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Journal articles on the topic 'Civil right's workers'
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1
Giroux, Susan Searls. "From the ‘Culture Wars’ to the Conservative Campaign for Campus Diversity: Or, How Inclusion Became the New Exclusion." Policy Futures in Education 3, no. 4 (December 2005): 314–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2005.3.4.314.
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This article explores the new conservative assault on the university and the relative silence on the part of progressives in response to this challenge. In part, this apparent retreat is a consequence of the vulnerabilities and anxieties of workers in the academy that result from the ongoing corporatization of the university as well as the pervasive culture of fear that permeates the USA in the wake of 9/11, which tends to punish critique as anti-American. As important as such factors are, the current analysis focuses more inwardly on processes of internalization and normalization of the tenets of professionalism and (neo)liberalism in the post-civil rights American academy. Upon careful reexamination of the ‘culture wars’ of the 1980s and 1990s, it locates part of an explanation for such confounding quiet in the ideals that marked the university's ‘multicultural turn.’ The often limp endorsement and bland acceptance of principles such as ‘nondiscrimination,’ ‘diversity,’ and ‘openness’ in the abstract enabled the Right's ruthless appropriation of the vision and language of civil rights, turning fact and history on their heads.
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Lichtenstein, Nelson. "Workers' Rights Are Civil Rights." WorkingUSA 2, no. 6 (March 4, 1999): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.1999.tb00134.x.
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Green, Llezlie L. "Erasing Race." SMU Law Review Forum 73, no. 1 (April 2020): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.25172/slrf.73.1.8.
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Low-wage workers frequently experience exploitation, including wage theft, at the intersection of their racial identities and their economic vulnerabilities. Scholars, however, rarely consider the role of wage and hour exploitation in broader racial subordination frameworks. This Essay considers the narratives that have informed the detachment of racial justice from the worker exploitation narrative and the distancing of economic justice from the civil rights narrative. It then contends that social movements, like the Fight for $15, can disrupt narrow understandings of low-wage worker exploitation and proffer more nuanced narratives that connect race, economic justice, and civil rights to a broader anti-subordination campaign that can more effectively protect the most vulnerable workers.
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Septiyana, Iyan. "The Involvement of Indonesian Civil Society Organizations in the Policy-Making Process of Migrant Workers Protection in ASEAN." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 9, no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v9i1.72.
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Indonesia is biggest sending country of migrant worker in the region. half of the number of Indonesian worker is undocumented migrant workers that vulnerable to be a victim of worker rights or human rights violation. The absent of regional policy of migrant worker protection in ASEAN, makes the issue get less attention in ASEAN multilateral framework. Then in 2007 the first regional policy of migrant worker appeared in ASEAN, in the process it involves CSOs from all ASEAN member states. While ASEAN itself is regional organization that conduct state-centric system which position state as a leading actor. This condition bring up a question how the involvement of Indonesian CSO in the policy-making process of migrant workers protection in ASEAN. Through the perspective of critical theory of Habermas, there is a space in the public sphere that can be used by CSO to emancipate migrant workers by conducting dialogue by establish and join network that is HRWG and TFAMW, then CSO can involves in the ASEAN policy making process of migrant workers protection.
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Danaher, William F., and Marc Dixon. "FRAMING THE FIELD: THE CASE OF THE 1969 CHARLESTON HOSPITAL WORKERS' STRIKE*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 417–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-4-417.
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We investigate how union, employer and allied actors engage in framing contests and seek to gain the upper hand in a strike event by analyzing a historically significant labor and civil-rights struggle in the 1969 hospital workers' strike in Charleston, South Carolina against the Medical College of South Carolina (MCSC). Through an analysis of newspapers, interviews, and archival materials, we show how discursive tactics by multiple actors superseded worker messages over the 100-day event. Worker messages, dignity and union recognition, competed with their ally's, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), messages of poverty and civil rights as well as claims from MCSC. The workers' weakened position within this multi-actor field and limited salience of union claims served to gradually silence worker voices, shaping the protest campaign in important ways. Our findings underscore the importance of power and inequality in the framing of social conflict.
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Boyd, William. "The Color of Work: The Struggle for Civil Rights in the Southern Paper Industry, 1945–1980. By Timothy J. Minchin. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001. Pp. x, 277. $24.95, paper." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005800.
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This book documents efforts to integrate the southern paper industry during the post–World War II period. It makes an important contribution not only to the vast and growing literature on the civil-rights movement but also to economic and legal history. In contrast to the traditional focus of civil-rights historians on voting rights, school desegregation, and public accommodations, Timothy Minchin takes up the issue of fair employment and access to jobs as components of the broader civil-rights struggle. Building on his earlier research on the textile industry (Hiring the Black Worker: The Racial Integration of the Southern Textile Industry, 1960–1980. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), Minchin focuses specifically on the role of black activists and civil-rights advocates in utilizing the legal machinery put in place by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (specifically, Title VII) as a vehicle for litigation against companies and unions seeking to deny black workers equal employment opportunities. Drawing on the vast record generated by Title VII litigation and oral interviews with key actors, Minchin provides considerable insight into the lived experiences and strategic thinking of those struggling to integrate the industry. The overall story provides powerful support for the efficacy of federal civil-rights legislation in opening up new opportunities for black workers.
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Oyer, Paul, and Scott Schaefer. "Litigation Costs and Returns to Experience." American Economic Review 92, no. 3 (May 1, 2002): 683–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/00028280260136318.
