Relevant bibliographies by topics / Civics and Politics

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Civics and Politics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Civics and Politics"

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Rusu, Mihai Stelian. "’Civilising’ the Transitional Generation: The Politics of Civic Education in Post-Communist Romania." Social Change Review 17, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 116–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scr-2019-0005.

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Abstract The paper examines the introduction of civic education in post-communist Romania as an educational means of civilising in a democratic ethos the children of the transition. Particularly close analytical attention is paid to a) the political context that shaped the decision to introduce civic education, b) the radical changes in both content and end purpose of civics brought about by educational policies adopted for accelerating the country’s efforts of integrating into the Euro-Atlantic structures (NATO and the European Union), and c) the actual consequences that these educational policies betting on civics have had on the civic values expressed by Romanian teenagers. The analysis rests on an extensive sample of schoolbooks and curricula of civic education, civic culture, and national history used in primary and secondary education between 1992 (when civics was first introduced) and 2007 (when Romania joined the EU). Drawing on critical discourse analysis, the paper argues that a major discursive shift had taken place between 1999 and 2006, propelled by Romania’s accelerated efforts to join the EU. Set in motion by the new National Curriculum of 1998, the content of civics textbooks went through a dramatic change from a nationalist ethos towards a Europeanist orientation. The paper identifies and explores the consequences of a substantial shift from a heroic paradigm of celebrating the nation’s identity and monumentalised past towards a reflexive post-heroic model of celebrating the country’s European vocation.
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Muff, Aline, and Zvi Bekerman. "Agents of the nation-state or transformative intellectuals? Exploring the conflicting roles of civics teachers in Israel." Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 14, no. 1 (December 12, 2017): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746197917743752.

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This article focuses on the role of the civics teacher against the backdrop of the recent political developments in Israel, where the political elite increasingly seeks to underpin citizenship education with a national-religious ideology. As in previous work on this topic by other academics, we draw on Gramsci’s work on cultural hegemony to locate the hegemonic discourse of citizenship education in Israel and focus on the teacher’s role along the spectrum of being an agent of the nation-state to acting as a transformative intellectual. We have interviewed Jewish-Israeli civics teachers to gain a better understanding of how they mediate their role between the different demands that the politics of civic education in Israel imposes on them. Our findings outline how teachers sometimes tend to reproduce the hegemonic discourse and how they also find ways to rebel against it, drawing on counter-hegemonic strategies in their classroom practice.
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SOLT, FREDERICK. "Civics or Structure? Revisiting the Origins of Democratic Quality in the Italian Regions." British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 1 (December 12, 2003): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123403000383.

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What determines the responsiveness and effectiveness of democratic governments in meeting their citizens’ needs? Based on his 1993 study of the twenty Italian regions, Robert Putnam argued that ‘civic community’, a self-reinforcing syndrome of social engagement and political participation, is the explanation. A re-examination of Putnam’s data reveals little evidence of such a syndrome, but confirms that where more citizens participate in politics outside of networks of clientelistic exchange, more effective democratic government results. To discern the causes of variation in this self-motivated political participation, I test Putnam’s measures of social engagement against aspects of Italian socio-economic structure. Economic development and the historical distribution of land, not social engagement, are found to be powerful predictors of self-motivated political participation and in turn democratic quality.
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SUNDERLAND, HELEN. "POLITICS IN SCHOOLGIRL DEBATING CULTURES IN ENGLAND, 1886–1914." Historical Journal 63, no. 4 (October 21, 2019): 935–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000414.

