The constitutional concept of the capital: the seat of the general institutions of the State. 2. Competences regulated by the Capital Law. The singularity of Madrid.Abstract:This article deals with two elements that have been present in the shaping of our national identity: the flag and the capital. Firstly, it analyzes the role of symbols in the relationship between socialization and individuality, between the rational and the emotional, the myth or the intuitive, something essential in democratic states to steer ourselves away from totalitarianism, taking into account the capacity of the nationalisms, fascism and populisms to manipulate in that space. Secondly, it studies the flag as a symbol of the State, both from the point of view of Comparative Law and constitutional history, as well as considering its current constitutional regulation. Thus, the display of the flag is also analyzed as an element of voluntary and conscious integration of citizens in the community, and as a defense of Spain`s unity and the Constitution and the freedoms of allcitizens, including Catalan citizens, in response to the problem of freedom that the unilateral declaration of independence of Catalonia has implied, as we have seen recently with a massive presence of the Spanish flag on the balconies. The article also studies the constitutionalization of the regional flags and the establishment of an obligation of the joint use of these together with the flag of Spain, which is a symbol of a constitutional and democratic Spain, that recognizes a high level of self-government towards its nationalities and regions. Furthermore, it also studies the conflicts that arise from the use of flags —the so-called «war of the flags»— , analyzing the most recent cases, which highlights the crisis in the sense of belonging to Spain derived from our territorial diversity. In the same manner, it also examines the breach of the obligation to use the Spanish flag in public buildings and official acts. Moreover the flag is also analysed as a constitutional value worthy of criminal protection; this also study the crime for flag desecration as a limit on the freedom of speech, which outlaws the burning of the flag as expressive conduct. It also discusses the JEC doctrine on the prohibition of the display of the «estelladas» in public buildings as a result of the application of the principle of political neutrality of the Public Administration, even though they can be used legitimately under the freedom of expression by private entities. Furthermore, the article also examines the prohibition of the use of the flag of Spain as an official symbol of a political party, which consequently conveys to society the idea that the flag belongs to a part of the population rather than to the entire country. Thirdly, the study analyzes the constitutional concept of the capital. The capital is not strictly speaking a symbol, but it has an important symbolic meaning. To attribute to a city the capitality means to turn it into the political head of a territory and to grant it a central position within the State. Likewise, the capital status refers to a fixed place where sovereignty is exercised and, thus, is the seat of the general institutions of the State. This study pleads for a flexible interpretation that does not empty the constitutional content of the notion of capital and at the same time allows a margin of freedom to the legislator in the framework of a strongly decentralized State. Therefore, the organs of state power and constitutional bodies must have their headquarters in Madrid, although the existence of any exception would not violate the constitutional provision. Finally, the paper addresses which the competences regulated by the Capital Law are as well as other singularities of Madrid.
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Serra, Marcello, and Rayco González. "Ciudadanos: The myth of neutrality." Semiotica 2018, no. 225 (November 6, 2018): 489–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2017-0020.
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AbstractCiudadanos is a new Spanish political party that, in the last two years, has won a position as an important force in Parliament. Among the distinctive characteristics of its discourse, the use of the neutral stands out, which the party uses to distance itself from old-style politics. This article analyzes the discursive strategy of Ciudadanos from its founding up through the present day, and uncovers the operations of ideological camouflage that it uses to construct its apparent neutrality. In this way, the article seeks to recover the spirit of the Barthesian mythological analyses, dedicated to unmasking contemporary myths.
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Tasa Fuster, Vicenta. "El sistema español de jerarquía lingüística. Desarrollo autonómico del artículo 3 de la Constitución: lengua del Estado, lenguas cooficiales, otras lenguas españolas y modalidades lingüísticas. Teoría y praxis. // The Spanish system of language hierarchy. Autonomic development of article 3 of the Constitution: State language, co-official languages, other Spanish languages and language modalities. Theory and praxis." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 100 (December 20, 2017): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.100.2017.20682.