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We develop a model linking maximum damage awards available to plaintiffs in wrongful termination lawsuits, workers' propensity to sue as a function of experience, and returns to experience. Using Equal Employment Opportunity Commission data on protected-worker discrimination complaints and labor-market data from the Current Population Survey, we examine how returns to experience among protected workers changed around the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1991. We show that employers' reactions to employment protections may induce redistributive effects. Furthermore, these effects operate not merely across groups of differing protected status, but also within groups of identical protected status.
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Nelson, Bruce, and Michael K. Honey. "Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 776. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081357.
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Hahamovitch, Cindy, and Michael K. Honey. "Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers." Labour / Le Travail 34 (1994): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143880.
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Reed, Harry A., and Michael K. Honey. "Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers." African Economic History, no. 21 (1993): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601839.
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Rachleff, Peter, and Michael K. Honey. "Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers." Journal of Southern History 60, no. 4 (November 1994): 836. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211121.
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Garcia, Matt, and Zaragosa Vargas. "Labor Rights Are Civil Rights: Mexican American Workers in Twentieth-Century America." Western Historical Quarterly 37, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443378.
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Rodriguez, M. S. "Labor Rights Are Civil Rights: Mexican American Workers in Twentieth-Century America." Labor: Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-2-4-106.
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Minchin, Timothy J. "Federal Policy and the Racial Integration of Southern Industry, 1961–1980." Journal of Policy History 11, no. 2 (April 1999): 147–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003183.
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In the last two decades, one of the central debates of civil rights historiography has concerned the role that the federal government played in securing the gains of the civil rights era. Historians have often been critical of the federal government's inaction, pointing out that it was only pressure from the civil rights movement itself that prompted federal action against Jim Crow. Other scholars have studied the civil rights record of the federal government by analyzing a single issue during several administrations. In this vein, there have been studies of the federal government's involvement in areas as diverse as black voting rights and racial violence against civil rights workers. These studies have both recognized the importance of federal intervention and have also been critical of the federal government's belated and half-hearted endorsement of civil rights.
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Lim, Timothy C. "Racing from The Bottom in South Korea?: The Nexus Between Civil Society and Transnational Migrants." Asian Survey 43, no. 3 (May 2003): 423–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.3.423.
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This article examines the role that "civil society" in South Korea has played in promoting the rights of transnational migrant workers in an era of globalization. The analysis concludes that the nexus between the country's civil society and transnational workers has been critical in the process of slowing the "race to the bottom."
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Balvardi, Keyvan Daryabeigi. "Civil Liability of Employers against Workers." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 3 (June 1, 2017): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n3p151.
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The aim of this study was to determine civil liability arising from the exercise of employee and employer. The terms of realization of civil liability include the general and specific conditions and of important theories about civil liability of employers against workers is the risk and fault theory. The popular legal opinion is that employer's liability is based on the fault assumption which refers to a fault-based liability where the fault is assumed and doesn’t need proof. But it seems the base of sum of the employer's liability is sum and integration of risk theories and the fault assumption because in the fault assumption we see the individual’s assumed liability that he/she can proofing lack of fault or failure come out from liability burden. Despite the respect for civil rights doctrine, in the opinion of the writer (author) perhaps we can’t present a recorded and definite basis for employer's liability, as most lawyers believe. So what is in the law is the collective result of the integration fault assumption and derivatives of risk theory. In this study, conducted using descriptive – analytical, to identify the various intellectual foundations on raised issue, the Legal Opinions, law of common law and Romano-Germanic in this article are referred to different approaches on the issue ahead be explained.
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Thomas, Susan W. "Labor Rights are Civil Rights: Mexican American Workers in Twentieth-Century America (review)." Labor Studies Journal 31, no. 4 (2007): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lab.2006.0061.
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Rollins, Judith. "Housing Civil Rights Workers: The Narrative of Odette Harper Hines." Journal of Women's History 5, no. 2 (1993): 132–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2010.0195.
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Garcia, Matt. "A Moveable Feast: The UFW Grape Boycott and Farm Worker Justice." International Labor and Working-Class History 83 (2013): 146–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000021.
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When most people think of the United Farm Workers, two things come to mind: Cesar Chávez and the grape boycott. Regarding the former, Chávez distinguished himself as perhaps the best-known Mexican American labor and civil rights leader in the country through his advocacy for farm worker rights in California during the 1960s and 1970s. In 1970, the union he led forced growers to the bargaining table for the first farm labor contracts in the history of the Golden State. This achievement would not have been possible without Chávez's embrace of the boycott, a strategy that, until proven important to the struggle, had been regarded by labor leaders as supplemental to the main strategies of strikes and marches. In fact, when we evaluate the contributions of the United Farm Workers to the history of labor in the United States, the grape boycott might well be its most enduring legacy, even more so than Chávez's leadership.
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Morris, Aldon, and Dan Clawson. "Lessons Of The Civil Rights Movement For Building A Worker Rights Movement." WorkingUSA 8, no. 6 (December 2005): 683–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.2005.00078.x.
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Kim, Joon K. "State, Civil Society and International Norms: Expanding the Political and Labor Rights of Foreigners in South Korea." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 14, no. 4 (December 2005): 383–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719680501400401.