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ABSTRACTDebating was an important part of schoolgirls’ political education in late Victorian and Edwardian England that has been overlooked in the scholarship on female education and civics instruction. Debates offered middle- and working-class schoolgirls an embodied and interactive education for citizenship. Considering both the content of discussions and the process of debating, this article argues that school debates provided a unique opportunity for girls to discuss political ideas and develop political skills. Debates became intertwined with girls’ peer cultures, challenging contemporary and historiographical assumptions of girlhood apoliticism. Positioning girls as political subjects sheds new light on political change in modern Britain. Schoolgirl debates show how gendered political boundaries were shifting in this period. Within the unique space of the school debating chamber, girls were free to appropriate and subvert ‘masculine’ political subjects and ways of speaking. In mock parliaments, schoolgirls re-created the archetypal male political space of the House of Commons, demonstrating their familiarity with parliamentary politics. Schoolgirl debates therefore foreshadowed initiatives that promoted women's citizenship after partial suffrage was achieved in 1918, and they help to explain how the first women voters were assimilated easily into existing party and constitutional politics.
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Reuben, Julie A. "Beyond Politics: Community Civics and the Redefinition of Citizenship in the Progressive Era." History of Education Quarterly 37, no. 4 (1997): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369872.

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Mellor, Suzanne. "Politics, civics curricula, and decision making in schools: Can schools change student cynicism?" Set: Research Information for Teachers, no. 2 (August 1, 1998): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.18296/set.0836.

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Journell, Wayne, and Lisa Brown Buchanan. "Making Politics Palatable: Using Television Drama in High School Civics and Government Classes." Social Studies 103, no. 1 (January 2012): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00377996.2011.571302.

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Gordon, Mordechai. "Lying in Politics: Fake News, Alternative Facts, and the Challenges for Deliberative Civics Education." Educational Theory 68, no. 1 (February 2018): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/edth.12288.

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Berch, Neil. "A Practical Project for Introductory American Politics Classes." Political Science Teacher 3, no. 2 (1990): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800001057.

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Many political scientists find that they have difficulty generating enthusiasm (from both themselves and their students) when they teach the introductory course in American politics. The material can be very dry and basic, students are often required to take the course, and many believe they know the material from high school civics classes. In short, motivation can be a major problem, and the instructor must find a way to get students involved with the course. This is especially important, because this course often serves as the gateway to other offerings in American politics. If students are not excited about the Intro class, they may not go any farther in political science.I believe the key to motivation in this class lies in getting students to actually participate in the interest group process. This allows them to test the theoretical constructs presented in the course in the laboratory of real world politics. Therefore, I have designed an introductory course in American politics that is centered around a small group project that requires students to try to get a government (local, state, or national) to do something substantial that the group proposes.In many respects, my course is a fairly traditional introduction to American politics. We cover the Constitution, federalism, interest groups, civil rights, elections, theories of power,and the institutions. The reading is reduced a bit to allow time for students to work on the projects. After describing the project, I will explain how it fits into the framework of the course.
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Ahmad Sodikin. "Kontribusi Pondok Pesantren Haji Ya’qub Lirboyo Kediri dalam Mengembangkan Pendidikan Politik Islam di Indonesia." Dirasah : Jurnal Studi Ilmu dan Manajemen Pendidikan Islam 1, no. 2 (August 30, 2018): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.29062/dirasah.v1i2.21.

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Speaking of pesantren and Islamic politics, it cannot be separated from Islam and its people, while Muslims have been encouraged by their leaders (although in minority number) that to not mix religion with politic, especially in Indonesia in the 1980s so that there is an impression that Muslims do not need to engage in politic mainly in the pesantren community and that's why Muslims and their leaders become afraid talking about politics. It encourages the writer to find out more about how political education in pesantren which finally the writer do research in the pesantren in particular pesantren of Haji Ya'qub Lirboyo in Kediri. The type of research used was qualitative descriptive. Because the research aimed to describe the phenomena at the research location. This research succeeded in obtaining findings according to the problem questions which in the outline can be summarized as follows: Islamic political education in pesantren of Haji Ya'qub Lirboyo indirectly existed since the time of its establishment, but limited only to the role model of the kyais. On the other hand, the form of political education such as organizations still exist, for example Jamiyyah, Bahtsul Masa'il Institution, and Madrasah Diniyah. While education that is purely in the form of lesson is understanding Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Civics that learned in public school. Contribution of Haji Ya'qub Islamic boarding school in Islamic political education consisted of two types which is fund and behavior. In the form of fund contribution was donation to the local election committee. Whereas in the form of the behavior, the Haji Ya'qub Islamic boarding school formed organizations such as LBM, Jamiyyah, and Madrasah Diniyah.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Civics and Politics"

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Komba, Willy Lazaro Mbunju. "Changing politics and political culture in Tanzania : the impact on political education and civics curricula 1967-1994." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018447/.

