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Journal articles on the topic 'Civil rights movements United States'
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1
Muturi, Bonface. "The Impact of the Civil Rights Movement on Educational Segregation in the United States." European Journal of Historical Research 3, no. 1 (February 3, 2024): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47672/ejhr.1760.
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Purpose: the aim of the study was to investigate the impact of the civil rights movement on educational segregation in the united states
Methodology: This study adopted a desk methodology. A desk study research design is commonly known as secondary data collection. This is basically collecting data from existing resources preferably because of its low cost advantage as compared to a field research. Our current study looked into already published studies and reports as the data was easily accessed through online journals and libraries.
Findings: The findings reveal three notable research gaps. Firstly, while the analysis provides a comprehensive view of the Civil Rights Movement's objectives and impact on educational segregation, a conceptual gap exists in the lack of in-depth exploration into the precise mechanisms through which the movement's strategies translated into concrete changes within educational policies and practices, necessitating a more nuanced understanding of these linkages. Secondly, a contextual gap emerges as the study outlines distinct Civil Rights Movements and their implications for educational segregation, yet lacks an investigation into the interplay between these movements and the broader socio-political context that shaped their strategies and outcomes.
Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: Social identity theory and critical race theory may be use to anchor future studies on the impact of the civil rights movement on educational segregation in the united states. Promote culturally relevant teaching practices that acknowledge and incorporate diverse cultural perspectives into the curriculum. Diversity in School Governance: Encourage policies that promote diverse representation in school boards, administrative leadership, and decision-making bodies.
2
Gamsakhurdia, Nino. "The Civil Rights Movement’s Impact on other Social Movements." Journal in Humanities 2, no. 1 (January 14, 2014): 53–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v2i1.291.
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We have been constantly reminded that, we are not going to succeed in achieving any kind of social change unless we build astrong civil society. Consequently, lots of NGOs in Georgia are founded with the intention to realize this dream. However, we havegot a long way ahead of us.After the election of Obama, when discussing the history of the United States of America, particularly while talking about the1950-1960s, Georgian people knowingly nod their heads, expressing their understanding that it was an era of intense struggle forfighting for the basic rights by Civil Rights Movement activists, - African Americans.In order to get full and concise perspective of the significance of the Civil Rights movement, we must provide some informationon the impact of the decision on other social movements. Undoubtedly, social movements play an influential role in culture, publicpolicy and mainstream politics: they respond to it and influence it.
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Faye, Diome. "Black Lives Matter (2013) and the Civil Rights Movement (1960s) in the United States of America: A Same Story with a different name and Strategies." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (2023): 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.81.33.
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The article examines with a fine-tooth comb the evolution of the civil rights movements of African Americans by making a comparative study between the civil rights movement of the sixties and the Black Lives Matter Movement in 2013. After the great hopes raised by Barack Obama's election in 2008, the series of savage and often unpunished killings of young African Americans between 2012-2020 sparked the ire of the black community gathered around the Black Lives Matter Movement. Although the ideological foundations of both movements remain the valorization of black lives in all areas of daily life in the United States, the Black Lives Matter Movement (2013) and the Civil Rights Movements of the 1960s did not embrace the same strategies of struggle and the same leadership. From the centralization of leadership of the sixties, the decentralization of leadership in the Black Lives Matter Movement has been more efficient and practical. The use of new information and communication technologies by the Black Lives Matter Movement has significantly contributed to the visibility and massification of the movement in the United States and around the world.
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McCormick, Marcia L. "The Equality Paradise: Paradoxes of the Law’s Power to Advance Equality." Texas Wesleyan Law Review 13, no. 2 (March 2007): 515–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v13.i2.9.
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This paper will compare the history of two of the three major civil rights movements in the United States, comparing the victories and defeats, and their results. The movement for Black civil rights and for women's rights followed essentially the same pattern and used similar strategies. The gay and lesbian civil rights movement, on the other hand, followed some of the same strategies but has differed in significant ways. Where each movement has attained success and where each has failed demonstrates the limits of American legal structures to effectuate social change.
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Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.
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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrasting actions of peaceful protestors and violent local authorities. In addition, political opportunities also played a role in the movement’s success, as during the Cold War the U.S. federal government became increasingly concerned about their international image. Other reasons for the movement’s success include an increased access to television among the American public, and pre-existing black institutions and organizations. The civil rights movement left an important legacy and ensuing social movements have utilized similar framing techniques and strategies.
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Clayton, Dewey M. "Black Lives Matter and the Civil Rights Movement: A Comparative Analysis of Two Social Movements in the United States." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 5 (March 21, 2018): 448–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718764099.
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Black Lives Matter (BLM) has arisen as a social movement in response to the numerous killings of unarmed African Americans. It has been criticized by some as too confrontational and divisive. The purpose of this study is to undertake a comparative analysis of the BLM Movement and the civil rights movement (1954-1965). As social movements, both have evolved out of the need to continue the Black liberation struggle for freedom. I have conducted a content analysis of the New York Times newspaper during a 2-year period for both social movements to examine the issue framing of each. I argue that the civil rights movement framed its issues in a more inclusive manner than BLM. BLM should take a lesson from the civil rights movement by boldly taking on an issue like police brutality of African Americans and expanding the boundaries of something that is politically unacceptable to being acceptable.
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Kaari, Jennifer. "Social activism in the United States: Digital collection and primary sources." College & Research Libraries News 78, no. 8 (September 7, 2017): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.78.8.418.
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The United States is currently going through a time of increasing political and social activism, from the Black Lives Matter movement to health care activism. This has brought on a renewed interest in the history of social activism to both learn lessons from the successful movements of the past, as well as gain a deeper understanding of the forces that have shaped our current environment. Studying the history of activism and social movements is essential to understanding how once radical ideas like women’s suffrage and civil rights have been able to move increasingly into the mainstream.
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Bjork-James, Sophie. "Christian Nationalism and LGBTQ Structural Violence in the United States." Journal of Religion and Violence 7, no. 3 (2019): 278–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv202031069.