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Resumen:Este trabajo pretende dar una visión general del reconocimiento de la diversidad lingüística española que se deriva de la Constitución. Nos referimos exclusivamente a las lenguas autóctonas históricamente habladas en España; teniendo en cuenta, además, que una misma lengua puede recibir diversas denominaciones populares y oficiales.Partiendo de estas premisas, el trabajo estudia el reconocimiento que hace la Constitución Española de la diversidad lingüística en España en su artículo 3. Se subraya en el estudio que, en dicho artículo de la Constitución se establece que el castellano es la lengua española oficial del Estado y que todos los españoles tienen el deber de conocerla y el derecho a usarla (art. 3.1), que las otras lenguas españolas serán también oficiales en las respectivas comunidades autónomas, en función de la regulación que hagan sus estatutos (art. 3.2) y que España considera que la riqueza de las diferentes modalidades lingüísticas esun patrimonio cultural que deberá tener un respeto y una protección especiales (art. 3.3).El contenido de la Constitución, la jurisprudencia constitucional de las últimas cuatro décadas y los estatutos de autonomía y legislación lingüística autonómica, han asentado un reconocimiento de la diversidad lingüística española y de los derechos lingüísticos concretos de los hablantes de las distintas lenguas españolas fundamentado en el principio de jerarquía lingüística y no en los de seguridad lingüística e igualdad de derechos lingüísticos. El principio de jerarquía lingüística presupone considerar que existen unas lenguas que deben tener un reconocimiento legal y oficial superior a otras. Y, lo que es lo mismo, que los derechos lingüísticos de sus hablantes no tienen el mismo grado de reconocimiento. Llegándose a dar el caso que, en España, una misma lengua pueda llegar a tener diferentes niveles de reconocimiento legal-oficial y un número aún mayor de políticas lingüísticas que traten de convertir en una realidad substantiva todos o una parte de los derechos lingüísticos reconocidos formalmente a los hablantes de una lengua diferente del castellano en una comunidad autónoma.Así las cosas, se constata que legalmente una lengua (castellano) tiene una situación de preeminencia legal-oficial, seis lenguas españolas (catalán, gallego, vasco, occitano, aragonés y asturleonés) tienen algún tipo de reconocimiento oficial en parte del territorio en el que son habladas de manera autóctona, una lengua tiene reconocimiento político (tamazight), otra tiene un reconocimiento administrativo menor en Cataluña (caló), y tres lenguas autóctonas no tienen el más mínimo reconocimiento legal, político o administrativo (árabe, haquetia yportugués). El trabajo estudia detalladamente y de manera global la estructuración de la jerarquía lingüística en la legislación española derivadade la Constitución y concluye con una descripción de los seis niveles de jerarquía lingüística y de derechos lingüísticos que existen en España. Se defiende, finalmente, un cambio sistema lingüístico legalconstitucional que respete los principios de seguridad lingüística y el principio de igualdad de derechos lingüísticos de todos los ciudadanos españoles. Summary:1. Introduction. The Constitution and the Spanish languages. 2.Language in the statutes of monolingual communities. 3. Linguisticdiversity in multilingual communities with a single official language.4. Communities with co-officiality. 5. Final considerations: a hierarchicalrecognition. 6. Bibliography cited. Abstract:This paper is an overview of the recognition of the Spanish linguistic diversity derived from the Constitution. We refer exclusively to the native languages historically spoken in Spain; about that is important to know that the same language can receive diverse popular and official denominations.With these premises, the work studies the recognition in the article 3 of the Spanish Constitution of the linguistic diversity in Spain. It is emphasized in the study that this article establishes that the Castilian is the official Spanish language of the State and that all Spaniards have the duty to know it and the right to use it (article 3.1), that the other Spanish languages would be official in the respective autonomous communities, depending on the regulation made by their statutes of autonomy (article 3.2 ), and that Spain considers the richness of the different linguistic modalities a cultural heritage that must have special respect and protection (article 3.3).The content of the Constitution, the constitutional jurisprudence of the last four decades and the statutes of autonomy and autonomous linguistic legislation, have established a recognition of the Spanish linguistic diversity and of the specific linguistic rights of the speakers of the different Spanish languages based on the principle of linguistic hierarchy and not in those of linguistic security and equality of linguistic rights. The principle of linguistic hierarchy considers that there are some languages that have to have a legal and official recognitionsuperior to others. And, what is the same, that the linguistic rights of its speakers do not have the same degree of recognition. In Spain, the same language may have different levels of legal-official recognition and a lot of linguistic policies in the autonomous communities that try to be reality all or part of the linguistic rights formally recognized to speakers of a language other than Castilian. So it is verified that legally a language (Castilian) has a situation oflegal-official preeminence, six Spanish languages (Catalan, Galician, Basque, Occitan, Aragonese and Asturian) have some type of official recognition in part of the territory where are spoken, one language has political recognition (Tamazight), another has a lower administrative recognition in Catalonia (Caló), and three indigenous languages do not have the least legal, political or administrative recognition (Arabic, Hachetia and Portuguese).The paper studies in detail the structure of the linguistic hierarchy in Spanish legislation derived from the Constitution and concludes with a description of the six levels of linguistic hierarchy and of linguistic rights that exist in Spain. Finally, it defends a legal-constitutional linguistic system that respects the principles of linguistic security and of equality of linguistic rights of all Spanish citizens.