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This thesis examines the limits of the curriculum in Tanzania's socio-political reforms as the country moves from a single- party socialist to a multi-party liberal and market oriented system. It focuses on the dominant influence of political culture on the curriculum process. The study was suggested by syllabus changes at all levels from primary through to university, and drew from one of the observations made by the Presidential Commission's Report of 1991 that Tanzanian political culture was authoritarian/quiescent, and that the curriculum could contribute to the realization of a society which would allow political choice. In view of the fundamental pedagogical implications, the study contrasted the West European liberal concept of choice with the collectivist Tanzanian political culture, its manifestation in the educational philosophy, and examined how it was internalized by educators. Specifically, it investigated teachers' perception of the curriculum changes, and of their role in a changed political environment. Through a conceptual model derived from the literature, the data (obtained from documentary sources, interviews, and from a questionnaire administered to 100 school teachers and 35 teacher trainees) were analyzed and interpreted. The findings suggested that teachers had internalized the authoritarian values concerning the outcomes of teaching and learning of Civics (e.g. unconditional obedience/loyalty to authority). It was argued that changing national political ideologies required not only surface changes in national politics but also in deeper values of the society as a whole, and that the facile association of Political Education with authoritarianism or Civics with democracy was unsustainable. As this study was limited by the size of the sample and type of respondents, broad based research on the residual political cultures in Tanzania and on African concepts of political choice or pluralism might yield more convincing evidence of the political values identified in this study.
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Kravatz, Tanya Devra. "Critical pedagogy and oppositional politics in education : developing critical consciousness and building civil society in the classroom /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF formate. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3266842.

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Wall, Peter. "EU-undervisning : En jämförelse av undervisning om politik på nationell och europeisk nivå." Licentiate thesis, Karlstads universitet, Centrum för de samhällsvetenskapliga ämnenas didaktik, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-7089.

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This study focuses on, and explores the curriculum content and resources used when teaching on the European Union (EU) and EU-questions within civics education at lower secondary level in Sweden. The research findings have been examined from a ‘best practice’ perspective in relation to subject matter which is seen as positive in the context of political participation. The content, which includes polity, policy and politics, has together with an approach to treat the content as domestic politics, been viewed as a successful model leading to political participation. In order to assess to what extent the taught content facilitates pupils political participation, the EU content taught at lower secondary education is compared to national politics. In addition, as it can be expected to have an impact on what is taught, the context and actual content what is taught about EU and national politics is also compared. The results, based on information and findings collected through questionnaires and semi-structured interviews with teachers from six different municipalities show that EU education does not compare well when contrasted against the educational content taught in relation to national level polity, policy and politics. The curriculum content taught on the EU illustrates primarily that it is the polity dimension which is dominating whereas all EU education is framed more as foreign policy politics rather than as part of domestic politics. Swedish national politics on the other hand, to a larger extent, show signs of the three dimensions and has clear characteristics of domestic politics. The citizen’s ability to influence politics is at the core of education in relation to national politics. However, this does not seem to be the case when it comes to education in relation to the EU. The politics of Swedish political parties advocated at a national level is, for example, explored in detail; however, none or very little of their politics at EU level is addressed. The dominant question, in relation to EU studies, is if Sweden should be a full member of the EU or not. The educational design in relation to national politics comes across as better planned when compared to EU studies. What is brought into the educational content in relation to EU studies depends to a large extent on the context and subject area in which it is being raised.
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Forsberg, Åsa. "”Folk tror ju på en om man kan prata” : Deliberativt arrangerad undervisning på gymnasieskolans yrkesprogram." Licentiate thesis, Karlstads universitet, Centrum för de samhällsvetenskapliga ämnenas didaktik, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-6890.