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This paper examines the dynamic role of the state, civil society groups and international conventions in expanding the rights of foreigners in South Korea. While recent scholarship on international migration reflects a growing gap between post-national and state-centered theories, the South Korean case illustrates the dynamic interplay of actors involved in major policy developments concerning interethnic marriages, citizenship, and the temporary foreign worker program. Although the challenges of adopting additional UN and ILO Conventions remain, the passage of the Nationality Act and the Employment Permit System reflects a steady expansion of political and labor rights for foreigners. The increasing number of foreigners marrying Koreans and the strong prospect of long-term dependence on foreign workers accentuate even more the significance of these changes. This paper shows that the expansion of foreigner rights depends on the liberal position of the state, the organizational strength of NGOs, and the system of checks-and-balances structurally embedded in the way the state parties and NGOs cooperate in implementing international instruments.
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Gurowitz, Amy. "Migrant Rights and Activism in Malaysia: Opportunities and Constraints." Journal of Asian Studies 59, no. 4 (November 2000): 863–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659215.
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We are currently witnessing two trends in Southeast Asia: first, an increase in what is often referred to as “civil society” activity including action by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs); and second, an increase in various forms of migration, one of the key human rights concerns of the post-World War II era. This article reviews the convergence of these two trends by examining activism on behalf of migrant workers in the largest receiving state of migrants in Asia, Malaysia. With approximately 700,000 documented and over one million undocumented migrant workers, Malaysia has one of the highest percentages of foreign workers in the world (Migrant News [MN], November 1999). Like many other countries with labor shortages, Malaysia needs these workers, but does not want them. Both of these facts are clearly reflected in government policies. There are frequent attempts to get rid of migrant workers, either in response to public concern or because of economic downturn, but with almost every halt to migration there is a corresponding exception allowing workers to stay or continue coming. Throughout this process there is little if any attention paid to the rights of migrant workers by the Malaysian government, or often the migrant's home government. Since this increased migration is occurring at a time of a general increase in activism in Malaysia and regionally, it is reasonable to ask what of this civil society energy is being addressed to the increasingly important issue of migrant rights.
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Simoes, Marcia. "Latina Immigrants' Mobilization for Civic Rights." Practicing Anthropology 35, no. 4 (September 1, 2013): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.35.4.x83716n010856848.
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This article explores the life stories of five low-income Latina immigrant domestic workers who were activists at the time of the study (2002-2010) in Montgomery County, Maryland, to understand the structural factors that influence their civic mobilization for collective rights. All of the stories intersect in the context of a women's program at an NGO tending to the needs of the Latino community in Maryland.
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Hastings, Thomas. "Leveraging Nordic links: South African labour’s role in regulating labour standards in wine global production networks." Journal of Economic Geography 19, no. 4 (June 20, 2019): 921–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jeg/lbz010.
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Abstract There are established difficulties in upholding private standards within global production networks (GPNs) through the use of multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSIs). Taking the case of wine production in South Africa, the article examines labour’s role in leveraging new approaches to labour regulation in the interests of improved working standards and opportunities for labour organising. To do this, the paper adopts an extended take on the GPN framework which focuses on labour’s own networked capabilities. The role of worker agency in forging international connections and new relational geographies between unions and civil society organisations across wine GPNs (in particular between South Africa and Scandinavia) is explored. By applying pressure within and through these networks, workers are shown to encourage new approaches to private governance in the interests of improved worker rights on the ground.
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Andrieiev, Viktor Alexandrovich. "PAGE OF PUBLIC WORKERS IN UKRAINE: ORIGIN, CONCEPT AND CONTENT." UKRAINIAN ASSEMBLY OF DOCTORS OF SCIENCES IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 1, no. 12 (February 14, 2018): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/vadnd.v1i12.78.
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The article is devoted to the definition of the concept, essence and content of the oath of a civil servant, as an integral part of their legal status. The role and significance of the oath of a civil servant in accordance with the current legislation and the strategy of reforming the civil service and service in local selfgovernment bodies are analyzed. It is determined that the oath of a public servant is a special type of state-management relations, the content of which is the solemn oath of a citizen who enters the civil service for the functions of the state, loyalty to the Ukrainian people and the state. However, the legislator does not provide a clear definition of the oath of a public servant as a legal and public-management phenomenon in the mechanism of civil service, which in turn makes it impossible to form a highly-qualified civil service. It is the concept, content, essence of the Oath of a public servant who remains little investigated and theoretically worked out. In addition, the analysis of the current legislation shows that there is no single approach to the oath of a civil servant, as to the fact that a citizen of Ukraine acquires the corresponding legal status and negatively affects the functioning of public administration bodies in general and causes certain conflicts in the legislation. It was concluded that the oath of a public servant is an integral part of his legal and state-management status, from which the citizen of Ukraine acquires all the rights and duties of a civil servant, including the responsibility to be responsible for refusing to make an oath of a civil servant, or for violation of it. A refusal to make an oath by an entity that enters the position of a civil servant makes it impossible for a person to acquire the subjective rights and legal obligations provided for by the status of a civil servant. Concept, content and essential features The oath of a civil servant is regulated by the system of current legislation, as well as ethical norms of public service and traditions of the corresponding state-management practice in Ukraine.
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Evans, Donna Maree, Marlise L. Richter, and Munyaradazi I. Katumba. "Policing of sex work in South Africa: The positive policing partnership approach." Journal of Community Safety and Well-Being 4, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35502/jcswb.107.