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This paper uses anti-LGBTQ bias within evangelical Christianity as a case study to explore how nationalist movements justify prejudicial positions through framing privileged groups as victims. Since Anita Bryant’s late 1970s crusade against what was dubbed the “homosexual agenda,” white evangelicals have led a national movement opposing LGBTQ rights in the United States. Through a commitment to ensuring sexual minorities are excluded from civil rights protections, white evangelicals have contributed to a cultural and legal landscape conducive to anti-LGBTQ structural violence. This opposition is most often understood as rooted in love, and not in bias or hate, as demonstrated during long-term ethnographic research among white evangelical churches in Colorado Springs. Engaging with theories of morality and nationalism, this article argues that most biased political movements understand their motivation as defending a moral order and not perpetuating bias. In this way they can justify structural violence against subordinated groups.
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Bwalya Lungu, Nancy, and Alice Dhliwayo. "African American Civil Rights Movements to End Slavery, Racism and Oppression in the Post Slavery Era: A Critique of Booker T. Washington’s Integration Ideology." EAST AFRICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 2, Issue 3 (September 30, 2021): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46606/eajess2021v02i03.0104.
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The Transatlantic Slave trade began during the 15th century when Portugal and subsequently other European kingdoms were able to expand overseas and reach Africa. The Portuguese first began to kidnap people from the West Coast of Africa and took those that they enslaved to Europe. This saw a lot of African men and women transported to Europe and America to work on the huge plantations that the Whites owned. The transportation of these Africans exposed them to inhumane treatments which they faced even upon the arrival at their various destinations. The emancipation Proclamation signed on 1st January 1863 by the United States President Abraham Lincoln saw a legal stop to slave trade. However, the African Americans that had been taken to the United States and settled especially in the Southern region faced discrimination, segregation, violence and were denied civil rights through segregation laws such as the Jim Crow laws and lynching, based on the color of their skin. This forced them especially those that had acquired an education to rise up and speak against this treatment. They formed Civil Rights Movements to advocate for Black rights and equal treatment. These protracted movements, despite continued violence on Blacks, Culminated in Barack Obama being elected the first African American President of the United States of America. To cement the victory, he won a second term, which Donald Trump failed to obtain. This paper sought to critic the philosophies of Booker T. Washington in his civil rights movement, particularly his ideologies of integration, self-help, racial solidarity and accommodation as expressed in his speech, “the Atlanta Compromise,” and the impact this had on the political and civil rights arena for African Americans.
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Bwalya Lungu, Nancy, and Alice Dhliwayo. "African American Civil Rights Movements to End Slavery, Racism and Oppression in the Post Slavery Era: A Critique of Booker T. Washington’s Integration Ideology." EAST AFRICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 2, Issue 3 (September 30, 2021): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46606/eajess2021v02i03.0104.
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The Transatlantic Slave trade began during the 15th century when Portugal and subsequently other European kingdoms were able to expand overseas and reach Africa. The Portuguese first began to kidnap people from the West Coast of Africa and took those that they enslaved to Europe. This saw a lot of African men and women transported to Europe and America to work on the huge plantations that the Whites owned. The transportation of these Africans exposed them to inhumane treatments which they faced even upon the arrival at their various destinations. The emancipation Proclamation signed on 1st January 1863 by the United States President Abraham Lincoln saw a legal stop to slave trade. However, the African Americans that had been taken to the United States and settled especially in the Southern region faced discrimination, segregation, violence and were denied civil rights through segregation laws such as the Jim Crow laws and lynching, based on the color of their skin. This forced them especially those that had acquired an education to rise up and speak against this treatment. They formed Civil Rights Movements to advocate for Black rights and equal treatment. These protracted movements, despite continued violence on Blacks, Culminated in Barack Obama being elected the first African American President of the United States of America. To cement the victory, he won a second term, which Donald Trump failed to obtain. This paper sought to critic the philosophies of Booker T. Washington in his civil rights movement, particularly his ideologies of integration, self-help, racial solidarity and accommodation as expressed in his speech, “the Atlanta Compromise,” and the impact this had on the political and civil rights arena for African Americans.
11
Harris, Anthony J. "The Civil Rights Movement. Million Man March. Black Lives Matter." International Journal of Multiple Research Approaches 13, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.29034/ijmra.v13n1a1.
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The author discusses three historical civil rights movements in the United States—Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s; the Million Man March; and the Black Lives Matter Movement (BLM). The author compares and contrasts each movement and event from his perspective as a participant in each and identifies similarities and differences among them. The Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s was born out of a desire and need to end legalized segregation, better known as Jim Crowism, in the south. Strategies included direct action, passive resistance, and redress of grievances through the judicial system. The Million Man March, which occurred in 1995 in Washington D.C., brought together more than a million Black men from across the United States. Moreover, it was an extension of the Civil Rights Movement of the 60s. Whereas the latter was established as a response to legalized racial segregation in the south, the former was designed to instill a sense of responsibility and accountability among Black men as leaders in their communities. In addition, the Million Man March attempted to bring greater awareness of the unkept promise of racial equality. The BLM Movement provided an opportunity for multiple generations from multiple ethnic, cultural, and racial groups to coalesce around the issue of police brutality. Following the death of Trayvon Martin in 2013 and continuing to the present time, the BLM platform has become the principal venue through which outrage is expressed over the deaths of innocent, unarmed Black men and women by law enforcement and White vigilantes.
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Lee, Yong-Shik. "An Analysis of Racial Economic Disparity and the Law in the United States." Korea Public Choice Association 1, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 19–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.55795/jpc.2022.1.1.019.