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Young male vocational students are in academia described as being less interested by politics and social issues and having less knowledge regarding democracy than other students. A culture of resistance is the appellation of the specific culture that emphasise the relations between young male vocational students. Deliberately arranged teaching with deliberate qualities has shown a positive impact on students’ learning as well as being a way of working with moral issues in school. The purpose of this study is to make researches into whether deliberately arranged teaching has an impact on  the political and social interest amongst young male vocational students. A questionnaire was conducted before and after the Civics A (social studies) course. Individual interviews, where the students’ ways of expressing themselves in regards to politics and social issues were in focus, were carried out. The deliberately arranged teaching was conducted once a week during one academic year. The students were then responsible for the content as well as ensuring that they abided by the set rules for the conversation. Limited alterations regarding the students’ interest for politics and social issues were identified in the questionnaire. However, the interviews revealed that some of the students have changed their way of looking at politics and their interest has increased. The culture of resistance that usually distinguishes the behaviour of vocational students in regards to core subjects was not found as a dominating factor. The students taking part in focus groups expressed a positive response to the deliberately arranged teaching stating it was the part of the course they enjoyed the most. To be able to express their views and listen to others was highly appreciated by the students who described themselves as serious and ambitious during classes. The teachers felt that this teaching style meant that there was a focus on relations and that the didactic question about content in the course were more complicated to execute.
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Katz, Meredith Ann. "The Politics of Purchasing: Ethical Consumerism, Civic Engagement, and Political Participation in the United States." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/29661.

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Although the United States is the worldâ s leading consumer nation, limited empirical research exists on the relationship between consumer choices and political participation. This study provides the first quantitative analysis of the demographic characteristics, motivations, and political activities of political and ethical consumers in the United States. Ethical consumers are broadly defined as socially responsible consumers including the subset of political consumers. Political consumers, while also socially responsible, are primarily concerned with achievement of political or social change through purchasing decisions. While political and ethical consumers engage in similar behaviors, the distinguishing factor between the two is motivation. Participation in both political and ethical consumerism is measured through buycotting (intentionally purchasing) or boycotting (intentionally abstaining from purchasing) of particular products or companies. Based on data from the 2002 National Civic Engagement Survey II, this study finds income and education significantly predict participation in political and ethical consumerism, while race and gender do not. Across political parties, the stronger a respondentsâ political affiliation, the less likely they are to boycott or buycott. This study also finds the primary motivation of participation for 80 percent of boycotters and buycotters is altruistic (ethical consumerism) rather than the achievement of political objectives (political consumerism). Additionally, political and ethical consumers indicate little belief in the ability for their purchases to alter business practices and do not consider their actions a part of organized campaigns. Political and ethical consumers are politically active and individuals who contact public officials, protest, and sign email or written petitions are significantly more likely to boycott or buycott than those who do not. In lieu of these findings, suggestions are offered to consumer-activist groups and social change organizations concerning rationales of consumer motivation and political engagement in the hopes this information will be utilized to mobilize a broader base of citizen-consumers.
Ph. D.
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Armakolas, Ioannis. "Political competition, civic politics, and war in the Bosnian model city : a study of Tuzla, 1990-1995." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612764.

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Tulloch, Scott. "Mapping U.S. Civic Engagement Discourse: A Geo-Critical Rhetorical Wandering." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2008. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/TullochS2008.pdf.

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Joao, da Costa Cabral Andresen Guimaraes Fernando. "The origins of the Angolan civil war : international politics and domestic political conflict 1961-1976." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2414/.