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All aspects of sex work are criminalized in South Africa. Due to their marginalized position in society, sex workers are often the target of police violence and human rights violations, all of which have far-reaching implications for public health. Existing complaint mechanisms and police oversight structures rarely ensure accountability for sex worker human rights violations. In 2016, various sex work sector stakeholders and allied civil society members partnered in a collaborative project to document the operational policing challenges and record a contemporary evidence base of sex worker rights violations by law enforcement. The findings demonstrated that violation of sex worker human rights is systemic, pervasive, and entrenched. The project approach helped catalyze a move away from more traditionally adversarial approaches, withstakeholders from the South African sex work sector forming the Positive Policing Partnership (PPP) as an advocacy vehicle to drive positive, solution-focused engagement on the operational policing challenges. The PPP focuses on collaboration, innovative partnerships, and capacity building. Concurrently, the COC Netherlands Dignity, Diversity and Policing project has successfully embedded a rights-based police training curriculum in partnership with the South African Police Service (SAPS). These projects employ different strategies and frameworks to catalyze positive change and to support effective engagement between the sex work sector, law enforcement, and government. This article provides a snapshot of the formation, activities and progress of these projects to date, teamed with a summary of key strategies and learnings.
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Ferricha, Dian. "Eksistensi Hukum Acara Perdata dalam Penyelesaian Perselisihan Hak tentang Upah pada Pekerja Honorer di Indonesia." ADHAPER: Jurnal Hukum Acara Perdata 4, no. 2 (May 1, 2019): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.36913/jhaper.v4i2.79.
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Rights disputes often occur in employment relationships in various sectors, mainly related to wages. Where wages are the pulse of workers and as a form of reward for work carried out on orders from superiors. Workers who are weak in their current bargaining power that has not been resolved legally and whose energy is still needed in the work of the public sphere both government, health and education are honorary workers. Where honorary workers are workers who are appointed by staffing officials or other officials in the government to carry out certain tasks in government agencies that are paid voluntarily through contractual agreements or in the form of decrees. In the legal aspect, they have no clear protection, are categorized as workers in industrial relations or are workers shaded by the state civil service law. This is a legal vacuum in its protection. Not to mention, when they demanded their rights in the form of wages paid below the district or provincial minimum wage standards. This is what was raised in this article because if it is not resolved when the problem is resolved through litigation, the legal basis used is not only the law on industrial relations disputes in the industrial relations court but also based on civil procedural law in the general court. This article uses a normative juridical method are based on legal materials that are normative-prescriptive. This article is very interesting to study more deeply and for this article it was created to recommend legal breakthroughs on problems that occur, one of which offers clause clauses in civil procedural law to order parties to disclose documents during the verifi cation process when settling rights on wages to workers honorary is brought into the realm of litigation, wherein one of the articles of the Industrial Relations Dispute Settlement Act it is stated that what applies in Industrial Relations Disputes is ordinary civil procedural law unless otherwise stipulated.
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Gupta, Pallavi. "Can Sex Workers Claim Human Rights In India?" International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 1, no. 1 (January 2014): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2014010104.
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Human Rights by its origin and nature only advocate the welfare and well-being of all persons with equal treatment everywhere, it never discriminate towards any individual, class or group of people in any society. But Indian Governments at all level have failed to protect, the human rights even civil rights of sex workers. It covers problems of the sex workers and their children or child sex workers entered in sex trade by force & fraud but rescued from sex trade and advocates only claim of sex workers to live with dignity as they are also human being and have human rights. It shall focus on responsibility of government to make effective policy and for its good governance to provide justice to the sex workers and their children under the mandate of judicial directions. But this paper does not advocate demand of sex workers to encourage sex trade by any way.
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Middlemiss, Sam. "The legal rights of workers and volunteers at the Edinburgh Festival Fringe." International Journal of Law and Management 63, no. 1 (August 17, 2020): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlma-03-2020-0082.
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Purpose Against the background of the biggest arts festival in the world, there have been some shocking findings recently about the treatment of performers and other workers at the Fringe. The purpose of this paper is to consider the type of treatment a significant number of Fringe workers experience and how it might be dealt with under the law. The mistreatment of workers includes being: required to work excessively long hours, paid low wages or no wages, subject to sexual or street harassment, lookism, ageism or deprivation of other employment rights. What is unusual about Fringe workers is they normally only work for a short time (often a maximum of two months). Also, in respect of performers and other theatre workers, they might be inclined to work on a voluntary, unpaid basis to gain the necessary experience to kickstart their careers. Employers will often be theatrical promoters in charge of productions at a number of venues. This paper highlights the issues surrounding working at the Fringe and identifies the employment law issues for its workers. This involves identifying likely breaches of legislation under the civil law and contract law by employers. Also, the consideration of how the criminal law could apply to the treatment of workers is undertaken. Finally, it involves an analysis of how the rights of Fringe workers could be better protected. The findings and recommendations in this paper will have application to any situation where someone is employed as a volunteer or worker in an artistic setting on a short-term basis. Design/methodology/approach This paper is a review of sources drawn from articles in law journals, newspapers, etc. Findings The findings of this paper suggest that there is a need for reform of the law. Research limitations/implications This paper focuses on improving the rights of Fringe workers who have a history of being neglected or abused. Practical implications This paper ensures improved rights for Fringe workers. Social implications This paper analyses issues that are relevant for all workers in the arts at festivals, etc., throughout the UK. Originality/value This paper is extremely original.