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COLOME, GABRIEL, and LOURDES LOPEZ NIETO. "The selection of party leaders in Spain." European Journal of Political Research 24, no. 3 (October 1993): 349–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1993.tb00384.x.
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Carozzi, Felipe, Davide Cipullo, and Luca Repetto. "Political Fragmentation and Government Stability: Evidence from Local Governments in Spain." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 14, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20200128.
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This paper studies how political fragmentation affects government stability. Using a regression discontinuity design, we show that each additional party with representation in the local parliament increases the probability that the incumbent government is unseated by 5 percentage points. The entry of an additional party affects stability by reducing the probability of a single-party majority and increasing the instability of governments when such a majority is not available. We interpret our results in light of a bargaining model of coalition formation featuring government instability. (JEL C78, D72, H70)
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Astakhov, Evgeny. "«Eurocommunism» and the split of the Communist movement in Spain." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-7-15.
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In the period post Franco were created more favorable conditions for left parties, first of all for Communist party. However, «eurocommunists» leadership of the Communist party of Spain (KPI) led her to a deep crisis. The creation in January 1984 of the new Communist party of the people of Spain (PCPE), despite the difficulties of institutional development, the complicated financial situation, lack of personnel, became a significant factor in the national political field. After many years of political and ideological disarmament of the left forces in Spain appeared a party, acting with genuine class positions. At the same time, PCPE played the role of catalyst of processes oriented to shift to the left axis of the political life of the country. However, the current situation in the Spanish communist movement, the whole objective situation in Spain dictated the need for the unification of the communists. That goal was answered by the creation of a left electoral coalition «United left».
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CASAL BÉRTOA, FERNANDO, and ANGELA BOURNE. "Prescribing democracy? Party proscription and party system stability in Germany, Spain and Turkey." European Journal of Political Research 56, no. 2 (November 17, 2016): 440–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12179.
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LIBBRECHT, LISELOTTE, BART MADDENS, WILFRIED SWENDEN, and ELODIE FABRE. "Issue salience in regional party manifestos in Spain." European Journal of Political Research 48, no. 1 (January 2009): 58–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2008.00820.x.
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Gunther, Richard. "Electoral Laws, Party Systems, and Elites: The Case of Spain." American Political Science Review 83, no. 3 (September 1989): 835–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962063.
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Using aggregate, survey, and in-depth elite interview data from Spain in the 1970s and 1980s, I demonstrate that the “mechanical” effect of the Spanish electoral law is as strong as that of many single-member constituency systems. But the “distal” effect of the electoral law on the party system is shown to be complex and multifaceted, not direct and deterministic. The perceptions, calculations, strategies, and behavior of party elites play a crucial intervening role between the electoral law and the overall shape of the party system.
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Smirnova, I. V. "Means of discourse manipulations in political party programs in Spain." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 270–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-270-276.
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Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector) as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse) is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain).
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Pujas, Véronique, and Martin Rhodes. "Party finance and political scandal in Italy, Spain and France." West European Politics 22, no. 3 (July 1, 1999): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389908425315.
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Barrio, Astrid, Sonia Alonso Sáenz de Oger, and Bonnie N. Field. "VOX Spain: The Organisational Challenges of a New Radical Right Party." Politics and Governance 9, no. 4 (November 24, 2021): 240–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i4.4396.
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This article examines the organisation of VOX, a new radical right party in Spain. It shows that the party has taken early and uneven steps to build a mass organisation and initially opted for open membership recruitment with participatory organisational elements. Also, the party’s rapid growth and quick entrance into political institutions at different state levels led the party leadership to establish more centralised control and limit members’ prerogatives, though recruitment continued. Centralisation in part responds to organisational needs given the party’s quickly acquired political relevance, but also to the desire of the central party leadership to forestall the articulation of territorial interests, or prevent them from escaping their control. Today, VOX exhibits elements of mass party organisation and highly centralised decision-making in the hands of national party leaders.