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This thesis views the Angolan civil war as a conflict that resulted from both internal and external political factors. The war, fought in the period 1975-1976 between the MPLA and the FNLA-UNITA coalition to succeed Portuguese colonialism in Angola, involved the intervention of external powers on behalf of both sides. This study examines, in part, the relationships that were established between these international powers and the Angolan movements. Due to the way in which these external relationships modified the nature of the internal political dispute, they became an intricate part of the origins of the conflict itself. The internationalization of the Angolan civil war was predicated, however, on an internal political conflict that emerged from a dynamic interaction of the effects of both Portuguese colonialism and divergent currents of Angolan anti-colonialism. While the particularities of Portuguese colonialism and the Salazarist regime played their part in establishing some of the conditions within which Angolan anti-colonialism emerged, the latter was also a product of specific political choices on the part of the movements involved. In this interaction there can also be found the roots of the conflict between the Angolan movements. This internal conflict was further exacerbated when the parties to it hoped to bolster their respective positions by establishing relationships with external powers. The establishment of these relationships was in part achieved by appealing to external rivalries, in particular to that of the competition between the superpowers, but also to regional rivalries, such as that between Congo and Zaire and wider continental divisions. The interaction between the internal conflict and these external rivalries is shown to have contributed significantly to the origins of the civil war. This thesis maintains its focus tightly on the specific question of the origins of the Angolan civil war. Those developments that led to the war, rather than the conflict itself are its main concern.
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Smith, Adam Inness Paul. "The presidential election of 1864 : party politics and political mobilisation during the American Civil War." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624391.

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Crider, Jonathan B. "Printing Politics: The Emergence of Political Parties in Florida, 1821-1861." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/427023.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation makes three key arguments regarding politics and print culture in antebellum Florida. First, Florida’s territorial status, historic geographical divisions, and local issues necessitated the use of political parties. Second, Florida’s political parties evolved from a focus on charismatic men and local geographic loyalties to loyalty to party regardless of who was running to national and regional loyalties above local issues and men. Lastly, the central and most consistent aspect of Florida’s political party development was the influence of newspapers and their editors. To understand Florida politics in the nineteenth century it is necessary to recognize how the personal, geographical, and political divisions in Florida’s territorial past remained a critical factor in the development and function of national political parties in Florida. The local divisions within Florida in the 1820s created factions and personal loyalties that would later help characterize national parties in the 1840s. Political leaders, with the help of editors and their newspapers, created factions based more on personal loyalties than on ideology. By the 1850s party loyalty became paramount over personal or regional loyalties. In the last years before the Civil War Democrats linked Southern loyalty to the Democratic party and accused their opposition of treason against the South leading Florida and the nation to Civil War. Yet, throughout these political changes, editors and their newspapers remained central to political success, becoming the voice of political parties and critical to attracting and maintaining potential voters. In addition to understanding how politics functioned in antebellum Florida, this dissertation contributes to our larger understanding of the Second Party System and the South. An underlying argument of this dissertation is that while the Democrats tended to be better organized and more ideologically coherent, the Whigs suffered from constant in-fighting and splintering. This led to the Democratic domination of politics and, in the South, the ability of secession supporters to control the public conversation during the Sectional Crisis of the 1850s and lead the nation to war. This dissertation also claims that there is not just one South but many and exposes the myth of a changeless and monolithic South.
Temple University--Theses
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Books on the topic "Civics and Politics"

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Liberian civics. Monrovia: Herald PUblishing, 2004.

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S, Vincent William, Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, Inc, and Harcourt Brace & Company, eds. American civics. Austin [Tex.]: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1998.

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C, Remy Richard, ed. Civics for Americans. 2nd ed. Glenview, Ill: Scott, Foresman, 1986.

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Hartley, William Harrison. American civics. Austin: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 2005.

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Hartley, William Harrison. American civics. Austin: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1996.

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S, Vincent William, and Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, inc., eds. American civics. Austin, Tex: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 2003.

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Hartley, William Harrison. American civics. Austin: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1992.

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Cornell, William A. Understanding Pennsylvania civics. Harrisburg, Pa: Penns Valley Publishers, 1985.