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Dick, Bailey. "The Catholic Worker's Coverage of Civil Rights and Racial Justice." American Catholic Studies 131, no. 4 (2020): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/acs.2020.0064.
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Tang, Denise T.-S. "Youth work in a changing society: A case study of Hong Kong youth service providers." Qualitative Social Work 17, no. 5 (January 4, 2017): 659–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473325016680283.
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Hong Kong has recently witnessed heightened public awareness of the issues of rights, civil society and citizenship. Contested relations with the Beijing government and slower economic growth in mainland China have seen more Hong Kong citizens become involved in civic engagement and identity politics. Youth service providers thus find themselves forced to respond to a rapidly changing society and changing youth needs while being situated in institutions with their own structural constraints and work culture. The result is that occupational stress is increasingly common amongst Hong Kong secondary school teachers and social workers. This paper presents the findings of a qualitative ethnographic study involving 16 in-depth interviews with community leaders, teachers and school-based social workers. How does a changing society affect youth work in general? How does greater discussion of democracy and human rights in the public sphere affect the way that youth service providers perform youth work? What are the changing roles and responsibilities of these providers in offering support to Hong Kong youth? The research themes that emerged include changing demographics and youth scene, a democratising public sphere in relation to Chinese youth and professionalism as a youth service provider.
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Kushbakova, A. "Social Workers and Their Legal Status." Bulletin of Science and Practice 7, no. 5 (May 15, 2021): 377–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/66/38.
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The legal status of a social worker, as well as other persons interested in social work, is determined by the greed of the totality of their rights and obligations. Their content in many cases depends on whether such persons carry out their activities on the basis of a transaction with an organization or on their own initiative, on behalf of a state body, local government or commercial organization, within the framework of an employment or civil law agreement.
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Leliūgienė, Irena, Inga Stūglytė – Novickienė, and Angelė Kaušylienė. "PROSPECTIVE FOSTER PARENTS‘ ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE PROVIDED SOCIAL WORKER‘S ASSISTANCE: A CASE OF AN X LITHUANIAN TOWN." SOCIAL WELFARE: INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACH 2, no. 7 (June 6, 2018): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21277/sw.v2i7.298.
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The article introduces the significance of social worker's assistance to prospective foster parents: a case of an X Lithuanian town. The best place for the child development and improvement is the family. For some reasons not all the children are raised in families. Some children have no possibility to live with their biological families, therefore according to the established legislation, they live in foster homes under the supervision of foster parents or are adopted. Children adoption in our country is regulated by different acts of legislation. The activity of the ombudsperson for children’s rights is governed by the Law on the Ombudsman for Children Rights Protection of the Republic of Lithuania (2000), Civil Code of the Republic of Lithuania, Regulations of organization and management of children guardianship (2002), etc. Research <strong>aim</strong> is to analyze the social service worker's assistance to the prospective foster parents. The following objectives to reach our <strong>goal</strong> are presented: to analyze theoretical conception of adoption procedure and enforcement; to discuss the system of the social service workers’ assistance to prospective foster parents; to investigate foster parents' approach towards the social service worker's assistance and to reveal the main problems. <strong>Research methods</strong>: analysis of the scientific literature – scientific analysis of adoption issues. The stages of adoption procedures and the requirements overviewed and analysed are provided; document analysis: documents, acts of legislation, laws and regulations of child adoption regulations are analysed and overviewed; a qualitative study: semi-structured interview, analyzing the foster parents' approach towards the social service workers' assistance; problems and probable solutions are identified. The research results are obtained by content analysis. <strong>The article presents the following generalizations:</strong> 1) adoption is considered as a social process when specific rights and responsibilities are provided to foster parents in order to guarantee the child's safety. In case of inter-country adoption, the adoption opportunities are estimated, the child is prepared for the adoption and the family for the child is selected. At that period foster parents face internal and external factors. Seeking to grant the children rights and smooth adoption process, professional social workers should coordinate it; 2) institution of the Ombudsman for Children Rights of the Republic of Lithuania and State Child Rights Protection and Adoption Service under the Ministry of Social Security and Labour are also engaged in the adoption and foster care; 3) the research results reveal that the biggest problems for prospective foster parents are extensively long adoption period, lack of social service workers' assistance and poor knowledge on the available assistance.
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Bruckert, Chris, and Stacey Hannem. "Rethinking the Prostitution Debates: Transcending Structural Stigma in Systemic Responses to Sex Work." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 28, no. 01 (April 2013): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2012.2.
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Abstract As legal authorities consider the constitutionality of the laws surrounding prostitution in Canada, we have the opportunity to rethink some of the fundamental assumptions that have been made about sex work and the socio-legal responses to it. In this article we draw on the concept of structural stigma to analyze the stigmatic assumptions inherent in the Canadian laws and briefly describe their effect—the civic exclusion of sex workers. We then consider the ways in which these same assumptions of risk and immorality are reproduced in end-demand (partial criminalization), legalized (regulatory) models, and decriminalization. While the decriminalization of sex work is the response that relies on the least stigmatic assumptions, even the celebrated New Zealand model is not absent of moralization and “othering” discourse. Further reflection is required to conceptualize a policy approach that transcends stigmatic assumptions so as to respect the human and civil rights of sex workers.