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Hopkin, Jonathan. "Party Matters." Party Politics 15, no. 2 (March 2009): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068808099980.
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This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's `nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends.
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Muro, Diego. "Territorial Accommodation, Party Politics, and Statute Reform in Spain." South European Society and Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2009): 453–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740903503845.
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Rae, Douglas W. "Using District Magnitude to Regulate Political Party Competition." Journal of Economic Perspectives 9, no. 1 (February 1, 1995): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.9.1.65.
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This is an essay about the use of districting systems to regulate electoral outcomes and the evolution of party systems. By changing the number of seats from each district, a balance can be struck between the often conflicting goals of minority representation and defractionalization. Defractionalization is the process of forming broad-based governing majorities. Special attention is given to the electoral systems of Italy, Spain, and the United States. In the case of the United States, the author recommends a proportional representation system that mixes high-magnitude districts that encourage minority representation and low-magnitude districts that promote defractionalization.
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Martini, Sergio, and Mariano Torcal. "Trust across political conflicts: Evidence from a survey experiment in divided societies." Party Politics 25, no. 2 (December 29, 2016): 126–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816685933.
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The implications of intergroup political conflicts for social cooperation are still an understudied topic. We report on two online survey experiments in which we implement multiple trust games to assess the impact of different political conflicts on trust behaviour in two national samples in Spain and Portugal. The results suggest that citizens’ social trust is heavily affected by partisanship, favouring in-group party members over out-group party identifiers. This finding is robust in both countries, although the partisanship overall effect seems to be stronger in Spain, which has a more polarized party system. Moreover, the effect involves all parties despite their size and ideology. However, trust among different partisans mirrors interparty positioning. A second study for the Spanish case shows that the partisanship treatment is the one affecting trust the most, followed by the ideological and regional conflicts, which are usually considered long-standing divides with a greater impact in European democracies.
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Debus, Marc, and Rosa M. Navarrete. "Do regional party primaries affect the ideological cohesion of political parties in multilevel systems? Evidence from Spain." Party Politics 26, no. 6 (November 14, 2018): 770–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818812200.
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Parties have strong incentives to present a relatively cohesive policy position to the voters across different levels of a political system. However, the adoption of inclusive forms of candidate selection methods like primaries could result in the selection of top candidates for elections on the subnational sphere who are not favoured by the party leadership. This is often seen as a threat to high levels of intra-party programmatic cohesion. Because subnational party organizations depend to a significant degree on the support from their national party, we argue that regional party branches that selected their top candidates by means of a primary adopt a policy position that deviates less strongly from the one of their national party. However, candidates selected by primaries might need to be responsive to the preferences of their regional selectorate, so that the incentives for parties at a regional level to deviate substantially from the position of their national party organization could increase. By analysing the content of 150 regional election manifestos of Spanish parties, we find that if a party’s top candidate for a regional election is selected in a primary, then the policy distance between the respective regional and national party decreases. However, this effect is not observable for recently founded parties.
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Baranov, A. "Spain’s party system development trends in the context of the electoral cycle 2019." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2019): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-4-36-42.
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The topicality of the article is that the party system of Spain is undergoing serious transformations, the positioning of political forces and their ideologies, the organizational structure are changing significantly. National parliamentary elections are held for the fourth time in 4 years, which is unique to the countries of consolidated democracy. Trends in the development of Spain are relevant for cross- national comparisons of party systems. Methods – systems approach, synchronous comparative analysis, a secondary analysis of the results of opinion polls, mapping of party support in the elections. Materials: regulations; statements by party leaders; pre-election programs; results of sociological surveys; statistics on the results of elections. Results: The crisis of the party system in Spain is peculiar to the transition from a bipartisan model to a model of moderate pluralism, increased fragmentation, significant volatility, and the dependence of the main national parties on the support of regional parties. In the electoral cycle of 2019, the party system of Spain is a system of moderate pluralism (5 leading actors) with the growing role of regional parties, pragmatic coalitions are inevitable for creating a government. The economic recovery of 2014–2019 influenced the decline in the influence of “Unidos Podemos”, their electorate partially returned to the PSOE. In European and subnational elections, these trends are even more pronounced due to the format of electoral systems and the isolation of regional party systems. The threefold structure of the Spanish electorate, distributed mainly among left-leaning centers, center-right and regional nationalists, is preserved. An analysis of the statistical results of the elections and questionnaires proves an inversely correlated relationship between the level of support for the PSOE and “Unidos Podemos” in the center-left segment, and the level of support for the People’s Party, “Citizens” and “Vox” in the center-right camp. The influence of parties is extremely uneven across autonomous communities, and unevenness is increasing. The increase in the instability of the party system in Spain is predicted due to the growing influence of new parties and the underdeveloped culture of parliamentary coalitions. This process increases the chances of Catalan nationalists. A radical reform of the political system of Spain is brewing; the electorate of the left parties expresses the greatest demand for reform.