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Patrick, John J. Civics for Americans. 2nd ed. Glenview, Ill: Scott, Foresman, 1991.

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R, Fraenkel Jack. Civics--government and citizenship. Newton, Mass: Allyn and Bacon, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Civics and Politics"

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Wijermars, Mariëlle. "The Digitalization of Russian Politics and Political Participation." In The Palgrave Handbook of Digital Russia Studies, 15–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42855-6_2.

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AbstractThe chapter discusses the impact of digitalization and the rise of online and social media on Russian politics and political participation. It departs from the question whether the introduction of digital technologies has resulted in the transformation of Russian politics in ways that go beyond the mere replication of political practices in digital form. Placing its analysis in the context of Open Government thinking, the chapter examines four areas: first, it discusses changes in political communication; second, it examines the impact of online communications on political campaigning; third, the chapter reflects on changes in the voting process; and, finally, it critically examines digital tools for political participation (so-called civic technologies) and civic engagement.
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Christodoulidis, Emilios A. "American Civic Republicanism." In Law and Reflexive Politics, 31–51. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-3967-0_4.

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Stoker, Gerry. "Creating a New Civic Arena." In Why Politics Matters, 187–208. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60896-3_12.

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Mercea, Dan. "Informal Civic Learning." In Civic Participation in Contentious Politics, 191–218. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50869-0_7.

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Runhare, Tawanda, and Christopher Muvirimi. "Partisan Politics in Civic Education." In Re-thinking Postcolonial Education in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21st Century, 105–24. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-962-1_7.

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Collins, Philip. "And another thing . . . Has civic discourse declined?" In Politics UK, 744–45. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-43.

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Joyce, Peter. "Conclusion: Extra-Parliamentary Politics and Civil and Political Liberties." In The Politics of Protest, 234–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403990235_7.

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Zweig, David. "Political Culture, Alternative Politics and Democracy in Greater China." In Democracy and Civil Society in Asia, 111–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523753_6.

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Wessels, Bridgette. "Political culture." In Communicative Civic-ness, 79–95. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018.Identifiers: LCCN 2017047510| ISBN 9781138959378 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781138959408 (pbk.) | ISBN 9781315660653 (e-book): Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315660653-6.

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Jones, Bill. "Ministers and civil servants." In British politics, 283–300. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-23.

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Conference papers on the topic "Civics and Politics"

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Matos, Sónia, Simone Ashby, Julian Hanna, and Ricardo Rodrigues. "Youth, Politics & Civic Participation." In C&T 2019: The 9th International Conference on Communities & Technologies - Transforming Communities. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3328320.3328374.

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angera, Ali M. "Reconstructing identities and the idea of Global Regionalism." In International Conference on the 4th Game Set and Match (GSM4Q-2019). Qatar University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.29117/gsm4q.2019.0021.

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We live in a time of great anxiety and change; a time of shifting allegiances where the certainties upon which we have relied have simply vanished. Our once familiar political landscape is in flux; pandemics, civil rights, China, Brexit, Trump, interminable wars and nationalism, have led us to seek answers in ways that are simple and easy to understand. The fingerprints of identity politics are everywhere.
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Kolonitsky, B. I. "Political Symbols of the February Revolution and the Symbolic Politics of the Civil War." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-332-343.

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Noza, Vevi Sovia, Azwar Ananda, and Alia Azmi. "Correlation between Political News Consumption and Civic Education Students’ Political Awareness." In Proceedings of the Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/acec-18.2018.83.

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Lin, Qiu. "Promoting Political Modernizations by Building Civic Cultures." In The 2013 International Conference on Applied Social Science Research (ICASSR-2013). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icassr.2013.1.

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Wertman, Aaron, Marcus Shaffer, and James Kalsbeek. "Apparatus X: Designing an Architecture for Civic Engagement for Civic Engagement." In AIA/ACSA Intersections Conference. ACSA Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.aia.inter.15.7.