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Skrentny, John D. "ARE AMERICA'S CIVIL RIGHTS LAWS STILL RELEVANT?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, no. 1 (2007): 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x07070075.
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AbstractThe federal government created America's historic 1964 Civil Rights Act during a period of low immigration. The primary goal was to create equal opportunities for African Americans by ending Jim Crow discrimination in the South. Focusing on the issue of employment discrimination, and specifically employer preferences for immigrants, this article shows how the current period of high immigration from Latin America and Asia has created new challenges and dilemmas for Title VII, the employment discrimination title of the Civil Rights Act. Specifically, sociological evidence indicates that U.S. businesses are engaging in race-conscious employment focused on the perceived value of racial skills (special abilities of certain racial groups at particular jobs) and racial symbolism (organizational benefits from displaying certain races on the work force). Businesses hire Asians and Latinos, and especially immigrant Asians and Latinos, because of the perceived racial skills of these groups at low-status jobs that require strong work ethics and obedient attitudes. Corporate employers seeking skilled workers do not necessarily prefer immigrants. Instead, they seek minorities for the symbolic value of their diversity, for their general racial skills at bringing new ideas to the workplace, and for their racial marketing skills for growing non-White markets. I assess these developments from a legal perspective, showing that a combination of a lack of litigation and some key court decisions have prevented Title VII from regulating racial skills and racial symbolism and/or from offering protection for immigrants themselves.
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Brooks-Gordon, Belinda, Marjan Wijers, and Alison Jobe. "Justice and Civil Liberties on Sex Work in Contemporary International Human Rights Law." Social Sciences 9, no. 1 (January 10, 2020): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9010004.
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To fulfil obligations in international law State parties have to take the issue of human trafficking seriously. The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) provides General Recommendations (GR) to member states on the interpretation of the Women’s Convention. In 2018 the CEDAW Committee started to develop a GR on trafficking in women and girls in a process planned to conclude in 2020. The first stage towards this was through the publication of a Concept Note to serve as a basis for dialogue during the two-year international consultation period. The Concept Note is a vital link in a textual chain because it frames the policy problem and actively constructs its own ‘documentary reality’. This article provides a critical analysis of the CEDAW Concept Note on the grounds that such analysis provides an understanding of its discursive construction of trafficking, migrant labour and sex work, by an institution responsible for international jurisprudence on human rights. Analysis of the Concept Note explores the documentary constructions including narratives that merge adult women with girls, the symbolism of exploitation, the silencing of scientific research, the elision of sex worker voices, and sex work as work. The analysis leads us to conclude that the General Recommendation should define what counts as ‘exploitation’, and ‘forced labour’, and address the growing international recognition of best evidence on the wider impact of sex work laws, in order that legal framing and constructions of sex trafficking are not erroneously used to curtail rights of sex workers.
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Amalia, Ezka. "Sustaining transnational activism between Indonesia and Hong Kong." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 29, no. 1 (March 2020): 12–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0117196820925556.
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This article explores the relationship between Migrant CARE, a migrant labor NGO in Indonesia, and the Indonesian Migrant Workers Union in Hong Kong and their potential to advocate for better protection of migrant workers’ rights by the Indonesian government. Indonesia’s transition into democracy, Hong Kong’s promotion of civil rights and the United Nations International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Their Families provide opportunities for advocacy activism for Indonesian migrant workers and the possibility of cross-border cooperation of organizations in these two places. Previous studies show cross-border linkages of activism between Indonesia and Hong Kong but they do not pay attention to the factors that could promote sustaining the network. This article shows that both organizations have different strategies, alliance formations and ideologies in their activism. The differences between these organizations weaken their advocacy.
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RUIZ, V. "UNA MUJER SIN FRONTERAS." Pacific Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2004.73.1.1.
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Making strategic choices regarding her class and ethnic identiÞcation for the cause of social justice, Luisa Moreno was the most visible Latina labor and civil rights activist in the United States during the Great Depression and World War II. Vice-president of the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA-CIO), this charismatic Guatemalan immigrant organized farm and cannery workers across the Southwest, achieving particular success among Mexican and Russian Jewish women in southern California plants. In 1939 she was also the driving force behind El Congreso de Pueblos de Hablan Espa–ola (the Congress of Spanish-speaking Peoples), the Þrst national Latino civil rights assembly. A feminist and leftist, she faced government harassment and red-baiting in the late 1940s, especially for her past Communist Party membership.
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Zulkarnaen, Ahmad Hunaeni. "KONFIGURASI POLITIK DAN KARAKTER HUKUM DALAM PERUMUSAN PERJANJIAN KERJA PERORANGAN DAN PERJANJIAN KERJA BERSAMA." Jurnal Hukum Mimbar Justitia 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35194/jhmj.v4i1.369.
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The creation of employment and strive through the clarity of the rights and obligations of the parties (worker/workers and employers), to clarify the rights and obligations of the parties in industrial relations, both regarding the rights and obligations are the norms of work (Labour Legislation) as well as the nature of Work Terms (Terms of Employment), need a means of industrial relations in the form of Individual Work Agreements (PKP) who apply individually and joint work Agreement (PKB) who collectively apply. The problem examined concerns the political configuration of the legitimately in the manufacture of PKP and PKB. Research methods in this study using a descriptive analytical. The research results obtained that the making of PKP applies should be qualified legitimately an agreement as provided for in article paragraph (1) 1320 s. d subsection (4) the book of the law of civil law (KUHPerdata), and specifically the process of formulation of the PKB should match the concept of the Welvaartsstaat with the character of the legal product PKB responsive/populistik.Keywords: Political Configuration, Individual Work Agreements, Joint Work Agreement.