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Stern, Fritz, Richard Gunther, Giacomo Sani, Goldie Shabad, and Paul Preston. "Spain after Franco: The Making of a Competitive Party System." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 2 (1986): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043029.
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Orlov, A. A. "TRENDS IN THE EVOLUTION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM IN SPAIN IN THE POST-FRANCO PERIOD." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S2 (June 2022): S126—S132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s101933162208007x.
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Abstract The degradation of the bipolar party system established in Spain in the post-Franco period, based on the dominance in the political space of two system-forming parties of opposite political orientation, and its replacement with a multi-party model with a wider involvement of new alternative players in political processes seems to be a long-term trend. Taking into account the extreme problematic nature of the formation of mono-party cabinets of ministers in the future, the creation of government coalitions becomes inevitable. However, due to the absence of a “coalition culture,” which was not necessary before, as well as a noticeable polarization of political forces and the growth of mutual rejection at the level of leaders and party elites, the solution of this problem in modern Spanish realities threatens to turn into an endless political marathon and is fraught with significant increased political instability in the coming years.
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Kurakina-Damir, Aleksandra. "Elections in Madrid in the National Context of Spain." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 22, no. 4 (August 31, 2021): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran420215562.
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The article examines the elections in the Autonomous Community of Madrid, held on May 4, 2021. The purpose of the work is to determine how the regional election campaign influenced the balance of power at the national level. In the process of research, the author comes to the conclusion that the main task of the head of the autonomy was the absorption of the liberal party - the main competitor in his own ideological bloc. The task was brilliantly completed, which was reflected in national electoral polls – the opposition Conservative Party bypassed the Spanish Socialist Workers Party, which leads the coalition government. The future of the once highly popular Liberal Party is now very hazy. The failure of the left-populist Unidas Podemos forced its founder, who had recently held the post of vice-chairman of the government, to leave politics. Its further place in national politics will depend on the new leader. Such a significant regrouping of forces may entail even greater political turbulence in the country and ultimately lead to a change in the ruling party.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "Left-wing populism in Spain." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 2 (July 28, 2021): 62–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-2-62-86.
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The paper examines formation, evolution and political perspectives of the Spanish radical left-wing populist party ‘We Can!’ (Podemos) in the face of growing support for populism in the the Southern European countries as well as in the European Union in general. The author identifies the origins and country-specific characteristics of the left-wing populism in Spain and provides the general overview of trends in the country’s party system since the middle of the 2000s, including the growing axiological, generational, political and ideological cleavages in the Spanish divided society. Special attention is paid to the political portrait of the Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias and the prospects for development of political situation in the country after his resignation and subsequent electoral defeat in the Autonomous Community of Madrid in May 2021. As such, this case study can provide some useful insights on the nature of populism in the EU member-states in general. In particular, the paper shows that the fragmentation of traditional political systems and the impacts of the sovereign debt crisis per se do not provide a sufficient explanation for the growing demand for populist rhetoric and charismatic leaders, but rather they have exposed certain structural economic and social imbalances. It is exactly these imbalances which traditional political parties are unable to address that create a breeding ground for various left- and right-wing parties and movements. As a result, the author concludes that populism will remain an essential element of political landscape in Spain despite all scandals that accompany populist politicians as the case of Pablo Iglesias has clearly demonstrated. At the same time the author emphasizes that it is this clear and imminent threat posed by the populist movements that may eventually serve as an impetus for a renewal of traditional parties and of the country’s political system in general.