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Over six decades have passed since the civil rights movement began in the mid-50s, but American society has not yet fully realized the promise of the civil rights movement, which at its core embodies the protection and promotion of equity and dignity of all people. Despite the historic improvements that accord the legal protection of equal rights among different races, genders, and ethnic groups, significant economic disparity among races persists. The Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. declared, “Now our struggle is for genuine equality, which means economic equality.” However, the pursuit of economic equality has not been successful. Growing racial economic disparity creates serious social, economic, and political problems in American society and pulls America away from the ideals of the civil rights movement. Structural economic problems in the United States, such as persistent income and wealth disparities along racial lines have exacerbated inequality that divides the country. This challenge requires a fundamental paradigm change. Racial economic disparity can no longer be overcome solely by individual efforts and self-reliance. The federal government must address racial economic disparity by facilitating economic development for minorities in close cooperation and coordination with state and local governments, as well as the private sector. Before America can fully meet the objectives of the civil rights movement, this country must achieve successful economic development that bridges racial economic disparity.
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Karandeev, Ivan, and Valery Achkasov. "A HISTORY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN SEPARATISM IN THE UNITED STATES." Political Expertise: POLITEX 19, no. 3 (2023): 461–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2023.307.
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This article analyzes the history of the development of the phenomenon of radical African-American movements classified as separatist. The roots of the phenomenon go back to the abolitionist movement of the mid-19th century, but most of these movements appeared in the USA in the 1920s - 1960s, after the migration of African Americans from the southern states, referred to the «black belt» to the industrialized states of the North and their concentration in ethnically homogeneous ghettos of large cities with a disadvantaged socio-economic situation. Irredentist movements that appealed to the construction of African-American identity based on ethnic and cultural nationalism, such as «Back to Africa», which aimed at universal immigration of blacks from the United States, and interpreting the religion «Nation of Islam», gained particular popularity. Separatist movements acted as a radical alternative to the Civil Rights Movement, and the figure of activist Malcolm X, who came out of the Nation of Islam, became a counterweight to Martin Luther King. With the development of the anti-colonial movement in third world countries, organizations such as the Black Panthers and the Republic of New Africa turned to the right of nations to self-determination and left-wing anti-imperialist rhetoric. The activities of other organizations, for example, the Black Liberation Army, can be characterized as terrorist. Later organizations, such as the New Black Panther Party, are often characterized by experts as «hate groups». Although with the success of the integration policy, the popularity of separatist demands has fallen, the actions of African-American nationalist organizations in the conditions of polarization of modern American politics indicate that the forms of struggle of the African-American community for political independence in the future are not exhausted.
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Mello, Joseph. "Reluctant Radicals: How Moderates Shape Movements for Social Change." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 03 (2016): 720–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12214.
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This essay reviews three books within the southern history literature on the white moderate's response to the civil rights movement; Kevin Kruse's White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (2005), Matthew Lassiter's The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (2006), and Jason Sokol's There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945–1975 (2006). I examine how white moderates impacted the struggle for African American civil rights, and explore how this dynamic can help us understand the trajectory of the current debate over gay rights in the United States. I argue that while the US public ultimately came to support equal rights for African Americans, and has grown more tolerant of gay rights recently, they have been willing to do so only when these rights claims are framed as benefiting “deserving” segments of these populations. This shows that rights are, to some extent, contingent resources, available primarily to those citizens who fit certain ideal types, and suggests that those individuals who are unwilling (or unable) to live up to this ideal may ultimately fail to benefit from these movements.
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Jenkins, Jeffery A., and Justin Peck. "Building Toward Major Policy Change: Congressional Action on Civil Rights, 1941–1950." Law and History Review 31, no. 1 (February 2013): 139–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248012000181.
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The mid-1960s witnessed a landmark change in the area of civil rights policy in the United States. After a series of tortuous internal battles, with Southern legislators using all available procedural tools to maintain their states' discriminatory Jim Crow legal systems, the United States Congress adopted two statutes—the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965—which insured civil and political equality for all Americans. The Acts of 1964 and 1965 were the culmination of a decade-long struggle by black Americans to secure the citizenship rights that had been denied to them for more than a half century. Beginning with the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) Supreme Court decision, the civil rights movement built momentum, as formal organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) grew in strength and informal (grass roots) organizations spread throughout the South and the Nation. As national public opinion shifted increasingly toward providing new civil rights guarantees for blacks, Congress responded with new legislation: the Civil Rights Act of 1957 (the first civil rights law since 1875), the Civil Rights Act of 1960, and a legislative proposal to prohibit the poll tax in 1962 (which would be ratified by three-quarters of the states in 1964 and become the 24th Amendment to the United States Constitution).
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FARBER, DAVID. "THINKING AND NOT THINKING ABOUT RACE IN THE UNITED STATES." Modern Intellectual History 2, no. 3 (October 10, 2005): 433–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924430500051x.
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John Skrentny, The Minority Rights Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002)Richard King, Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, 1940–1970 (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Press, 2004)Since June 1964, all three branches of the federal government have supported the goal of racial justice in the United States. John Skrentny, in The Minority Rights Revolution, explains how that goal and related ones have been implemented over the last sixty years. He argues that key policy developments since that time were driven less by mass movements and much more by elite “meaning entrepreneurs.” Well before the 1964 Civil Rights Act was made law, in the immediate post-World War II years, a bevy of transatlantic intellectuals responded to Nazi race policy by seeking a universalist vision that would unite humanity. Richard King, in Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, explores how intellectuals pursued that anti-racist universalist vision and then how African and African-American intellectuals in the 1960s, in particular, rejected universalism and began, instead, to pursue racial justice through cultural particularism. King's traditional intellectual history, when combined with Skrentny's sociological analysis of how elites managed ideas to pursue specific policies, reveals how American society, in pursuit of racial justice, moved from the simple stated ideals of the 1964 Civil Rights Act—equal opportunity and access—to the complexities of affirmative action and an embrace of “diversity” in American life.
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Chabot, Sean. "Transnational Diffusion and The African American Reinvention of Gandhian Repertoire." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2000): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.2.c433532545p7864n.