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Felker-Kantor, Max. "“A Pledge Is Not Self-Enforcing”:." Pacific Historical Review 82, no. 1 (November 2012): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2013.82.1.63.
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This article explores African American and Mexican American struggles for equal employment in Los Angeles after 1965. It argues that activists and workers used the mechanisms set up by Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act to attack the barriers that restricted blacks and Mexican Americans to poor job prospects. It shows that implementation of fair employment law was part of a dialectic between policymakers and regulatory officials, on one hand, and grass-roots individuals and civil rights organizations, on the other. The bureaucratic mechanisms created by Title VII shaped who would benefit from the implementation of the law. Moreover, blacks and Mexican Americans mixed ethnic power and civil rights frameworks to make the bureaucratic system more capacious and race-conscious, which challenged the intentions of the original legislation.
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Schneider, Eric C., Christopher Agee, and Themis Chronopoulos. "Dirty Work: Police and Community Relations and the Limits of Liberalism in Postwar Philadelphia." Journal of Urban History 46, no. 5 (May 1, 2017): 961–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217705497.
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Police abuse of African Americans was an immediate trigger for the urban uprisings of the 1960s, and civilian review of police actions became a central tenet of civil rights liberalism. The failure of Philadelphia’s Police Advisory Board (PAB), the nation’s first independent civilian review board (1958), to meliorate police–community tensions suggests the limitations of civil rights liberalism: an inability to confront the role of police as “dirty workers,” who performed the unacknowledged but widely demanded function of maintaining racial hierarchy in the postwar city. Working-class African Americans, the most frequent victims of police brutality, came to see civilian review as a charade and rejected the limited vision of civil rights liberals. The PAB’s failure shows that police reform is impossible without a broader commitment to overturning racial hierarchy.
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Gleeson, Shannon. "From Rights to Claims: The Role of Civil Society in Making Rights Real for Vulnerable Workers." Law & Society Review 43, no. 3 (September 2009): 669–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5893.2009.00385.x.
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Fiorillo, A., C. De Rosa, C. Malangone, M. Luciano, D. Giacco, V. Del Vecchio, and M. Maj. "Views of general public, mental health professionals and patients’ relatives about schizophrenia: An Italian multi-centric survey." European Psychiatry 26, S2 (March 2011): 532. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(11)72239-8.
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IntroductionViews on the causes and psychosocial consequences of schizophrenia of the Italian population, patients’ relatives and mental health professionals can influence detection and outcome of these disorders.AimsTo investigate the opinions on schizophrenia in a sample of 614 lay respondents, 465 mental health professionals and 709 key-relatives.MethodsThe survey was conducted in 30 randomly selected geographical areas with the Questionnaire about Opinions on mental illness (QO).ResultsThe results show significant differences among the three groups as regards opinions about patients’ civil rights and social competence of patients with schizophrenia. In particular, the belief that patients’ behaviors are unpredictable is maintained by 18% of mental health workers and by 35% of family members and the general public. As regards causes, 68% of relatives, 20% of mental health workers and 34% of general public believe that schizophrenia is caused by psychosocial factors only. Forty-eight percent of the relatives affirmed that they are fully convinced of the usefulness of pharmacological treatment compared to 28% of professionals and 25% of the Italian population. With respect to civil rights, about half of the relatives is fully convinced that patients with schizophrenia should not have children compared to 17% of mental health workers and to 19% of the general public.ConclusionsThese results underline the need to conduct sensitization campaigns about schizophrenia focused on specific aspects of the disease, such as unpredictability, civil rights and opportunities to recovery of patients, taking into account the target population to which they are addressed.
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Bezvin, O. S. "TRADE UNIONS AS AN INTEGRAL ELEMENT OF PUBLIC SERVICE." Legal horizons, no. 19 (2019): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i19.p13.
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The article deals with the trade unions as a grant to protect the rights and interests of civil servants, reveals the main tasks of trade unions. The activity of trade union organizations in the structure of the state body in Ukraine is analyzed. The legal mechanisms of asserting the violated rights of a civil servant by a trade union organization of a public body and the role of trade unions in protecting the rights of civil servants in developed countries are emphasized. The state at certain times gave the trade unions great powers to protect the rights and interests of workers, and then deprived the trade unions of these powers. In connection with this, various problems arose in regulating the activities of trade unions in the protection of individual and collective rights and interests in the protection of public servants. All this affected the legal status of trade unions. However, it should be noted that trade unions are in constant flux and this leads to improvements in the regulations governing their activities. However, it should be noted that today there are many problems in Ukraine regarding the exercise by the trade union organizations of their powers in the civil service. In particular, the legal status of trade unions in the civil service is not regulated enough, which, in turn, does not allow them to fully protect the legal rights and interests of civil servants. Considering the importance of trade unions in protecting labor rights and the socio-economic interests of workers, in developing democratic forms of citizen participation in managing economic and political processes, a democratic, legal, and social state, which is Ukraine, should support trade unions and take care of legislative consolidation. their authority. Trade unions at all levels should once again return to the consideration of their core functions and pay attention to those that will now be more conducive to the achievement of the main objective of the creation and activity of trade unions – the protection of social-labor rights and interests of trade union members. Today’s Ukraine needs strong unions. A strong union is a union that effectively protects the interests of its members, enjoys their trust and support, is able to organize, if necessary, collective action to protect the socio-economic rights and interests of employees, has sufficient organizational, financial, and human resources to fulfill its statutory tasks. Keywords: trade union organization, protection, rights, the role of trade unions, legal mechanisms.