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Typically defined as one who uses design as tools for political change, immediate response, and/or design-as-reaction, an activist architect can be more simply described as one who takes architectural practice with him/ her, commits to a community, and engages with that community’s building needs — as rejuvenation, or in more extreme cases, as response to disaster caused by war, weather, or economics.
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Kollo, Fredik Lambertus, and Sunarso Sunarso. "Patriarchy Culture and Injustice for Women in Politics." In Proceedings of the Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/acec-18.2018.25.

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Ahmad, Endang, and Karim Suryadi. "The Impact of Party Political Education on Cadre Political Attitudes." In 2nd Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200320.091.

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Koç, Murat, and Hakkı Çiftçi. "World Investments, Global Terrorism and the New Perception of Politic Risk." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01108.

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Based on economic power struggle, the economic strength began to take the place of military power and economic security has been considered as important as military security in this new world order. Multinational companies and their feasibility studies constitute the agenda of politic risks before entering these markets. Political risk faced by firms can be defined as “the risk of a strategic, financial, or personnel loss for a firm because of such nonmarket factors as macroeconomic and social policies, or events related to political instability”. However, terrorism should be considered as a multiplier effect on some of the components mentioned above. Terrorism itself and these strict measures directly affect investments. In 2012, FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) flows into the Middle East and North Africa have been adversely affected by political risk over the past couple of years. Investor perceptions of political risks in the region remain elevated across a range of risks. The Arab Spring countries have fared worse than other developing countries in the region. The risk perception of civil disturbance and political violence, but also breach of contract, is especially prominent in Arab Spring countries. In other words, global terrorism has created a negative multiplier effect in the region. In this context, Multiplier effect can be summarized as an effect on a target, situation or event which exceed its creating strength than expected. Considering this impact, MNC’s SWOT analysis and investment analysis must signify a redefinition in a wide range by the means of political risk perceptions.
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Lendvorský, Michal, Beáta Mikušová, and Nikoleta Jakuš. "Úloha protikorupčných mimovládnych neziskových organizácií v municipálnej politike." In XXIII. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách / 23rd International Colloquium on Regional Sciences. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9610-2020-30.

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The degree of enforcement of political accountability at all levels of government affects the level of corruption. Active civil society shaping public opinion puts pressure on politicians to act responsibly and thus reduces the risk of corrupt practices. Increasing political responsibility at the municipal level is possible through the operation of non-governmental organizations as subjects / actors of municipal policy. The aim of the study is to point out the possibilities of solving the problem of corruption at the local level through the activities of anti-anticorruption NGOs as subjects of municipal policy. The research issue is anticorruption NGOs activities in corruption problem solving at the local level government. The research subject is NGO Against Corruption. The key methods of scientific research are the methods of classification analysis, comparison and abstraction in the creation of a theoretical and methodological framework for solving the problem; methods of causal analysis in the application part of the study and methods of synthesis and partial induction in drawing conclusions. Secondary data collection will take place through a constructive method and their processing and evaluation through the case study method. The methods applied to the civic association Against Corruption will be effective in mapping their complex activities and activities at the municipal level.
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Reports on the topic "Civics and Politics"

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Bodenhorn, Howard. Opening Access: Banks and Politics in New York from the Revolution to the Civil War. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, June 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w23560.

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Young, Josephine. Attitude Functions and Political Behavior: The Issue of Gay Civil Rights. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6415.

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Calomiris, Charles, and Jonathan Pritchett. Betting on Secession: Quantifying Political Events Surrounding Slavery and the Civil War. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, November 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19625.

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Terzyan, Aram. State-Building in Belarus: The Politics of Repression Under Lukashenko’s Rule. Eurasia Institutes, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-2-2019.