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Why did American civil rights activists fail to fully implement the Gandhian repertoire before the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955 and 1956? How did transnational diffusion of the Gandhian repertoire proceed over time? Classical diffusion theory provides a useful starting point for answering these questions, but it does not fully capture the twists and turns occurring in the transnational diffusion of a collective action repertoire. To account for the non-linear and contingent aspects of transnational diffusion between social movements, this article proposes an alternative theoretical framework and applies it to the case of diffusion between the independence movement in India and the civil rights movement in the United States. The historical case study emphasizes collective reinvention of the Gandhian repertoire by American civil rights networks, instead of critical mass or individual thresholds; and the intergenerational transfer of relevant knowledge and experience from these implementation pioneers to the new generation of civil rights movement activists. Finally, the article examines whether its alternative theoretical framework only applies to this particular instance of transnational diffusion or whether it has more general relevance for social movement theory.
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Mehdi, Abasi Sarmadi, and Reza Asadi Khomami. "Human Rights: Negative and Affirmative Aspects of Environmental Justice." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 4, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v4i1.p60-66.
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After Second World War by establishment United Nation, to support of right of life, survives and peace for human, Universal Declaration of Human Rights was issued. In later years, second and third generations of human rights were established which respect for human rights is obligatory for member states.Environmental destruction as outcome of Progression of industry and technology, is another important problem which is outshining human life. In the second half of the twentieth century, several international conventions were formed in order to protecting the environment and preventing its destruction. On the other hand, in the United States, The civil rights movement in the 60s was the source of another movement called environmental justice. At the international level, In the 90s of the twentieth century coincided with the UN plan for sustainable development, the environmental justice movement arose. With the start of the twenty first century, environmental activists and followers of the environmental justice movement found out the common points of environmental justice and issues raised in the generations of human rights and attempts to link these two movements and beginning to find their common points. In the second half of twenty century. With increasing of activity of United Nation many conventions were ratified by countries that guarantee some rights of people but conventions about human rights and environment were separated. This article examines positive and negative characteristics governing environmental justice in comparison with the international documents.
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Frederick, Howard H. "Computer Communications in Cross-Border Coalition-Building North American NGO Networking Against NAFTA." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 50, no. 2-3 (October 1992): 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929205000207.
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This article begins by outlining John Locke's concept of global civil society and how it is embodied in the global non-governmental movements for peace, human rights, social justice, and environmental preservation and sustainability. The article then summarizes the role that new globe-girdling communications technologies are now playing within the NGO movements and describes the emergence of one global computer network known as the Association for Progressive Communications (APC) which links more than 15.000 NGO computers in 95 countries. As one case in this dramatic trend, the paper then examines North American Free Trade Agreement, a market- and government-imposed plan to unite the economies of Mexico, the United States, and Canada.
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Musayeva, Aygun. "The effect of lobbying activities on foreign policy decision making: the case of the USA." Metafizika Journal 6, no. 4 (December 15, 2023): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33864/2617-751x.2023.v6.i4.73-82.
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The article discusses issues of lobbying and its influence on foreign policy decision-making in the United States. In modern international relations, parallel to the state, new actors are especially active. The activation of new actors affects the adoption of foreign policy decisions of the states, and even makes the state dependent on them in many cases. Among such new actors, we can mention transnational companies, non-governmental organizations, social movements, nationalliberation movements, as well as the activities of lobbies. In particular, the expansion of lobbying is observed in the leading states of the international relations system. The development of the modern stage of the socio-political system of the United States of America is characterized by the fact that the process of democratization gradually covers all aspects of the American society - economy, politics, ideology and spirituality, culture and way of thinking. The period after the World War is the period when the United States of America won the role of a superpower without losing it again. In the more recent 80s, Americans' struggle for democracy and civil rights intensified.
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Dobbin, Frank, and Alexandra Kalev. "The Civil Rights Revolution at Work: What Went Wrong." Annual Review of Sociology 47, no. 1 (July 31, 2021): 281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-090820-023615.
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The civil rights and women's movements led to momentous changes in public policy and corporate practice that have made the United States the global paragon of equal opportunity. Yet diversity in the corporate hierarchy has increased incrementally. Lacking clear guidance from policymakers, personnel experts had devised their own arsenal of diversity programs. Firms implicated their own biased managers through diversity training and grievance systems and created a paper trail for personnel decisions, but they maintained the deeper structures that perpetuate inequality. Firms that changed systems for recruiting and developing workers, organizing work, and balancing work and life saw diversity increase up the hierarchy, but those firms are all too rare. The courts and federal agencies have found management processes that do not explicitly discriminate to be plausibly unbiased, and they rarely require systemic reforms. Our elaborate corporate diversity programs and public regulatory systems have largely failed to open opportunity, but social science research points to a path forward.
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Koppes, Clayton R. "Solving for X." Pacific Historical Review 82, no. 1 (November 2012): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2013.82.1.95.
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George F. Kennan is renowned as the author of the containment doctrine and subsequently as a critic of American Cold War policy. But other elements of his thought, which have been neglected, are integral to a reconsideration of his stature. He distrusted democracy and proposed ways to limit its expression, discounted movements for human rights in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, believed Hispanics posed a threat to the United States, and often argued against the national liberation aspirations in the Third World (which he considered largely irrelevant to Great Power diplomacy). He failed to grasp the connection between the U.S. civil rights movement and foreign policy. These weaknesses limited his usefulness as a policy adviser and still cloud his legacy as America’s “conscience.”
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Alamo, Carlos. "DISPATCHES FROM A COLONIAL OUTPOST." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 9, no. 1 (October 20, 2011): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x11000312.
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AbstractOver the last few decades social movements and race scholars have begun to uncover and critically examine the social, economic, and political linkages shared between Puerto Ricans and African Americans. Much of this literature has focused exclusively on the period of the Civil Rights Movement with particular emphasis on the Young Lords and Black Panthers. Despite this rich and informative literature, we know very little of the connective social histories and relationships between African Americans and Puerto Ricans that preceded these later social movements. This article traces the historically contingent and multifaceted ways in which African American journalists, between 1942 and 1951, found new political meanings in Puerto Rico as the island underwent a massive economic and social transformation, and how they used that knowledge to reconceptualize challenges to Black personhood in the United States. Examining the Black popular press in Puerto Rico during this period reveals that Black journalists took an active interest in the island because it represented a useful point of comparison for understanding the internal colonial model of social inequality hampering the U.S. African American community during the first half of the twentieth century. The racialized nature of U.S. colonialism experienced by the island, the sociopolitical and economic effects of its monocultural sugar economy, and the second-class citizenship of Puerto Ricans were among the most salient factors that led African American journalists to a broader anti-imperialist understanding of racism, illuminating the lack of civil and economic rights Blacks experienced within the United States.