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Carvalho, Tiago. "Social Movements and Democracy in Spain: Review of Democracia, dignidad y movimientos sociales. El surgimiento de la cultura cívica y la irrupción de los «indignados» en la vida pública. Rubén Díez y Enrique Laraña." Revista Española de Sociología 28, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 581–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22325/fes/res.2019.24.
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Over the last decade, Spain became one of the global hotspots for social movement contestation. The emergence of the 15M movement, or Indignados, was of significance not only in Spain, where it gave rise to the longest wave of mobilisation since the transition to the democracy but also internationally as its practices, repertoires and discourses became the blueprint for Occupy movements around the world. In Spain, the Indignados movement unleashed protest potential that transformed mobilisations between 2011 and 2014. The potency of these protests led to a shift in the public debate and the emergence of new parties such as Podemos and Ciudadanos. The 15M was not only a consequence of austerity under the Great Recession. It also transformed democracy, bringing to the fore new frames and repertoires that impacted institutional politics.
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Keller, Edmond J. "Political Change and Political Research in Africa; Agenda for the 1990s." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 20, no. 1 (1991): 50–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501425.
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The decade between 1963 and 1973 was heralded by some observers as liberal democracy’s darkest hour in many parts of the non-Western world. During this period seven Latin American democracies collapsed; one African country after the other rejected multi-party liberal democracy in favor of either single-party or military regimes; Soviet hegemony prevailed and seemed to be growing stronger in communist Eastern Europe and parts of the Third World; and pockets of authoritarianism could even be found in Southern Europe (e. g., Spain, Portugal, Greece). Such developments led scholars to concentrate their research efforts on trying to understand why democracy had failed to either take hold or to survive in those places where it had been successfully introduced.
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Baranov, Andrey. "TRANSFORMATION OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF SPAINAT NATIONAL AND REGIONAL LEVELS:COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-27-35.
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The article reveals the transformation of the party system of Spain in 2014 - 2017. Similarities and differences in the crisis of the party system at the national and regional levels are revealed (on the materials of Catalonia). Attention is focused on changes in the social base of political parties and party commitment of voters, on applied strategies of inter-party competition.
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Khenkin, Sergey. "CRISIS OF REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY IN SPAIN." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-1-59-65.
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The article examines the crisis of representative democracy in Spain, which is characterized by the growth of the population’s critical attitudes towards politicians and political institutions and the decline of the latter’s influence. Special attention is given to the reorganization of the party system, manifesting in the weakening of traditional parties’ influence and strengthening of newcomer parties challenging old elites. Political modernization is not a straightforward process, and can yield results different from the initiators’ expectations
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Anikeeva, N. E. "Political history of Spain (2016–2020): overcoming the crisis." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 1 (November 6, 2021): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-102-113.
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In this article the author analyses the development of political process in Spain between the two crises of 2015–2016 and 2019–2020, highlighting the strong suits and problem issues of the domestic political debate, including the Catalan issue, as well as the problem related to the migration aspect. An overview of the evolution of the country’s foreign policy agenda is presented, including the foreign policy course towards the Russian Federation. The author analyzes political and economic aspects after the general parliamentary elections of June 26, 2016, which resulted in overcoming the governmental crisis that began in Spain in December 2015 and establishing Mariano Rajoy the head of the Popular Party (PP) government. The latest cabinet of the PP government was approved in November 2016. Rajoy himself had been serving as a Prime Minister of Spain from December 2011 to June 2018. Soon, a new stage in the political history of the Spanish state began, which was associated with the rise to power of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) led by Pedro Sánchez since 2018. PSOE thus won the parliamentary elections in Spain on April 28, 2019. The next elections in 2019 were held on November 10 and turned out to be much more complex and unpredictable than the previous one. PSOE stroke a similar political balance of power to that of April. Confirmation of Pedro Sánchez as a Prime Minister of Spain in January 2020 ended a protracted political crisis in the country, when the Spanish government had been in an acting status for some eight months.
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Roller, Elisa. "The March 2000 General Election in Spain." Government and Opposition 36, no. 2 (April 2001): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00062.