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This paper explores the politics of repression and coercion in Belarus, with a focus on the Belarusian authorities’ brutal responses to dissident activities. While repressions are seen to be a backbone of authoritarian rule, there is a lack of case studies of repressions and repressive policies in different kinds of authoritarian regimes and their interaction with other mechanisms of authoritarian sustainability. As Belarus has demonstrated, Lukashenko’s effort’s at perpetuating his power have prompted his regime into increasing the role of repressions. Coercion and repression have been critical to suppressing dissent and pluralism across the country. Essentially, successful, mass-based opposition to the ruling elites, that led to 2014 Maidan Revolution in Ukraine and the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia served as examples to discontented elements in Belarus. Meanwhile, to shield itself from the diffusion effects of ‘color revolutions’, the Belarusian regime has tended to reinforce its repressive toolkit through suppressing the civil society, coercing the opposition, and preventing the latter from challenging Lukashenko’s rule. This study enquires into the anatomy of repressive governance in Europe’s “last dictatorship.”
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Khan, Amir Ullah. Islam and Good Governance: A Political Economy Perspective. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.004.20.

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It is readily apparent to everyone that there are multiple and serious concerns that face Muslim societies today. Terrorism, civil strife, poverty, illiteracy, factionalism, gender injustices and poor healthcare are just a few of the challenges to governance across the Muslim world. These are core issues for governance and public administration in any form of government. However, before we can engage with good governance within the context of Islam, we need to be clear what mean by good governance itself. A simple definition of good governance is that of an institutionalised competency of administration and institution leading to efficient resource allocation and management[1]. Another way of looking at it is as a system which is defined by the existence of efficient and accountable institutions[2]. Civil society now tends to look at good governance by way of impact measurement and how a certain set of processes result in a set of measurable and desirable outcomes.
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Fieldsend, Astrid. Evidence and Lessons Learned Regarding the Effect of Equitable Quality Education on ‘Open Society’. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.094.

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The purpose of this review is to assist FCDO in understanding the evidence of impact and any valuable lessons regarding the effect equitable quality education can have on ‘open society’. The search revealed that there is a considerable volume of evidence which focuses on education’s ability to reduce poverty, increase economic growth, boost employability and achieve better health outcomes. There is less which focuses on the aspects of ‘open society’ as defined in this paper. The scope of this review was narrowed to focus upon areas of the ‘open society’ definition where the most evidence does exist, given the timeframe for the review. The scope was narrowed to focus on: democracy, civic engagement, and social cohesion. The review of the literature found strong evidence that equitable quality education can have a range of positive impacts on democracy (specifically, its institutions and processes), civic engagement and social cohesion. There is a considerable body of evidence which indicates that there is a correlation between equitable quality education and benefits to societies (more peaceful, higher levels of trust, greater participation in politics, etc). However, there was no clear evidence that investment in equitable quality education directly leads to positive societal outcomes. This is because there are so many other factors to account for in attempting to prove causation. The lack of rigorous studies which attempt to attribute causation demonstrates a clear evidence gap. It is important to note that education systems themselves are politicised and cannot be divorced from the political process. The extent to which education can impact positively on open society depends a great deal on the value education has within the political system in which it is operating.
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Dolinish, Gerald A. General Winfield Scott: His Development and Application of Political/Civil-Military Concepts During the Mexican War. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada401918.

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Reppert, John. Emerging Civil-Military Relations: The Role of the Main Political Administration in the New Soviet Union. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada232504.

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Wijayaratne, Chaminda A. Civil-Military Relations in Post-Conflict Sri Lanka: Successful Civilian Consolidation in the Face of Political Competition. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, December 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ad1009329.

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Terzyan, Aram. What Has Changed in Uzbekistan? Explaining Post-Karimov State-Building. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-6-2020.

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This paper explores the economic and political dimensions of post-Karimov state-building in Uzbekistan. It suggests that while Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s reform agenda has led to considerable economic reforms, the country’s political system, plagued with a myriad of authoritarian malpractices has largely remained untouched. In effect, Uzbekistan remains inherently authoritarian, with lack of a robust opposition and civil society. It concludes that the depth and sustainability of Uzbekistan’s economic reforms considerably depend on broader democratic reforms, including the fight against corruption and advancement of a vibrant civil society.
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