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Massey, Douglas S. "The Past & Future of American Civil Rights." Daedalus 140, no. 2 (April 2011): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00076.
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Although American society will not become race-blind anytime soon, the meaning of race is changing, and processes of racial formation now are quite different than those prevailing just two generations ago. Massey puts the present moment in historical perspective by reviewing progress toward racial equality through successive historical epochs, from the colonial era to the age of Obama. He ends by exploring the contours of racial formation in the United States today, outlining a program for a new civil rights movement in the twenty-first century.
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Cottrell, David, Michael C. Herron, Javier M. Rodriguez, and Daniel A. Smith. "Mortality, Incarceration, and African American Disenfranchisement in the Contemporary United States." American Politics Research 47, no. 2 (March 23, 2018): 195–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18754555.
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On account of poor living conditions, African Americans in the United States experience disproportionately high rates of mortality and incarceration compared with Whites. This has profoundly diminished the number of voting-eligible African Americans in the country, costing, as of 2010, approximately 3.9 million African American men and women the right to vote and amounting to a national African American disenfranchisement rate of 13.2%. Although many disenfranchised African Americans have been stripped of voting rights by laws targeting felons and ex-felons, the majority are literally “missing” from their communities due to premature death and incarceration. Leveraging variation in gender ratios across the United States, we show that missing African Americans are concentrated in the country’s Southeast and that African American disenfranchisement rates in some legislative districts lie between 20% and 40%. Despite the many successes of the Voting Rights Act and the civil rights movement, high levels of African American disenfranchisement remain a continuing feature of the American polity.
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Rorabaugh, W. J. "Challenging Authority, Seeking Community, and Empowerment in the New Left, Black Power, and Feminism." Journal of Policy History 8, no. 1 (January 1996): 106–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005054.
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In the 1960s three major sociopolitical movements, the New Left, Black Power, and feminism, arose in the United States. All three represented assaults on older ideas about the nature of authority, especially as expressed in a hierarchical fashion, all attached a premium to a sense of community, which was defined narrowly to include only members of each group, and all actively sought empowerment for themselves. The present essay examines this matrix. It begins by considering briefly the common historical background and early civil rights activity that influenced and to some extent linked all three movements. The essay then traces in turn each movement's beginning, development, and situation at the end of the Sixties. It explores how these movements shared certain values, expressed those ideas in different settings, and were interrelated in myriad, shifting ways. The overall complex interaction of these three movements suggests a common social critique that was greater than the sum of its parts.
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KIM, Min Ho. "The implications of ‘May 4, 1970 and its aftermath’ for citizenship education in the United States and Korea: “The constitutional rights against national security ideology”." Korean Comparative Education Society 33, no. 2 (May 31, 2023): 89–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.20306/kces.2023.33.2.89.
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This study aims to analyze the influence of the ‘May 4, 1970 Kent State Shootings and its aftermath’(Ma4a) on citizenship education in American high schools and to identify implications for the institutionalization of movement-oriented citizenship education in Korea. The data were analyzed using the methodology of ‘qualitative content analysis.' The data on Ma4a was collected by visiting the ‘May 4 Site,’ ‘May 4 Visitors Center,’ and ‘May 4 Digital Archive’ at KSU in 2021 and 2022. It was also useful to refer to the undergraduate course on Ma4a. The data on high school citizenship education in the United States were collected from Ohio Curriculum Standards of social studies, history textbooks, and teachers’ lesson plans. ‘May 4, 1970’ was described as “civil disobedience” rather than “riot” in social studies curricula, history textbooks, and lesson plans after its institutionalization from the late 1990s to the early 2000s. The constitutional right of ‘freedom of speech and assembly’ was not undermined by the ‘national security ideology.’ However, after the events of September 11, 2001, and the 2008 economic crisis, the Ohio Department of Education described the people's right to protect themselves from only “undue” governmental interference. The paradigm of citizenship education in U.S. schools changed due to the contest between state-centric citizenship and participatory citizenship. Social movements influenced citizenship education through the institutionalization of movement knowledges by movement intellectuals, which took a lot of time. This study has implications for the institutionalization of movement-oriented citizenship education, such as ‘Jeju 4·3 education for peace and human rights’ in Korean schools.
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Kershner, Seth. "Book Review: Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties: Revised and Expanded Edition, 2nd ed." Reference & User Services Quarterly 58, no. 1 (October 10, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.58.1.6849.
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Occupy Wall Street. Black Lives Matter. The #MeToo movement. Over the past decade, the United States has seen a surge in activism around civil rights, broadly defined as the right to be free from discrimination and unequal treatment in arenas such as housing, the workplace, and the criminal justice system. At times, as when activists are arrested at a protest, calls for civil rights can also be the occasion for violations of civil liberties—certain basic freedoms (e.g., freedom of speech) that are either enshrined in the Constitution or established through legal rulings. While civil rights are distinct from civil liberties, students often struggle to articulate these differences and appreciate the links between the two concepts. Complicating this distinction is the fact that historically reference materials have tended to cover either one or the other but not the two in combination. Combining these two concepts in one work is what makes a revised edition of the Encyclopedia of American Civil Rights and Liberties so timely and valuable.
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Sales, Michelle, and Bruno Muniz. "Liberating Minds: The Intellectual Legacy of Angela Davis and Its Images in Film." Vista, no. 13 (May 22, 2024): e024005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/vista.5505.