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España Va Bien. ‘Things Are Going Well In Spain.’ With This Simple yet somewhat unoriginal slogan, the incumbent conservative Partido Popular (PP) swept to victory by absolute majority in the 12 March 2000 general election in Spain. The PP's astounding victory may be attributed to several factors. First, its own well-organized campaign was based upon a strong leadership, something the two main leftist parties lacked. As the experience of the former centrist party, Unión Centro Democrático (UCD) shows, party leadership does matter. Secondly, leadership charisma, so important in the 1993 election when the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) managed to be re-elected despite worryingly high unemployment figures and a wave of political scandals, seemed to matter little or nothing in the March 2000 election. Effective management skills and strong leadership seem to have replaced populist charisma as a way to attract the average Spanish voter.
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Filippova, Evgeniya. "Party and Electoral Measurement of Language Politics in Spain." Contemporary Europe 97, no. 4 (August 1, 2020): 184–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope42020184190.
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Verge, Tània, and Nina Wiesehomeier. "Parties, Candidates, and Gendered Political Recruitment in Closed-List Proportional Representation Systems: The Case of Spain." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 4 (October 26, 2018): 805–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918807086.
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Throughout the world, the number of women elected to legislatures has risen dramatically. Most of the quantitative research explaining party, district, or national differences has focused on the aggregate rather than the candidate level thereby overlooking women’s access to party ballots. In examining both the election and selection stages, we focus on Spain, a closed-list proportional representation system where parties have tight control over their ballots and the election of candidates is largely a function of rank orders on the ballot. In this South European democracy women’s representation in the national parliament has experienced an incremental track, reaching 39 percent in 2016. Party differences in gender outcomes and policies promoting equal gender representation did not vanish once a legislated quota was introduced in 2007. The empirical analysis builds on an original set of candidate longitudinal data covering nine elections held between 1986 and 2016. Specifically, we test how party and candidate factors differentially affect the selection of men and women to party ballots and their likelihood of getting elected. We show that strategic discrimination against female candidates affects all parties and it happens irrespective of candidates’ political experience, which explains why male overrepresentation has been significantly reduced but not overturned.
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Sánchez-Fernández, Juan, and Luis-Alberto Casado-Aranda. "Neural Predictors of Changes in Party Closeness after Exposure to Corruption Messages: An fMRI Study." Brain Sciences 11, no. 2 (January 26, 2021): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/brainsci11020158.
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Daily worldwide newspapers are filled with campaigning unveiling political corruption. Despite this information be worrying to many citizens, political researchers have not identified any consistent trend of decline of support among party sympathizers. This study utilizes neuroimaging for the first time to examine the neuropsychological origin of party closeness variation among backers of a liberal (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party, PSOE) and a conservative party (Popular Party, PP) in Spain after a month receiving corruption messages among their preferred party. Brain data provide some explanation as to the origin of party closeness reduction among liberal sympathizers: areas involved with negative feelings, disappointment and self-relevance served to predict party closeness reduction 30 days in advance. Implications for liberals and conservatives’ campaigns are discussed.
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Smith, Stan. ""Hard as the metal of my gun" : John Cornford's Spain." Journal of English Studies 5 (May 29, 2008): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.137.
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John Cornford, who died on the Cordoba front in December 1936, is most frequently seen, by both enthusiasts and detractors, as a loyal Communist cadre, subscribing unequivocally to the Party line on the situation in Spain. Yet in his most powerful poem, “Full Moon at Tierz: Before the Storming of Huesca”, there is a significant hesitation, focused by a reference to the Seventh Congress of the Comintern. A close scrutiny of this poem, of letters and a “Political Report” he wrote from Spain, and an examination of some of his pre-Spain political writings, indicate a more complex picture, and suggest that he had considerable reservations about Party policy, particularly in relation to the “Popular Front” strategy, and to Communist dealings with other movements in the Republican camp.
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MERSHON, CAROL. "Legislative Party Switching and Executive Coalitions." Japanese Journal of Political Science 9, no. 3 (December 2008): 391–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003198.
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AbstractIn parliamentary systems, legislative parties are the building blocks for executive coalitions. A standard assumption in the large literature on coalition politics is that legislative parties form fixed units from one election to the next. Under some conditions, however, this assumption falls flat. For instance, about one-fourth of legislators in the Italian lower house switched parties between 1996 and 2001. How is legislative party switching linked to the politics of executive coalitions? This paper examines how government composition affects the direction of party switching, and how party switching affects the reallocation of cabinet office. I devote in-depth scrutiny to Italy. Subsidiary country cases, chosen to maximize institutional variation, are Australia, Britain, Canada, France, and Spain.