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Reed, Christine M., and Linda J. Cohen. "Anti-Nepotism Rules: The Legal Rights of Married Co-Workers." Public Personnel Management 18, no. 1 (March 1989): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009102608901800104.
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Anti-nepotism rules in public organizations have led to law suits based on anti-discrimination statutes and the U.S. Constitution. Plaintiffs claim they are entitled to work with their spouses if they are qualified employees. Employers, on the other hand, defend anti-nepotism rules as a business necessity, arguing that married co-workers are a potentially disruptive influence in the office. A review of federal and state court decisions suggests that married co-workers rarely prevail in such cases. In this area of civil and constitutional litigation, public employer liabilities appear to be limited to situations where restrictions are unreasonably broad.
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Helgeson, Jeffrey. "Robert Rodgers Korstad,Civil Rights Unionism: Tobacco Workers and the Struggle for Democracy in the Mid-Twentieth-Century South. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003. 576 pp. $55.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905300238.
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Robert Rodgers Korstad's dramatic story of tobacco workers in Winston-Salem, North Carolina, during the 1940s and 1950s, reveals the intricate connections between a local struggle for better wages and working conditions and the broader fight for racial democracy and civil rights. On June 17, 1943, a group of black women at the Reynolds Tobacco plant stopped work, rejecting the authority of a dictatorial white foreman and expressing long-simmering anger over speed-ups, dangerous working conditions, and unjust wages. With the help of organizers from the left-leaning United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA), hundreds of black (and a few white) workers at Reynolds built Local 22 of the Food, Tobacco, Agricultural, and Allied Workers of America (FTA-CIO). Korstad eloquently tells us how the FTA succeeded. He points to the temporary convergence of factors, an active federal government in labor relations, the labor movement's aggressive Southern Front, and the move in the urban South toward white supremacy with “a lighter touch” (376) that created a moment of extraordinary opportunity for “working-class blacks [who], through their participation in the labor movement, were in the vanguard of civil rights efforts of the 1940s.”(422)
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Whatley, Warren C. "African-American Strikebreaking from the Civil War to the New Deal." Social Science History 17, no. 4 (1993): 525–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016904.
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When African-American workers broke labor strikes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, they were acting in opposition to established social norms concerning race, class, community, and the state. Imagine platoons of African-American men who ordinarily lacked protection of their most basic civil rights escorted by police into a hostile European-American community to take the jobs of European-American workers who were expressing their working-class consciousness through a labor union that excluded their fellow African-American workers. Scholars have interpreted African-American strikebreaking as an example of the ethnic stratification characteristic of the American working class (Bonacich 1976; Gutman 1962, 1987; Foner and Lewis 1979, 1980; Spero and Harris 1931). What was its political-economic context? That is the central question of this essay.
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Zieger, Robert H. "The Black Worker: Race, Labor, and Civil Rights since Emancipation (2007)." Social History 34, no. 3 (August 2009): 339–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071020902981808.
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Dobbin, Frank, and Alexandra Kalev. "The Civil Rights Revolution at Work: What Went Wrong." Annual Review of Sociology 47, no. 1 (July 31, 2021): 281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-090820-023615.
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The civil rights and women's movements led to momentous changes in public policy and corporate practice that have made the United States the global paragon of equal opportunity. Yet diversity in the corporate hierarchy has increased incrementally. Lacking clear guidance from policymakers, personnel experts had devised their own arsenal of diversity programs. Firms implicated their own biased managers through diversity training and grievance systems and created a paper trail for personnel decisions, but they maintained the deeper structures that perpetuate inequality. Firms that changed systems for recruiting and developing workers, organizing work, and balancing work and life saw diversity increase up the hierarchy, but those firms are all too rare. The courts and federal agencies have found management processes that do not explicitly discriminate to be plausibly unbiased, and they rarely require systemic reforms. Our elaborate corporate diversity programs and public regulatory systems have largely failed to open opportunity, but social science research points to a path forward.
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Kim, Joon. "Insurgency and Advocacy: Unauthorized Foreign Workers and Civil Society in South Korea." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 12, no. 3 (September 2003): 237–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719680301200301.
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Due to major structural changes in the 1980s, South Korea initiated an international contract labor program known as the industrial trainee system in 1991. Started ostensibly as a temporary measure to deal with domestic labor shortage in the declining manufacturing sector, the program has spread recently to other sectors, including fisheries, construction and agriculture. Currently, over 300,000 unskilled foreigners reside in South Korea, of which two out of every three persons are identified as unauthorized workers. This article examines how the South Korean industrial trainee program systematically produces unauthorized workers and highlights the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in protecting the human rights of foreign workers. The successful collaboration of South Korea's civil society stems from its unique historical formation, rooted in democracy movements of earlier decades. It also implicates strong prospects for substantive integration of foreign workers and, as a consequence, suggests important changes in the country's social and economic structures.