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We propose thinking of Angela Davis's intellectual legacy from a decolonial perspective. We point out that just as the fight for civil rights and the end of racial segregation in the United States helped to consolidate the Black movement in Brazil, the circulation of anti-colonial ideas during the struggles for the decolonization of African countries in the 1950s and 60s was crucial to the circulation of abolitionist ideas and anti-racist movements in the United States and abroad. We will analyze interchanges capable of pointing out "the recognition of multiple and heterogeneous colonial differences, as well as the multiple and heterogeneous reactions of populations and subjects subordinated to the coloniality of power" (Bernardino-Costa & Grosfoguel, 2016, p. 21). Our contribution seeks to analyze Davis as a public and militant intellectual through her images in film. Beyond considering Angela Davis's image in cinema as representation, we also analyze how her intellectual and political activities were involved with the flourishing of a new Black cinema in the United States. This paper analyzes films such as Child of Resistance (1973), Free Angela and All Political Prisoners (2015), and 13th (2016).
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Gonzalez, Thalia, and Emma Kaeser. "School Police Reform: A Public Health Imperative." SMU Law Review Forum 74, no. 1 (August 4, 2021): 118–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25172/slrf.74.1.5.
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Out of the twin pandemics currently gripping the United States¬—deaths of unarmed Black victims at the hands of police and racialized health inequities resulting from COVID-19—an antiracist health equity agenda has emerged that identifies racism as a public health crisis. Likewise, calls for reform of school policing by those advocating for civil rights, racial justice, and Black Lives Matter have simultaneously intensified. Yet each remains siloed, despite the natural connection and implicit overlap between these separate movements and debates. Indeed, there are documented negative health effects of school policing for Black, Indigenous, people of color (BIPOC) youth. But these have gone largely ignored or underemphasized by the movement to reform school police. Similarly, the racial health equity movement has overlooked race-conscious health equity reforms to school policing. This Article aims to fill the gap by connecting these distinct movements and debates and articulating a public-health-based response to school policing.
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Petrechenko, S. A. "The formation of women`s suffrage in the USA in the XIX-XX centuries." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 1, no. 80 (January 22, 2024): 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2023.80.1.18.
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In the scientific article, the author analyzed the issue of the formation of women’s suffrage in the United States of America. The meaning of the “conference to discuss the social, civil and religious condition and rights of women” held in Seneca Falls in 1848 is revealed. The role of suffragettes, their complex international connections and strategies for the development of women’s rights are outlined. The achievements of Mary Wollstonecraft, Maria Stuart, Francisca Anneke, Sarah Parker Remond, Stanton, Anthony, Ida Wells, Frances Harper, Churchy Terrell, Alice Paul and the social movement of abolitionists in the process of securing women’s rights, including women’s suffrage, are revealed. The importance of the founding of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, the International Women’s League, the World Women’s Christian Temperance Union, the International Council of Women, the National Association of Colored Women, the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage, and the Inter-American Commission on Women is characterized. The emergence of the internationalism of women’s suffrage, the spread of feminism is analyzed. The events and consequences of the struggle for women’s suffrage in the USA are summarized. In particular, it notes that the transnational legacy of the suffrage movement is evident in the ongoing aspirations of US women for full citizenship today. Then, as now, the struggle for women’s rights is linked to global movements for human rights – for immigrant, racial, labor and feminist justice. The internationalism of the women’s suffrage movement shows us that activists and movements outside the USA, as well as a wide range of diverse international causes, were crucial to the organization of what was considered such a quintessentially American right to vote. The emergence of women’s suffrage reminds us how much we have to learn from feminist struggles around the world. We see the prospects for further scientific research in the study of women’s suffrage in the states of the EU and other countries of the world and in their comparison. A scientific article can be useful for experts, historians and students.
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Hynes, H. Patricia. "Since Silent Spring: New Voices, New Analyses, and New Movements." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 12, no. 4 (February 2003): 319–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/p3b2-vt3l-7jdf-424u.
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Forty years ago, in the enormously praised and fiercely criticized book, Silent Spring, Rachel Carson demonstrated the dangers of pesticides to humans and ecosystems and called for precaution in their use. Yet, the majority of environmental regulations passed since 1962 have primarily addressed pollutant discharge rather than cleaner products and technologies. The number of active ingredients in pesticides used in the United States has risen from 32 in 1939 to 860 in recent times, while the overall volume of agrochemicals applied has nearly doubled since the publication of Silent Spring. The last 40 years have brought significant changes with respect to environmental policies, agricultural technologies, urbanization, civil rights, women's rights, the roles of non-profit organizations and community development, and increased poverty, hunger, and economic inequality. In recent years, new voices, new analyses, and new movements have emerged offering fresh perspectives on how we can answer Carson's clarion call to protect our planet and ourselves.
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Drabinski, John E. "Shorelines: In Memory of Édouard Glissant." Journal of French and Francophone Philosophy 19, no. 1 (June 13, 2011): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jffp.2011.473.
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Édouard Glissant passed away on 4 February 2011 at the age of 82. A few words of memory. As a person and thinker, Glissant lived through, then reflected with meditative patience and profundity upon some of the most critical years in the black Atlantic: the aesthetics and politics of anti-colonial struggle, the civil rights movement in the United States, postcolonial cultural anxiety and explosion, the vicissitudes of an emerging cultural globalism, and all of the accompanying intellectual movements from surrealism to negritude to existentialism to those varieties of high modernism and postmodernism for which Glissant himself is such a generative, founding resource. His life bears witness to those years, events, and movements with a poet’s word and a philosopher’s eye. And so Glissant, like all important thinkers, leaves for us an enormous gift – in his case, a new, enigmatic vocabulary of and for the Americas.
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Majodina, Zonke. "Death Penalty under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: Some Reflections for African States." Strathmore Law Journal 4, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slj.v4i1.53.
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As part of the ongoing movement in support of the abolition of the death penalty across the world, this article presents a selection of cases brought before the United Nations Human Rights Committee (the Committee) on violations of the right to life. With a special focus on Zambian cases, the objective is to demonstrate how the Committee’s views reflect its longstanding jurisprudence that the death penalty should only be applied in the most exceptional circumstances.
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Poks, Małgorzata. "A New Great Awakening: Be Tradition of Radical Christian Discipleship and the Current Transformational Moment in the United States." Polish Journal for American Studies, no. 9 (2015) (July 20, 2023): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/pjas.9/2015/7.
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This article argues that the USA has had a lasting tradition of radical Christian discipleship. Thee revival of interest in a radically understood socio-economic program of the Bible among the newly emerging intentional communities reflects the moral passion of the older faith-inspired reform movements that helped abolish slavery, introduce universal suffrage, and establish civil rights. The reformist goals of the radical Christian movement, sometimes hailed as another Great Awakening, resonate deeply with the demands of the Occupy Generation and its fundamental concern about values and identity. Like the young Occupiers, the faith-based activists for social justice challenge Americans to rethink who they are and who they want to be. Having defined the tradition of radical Christian discipleship, I then proceed to reclaim the legacy of two of its icons-Ammon Hennacy and Jim Corbett-as embodiments of two different facets of the phenomenon.
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McVeigh, Rory, Michael R. Welch, and Thoroddur Bjarnason. "Hate Crime Reporting as a Successful Social Movement Outcome." American Sociological Review 68, no. 6 (December 2003): 843–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240306800603.
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Variation in compliance with public policies across local settings is examined through an analysis of the number of reported hate crime incidents in United States counties. Particular attention is given to the role that activist organizations play in promoting, or impeding, compliance with public policies. Each hate crime reported to the federal government is conceptualized as a successful outcome of social movement mobilization. Drawing upon political mediation theory and Fine's model of discursive rivalry, the analysis shows how social movement resources, framing processes, political incentives, and features of local contexts combine to promote successful social movement outcomes. The presence of resourceful civil rights organizations in a county can lead to higher numbers of reported hate crimes, but the influence of civil rights organizations is contingent upon the political context and upon objective conditions that lend credibility to civil rights framing.
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Alridge, Derrick P. "Teachers in the Movement: Pedagogy, Activism, and Freedom." History of Education Quarterly 60, no. 1 (February 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2020.6.
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In this year's Presidential Address, historian Derrick P. Alridge discusses his current research project, Teachers in the Movement: Pedagogy, Activism, and Freedom. The project builds on recent literature about teachers as activists between 1950 and 1980 and explores how and what secondary and postsecondary teachers taught. Focusing on teachers in Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, the project investigates teachers’ roles as agents of social change through teaching the ideals of freedom during the most significant social movement in the United States in the twentieth century. Drawing on oral history and archival research, the project plans to produce five hundred videotaped interviews that will generate extensive firsthand knowledge and fresh perspectives about teachers in the civil rights movement. By examining teachers’ pedagogical activism during this period of rapid social change, Alridge hopes to inspire and inform educators teaching in the midst of today's freedom and social justice movements.
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Waters, Rosanne. "African Canadian Anti-Discrimination Activism and the Transnational Civil Rights Movement, 1945–1965." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 24, no. 2 (May 15, 2014): 386–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1025083ar.
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Several recent historical works have challenged interpretations of the civil rights movement in the United States as a strictly domestic story by considering its connections to anti-racist struggles around the world. Adding a Canadian dimension to this approach, this article considers linkages between African Canadian anti-discrimination activism in the 1950s and early 1960s and African American civil rights organizing. It argues that Canadian anti-discrimination activists were interested in and influenced by the American movement. They followed American civil rights campaigns, adapted relevant ideas, and leveraged the prominent American example when pressing for change in their own country. African Canadian activists and organizations also impacted the American movement through financial and moral support. This article contributes to the study of African Canadian history, Canadian human rights history, and the American civil rights movement by emphasizing the local origins of anti-discrimination activism in Canada, while also arguing that such efforts are best understood when contextualized within a broader period of intensive global anti-racist activism that transcended national borders.
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Smith, Kai Alexis. "Popular culture as a tool for critical information literacy and social justice education: Hip hop and Get Out on campus." College & Research Libraries News 79, no. 5 (May 4, 2018): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.79.5.234.
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We live in a politically polarizing climate and at a time when there is great economic and social unrest in the United States. Our current moment brings to my mind other periods in our nation’s history. First, the 1857 Dred Scott decision, when the Supreme Court decided that slaves were not U.S. citizens and could not sue for their freedom. So that even if a slave escaped to the North, he or she was still considered the property of the slave owner and must be returned.1 The second is in the 1960s, when the antiwar and civil rights movements occurred.2,3
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Catur Sembadani, Putri, and Ade Risna Sari. "The Role of the Black Lives Matter Movement in Responding to the Issue of Racism Against Blacks in the United States." Journal of Social Interactions and Humanities 1, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 205–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.55927/jsih.v1i3.1696.
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This paper aims to describe the role of the Black Lives Matter Movement in dealing with racism that occurred in the United States from 2013-2022. This writing was analyzed using a research method in the form of descriptive qualitative, where the writer tries to describe or provide an overview with existing words and data to answer the phenomenon regarding the issue of racism that occurred in the United States during the Pre and Post Civil Rights Movement period. The results of writing this article indicate that the Black Lives Matter Movement has succeeded in helping to produce several levels of criminal justice policy reform, such as legislative changes in 10 states in the United States. Policies at every level of the criminal justice system need to be looked at to ensure that they are not harmful to one race or over another.
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William-White, Lisa, and Jazmin White. "Color Marks the Site/Sight of Social Difference." Qualitative Inquiry 17, no. 9 (October 17, 2011): 837–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077800411423201.
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Though racism in the form of blatant de facto and de jure policies and domestic terrorism is no longer the law of the land as was the case before, and during the Civil Rights Movement, an intensified dysconscious and color-blind racism has propelled itself in the post–Civil Rights United States, particularly in this “Age of Obama”; one that manifests in semantically slippery and rhetorically convoluted discourses. Consequently to illuminate this specter of American racism, critical race theory and spoken word performative poetics join forces here in an interpretive conarrated description of rhetoric that has recently emerged in the mainstream media—a discourse that attempts (a) to deny Black persons the right to human dignity; (b) to distort and invalidate Black persons’ ideas, thoughts, and feelings; and (c) to deny one’s right to claim and affirm one’s personal identity.
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Kozikis, Sabrina, and Inga T. Winkler. "Between Confrontation and Cooperation: Right to Water Advocacy in the Courts, on the Streets, and at the Capitols in the United States." Water 13, no. 24 (December 10, 2021): 3541. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w13243541.
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Communities across the United States face a widespread water crisis including risks of contamination, rate increases, shut-offs for non-payment, and dilapidating infrastructure. Against this background, a right to water movement has emerged which has found its strength in coalition-building and collectivity. Activists demand change using the framing of “water is a human right”, socially constructing the right to water from below. Based on more than 25 semi-structured interviews with water advocates and activists, our article explores how movement participants used the human rights framework to advocate for clean and affordable water for all. We used political opportunity theory and conceptions of government “openness” and “closedness” to examine when and how advocates decided to use confrontational and cooperative approaches. We identified a push and pull of different strategies in three key spaces: in the courts, on the streets, and at the Capitols. Advocates used adversarial approaches including protests and civil disobedience, reliance on human rights mechanisms, and to a more limited extent litigation simultaneously with cooperative approaches such as engaging with legislators and the development of concrete proposals and plans for ensuring water affordability. This adaptiveness, persistence, and ability to identify opportunities likely explains the movement’s initial successes in addressing the water crisis.
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Lovell, Julia. "The Cultural Revolution and Its Legacies in International Perspective." China Quarterly 227 (September 2016): 632–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741016000722.
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AbstractThis article explores the rhetoric and reality of the Cultural Revolution as an international phenomenon, examining (through published and oral histories) the ways in which it was perceived and interpreted beyond China. It focuses in particular on the diverse impact of Maoist ideas and practice on the counterculture movement of Western Europe and North America during the late 1960s and 1970s. Within Europe, Cultural Revolution Maoism galvanized Dadaist student protest, nurtured feminist and gay rights activism, and legitimized urban guerrilla terrorism. In the United States, meanwhile, it bolstered a broad programme of anti-racist civil rights campaigns and narrow Marxist-Leninist party-building. Despite Mao's hopes to launch a global permanent revolution, it appears that, over the long term, enthusiasm for the Cultural Revolution in Western Europe, the United States and parts of South-East Asia helped to splinter the radical left and assisted the right in consolidating its power throughout the 1980s and beyond.
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KIRK, JOHN A. "Martin Luther King, Jr." Journal of American Studies 38, no. 2 (August 2004): 329–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875804008461.
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Early histories of the civil rights movement that appeared prior to the 1980s were primarily biographies of Martin Luther King, Jr. Collectively, these works helped to create the familiar “Montgomery to Memphis” narrative framework for understanding the history of the civil rights movement in the United States. This narrative begins with King's rise to leadership during the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott in Alabama, and ends with his 1968 assassination in Memphis, Tennessee. Since the 1980s, a number of studies examining the civil rights movement at local and state levels have questioned the usefulness and accuracy of the King-centric Montgomery to Memphis narrative as the sole way of understanding the civil rights movement. These studies have made it clear that civil rights struggles already existed in many of the communities where King and the organization of which he was president, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), ran civil rights campaigns in the 1960s. Moreover, those struggles continued long after King and the SCLC had left those communities. Civil rights activism also thrived in many places that King and the SCLC never visited. As a result of these local and state studies, historians have increasingly framed the civil rights movement within the context of a much longer, ongoing struggle for black freedom and equality, unfolding throughout the twentieth century at local, state and national levels. More recently, a number of books have sought to place the civil rights movement within the larger context of international relations. As we approach the 50th anniversary of the Montgomery bus boycott next year, the event that launched King's movement leadership, it seems an appropriate point to return to the existing literature on King and to assess what has already been done, as well as to point to the gaps that still need to be filled, in what remains important field of study.
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Koivurova, Timo. "From High Hopes to Disillusionment: Indigenous Peoples' Struggle to (re)Gain Their Right to Self-determination." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 15, no. 1 (2008): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138548708x272500.
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AbstractThis article will examine three international processes wherein the right to self-determination of indigenous peoples has been taken up: the process whereby the United Nations (UN) General Assembly adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UN Declaration), the intention to negotiate a Nordic Saami Convention (Draft Convention) and the practice of the Human Rights Committee (HRC) in monitoring the observance of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Covenant). All of these processes have enunciated indigenous peoples' right to self-determination, but any claim to such a right has met with resistance from the states, with the reasons for such resistance examined here. The aim is to study why it is so difficult to insert indigenous peoples into international law as category and, in particular, to have states accept their right to self-determination. In the conclusions, it is useful to ask whether the problems experienced in promoting the right to self-determination of indigenous peoples are mere setbacks or whether they contain elements that might inform the international movement of indigenous peoples more generally.
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Rigueur, Leah Wright, and Anna Beshlian. "THE HISTORY AND PROGRESS OF BLACK CITIZENSHIP." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 1 (2019): 267–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000158.
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AbstractThis paper offers a broad overview of Black citizenship within the United States, concentrating on the major shifts in Black life that have transpired since the classical phase of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. We examine several critical aspects of Black citizenship including economic status, education, criminal justice and mass incarceration, and political participation. Our report reveals that Black progress toward equal citizenship is inconsistent at best; at worst, it is stagnant and at times, regressive. As such, we conclude that dramatic solutions beyond traditional reformist approaches are needed in order to realize genuine citizenship and equal rights for Black people within the United States. In closing, we briefly highlight a specific example of a strategic approach to advancing substantive social and political change.
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Wilder, Lynn K. "Multiculturalism Is a Condition of the Heart: White Voices Inside the Walls of Southern Universities." Multicultural Learning and Teaching 10, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mlt-2015-0008.
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AbstractMulticulturalism was founded after the genocide of the Holocaust to ensure acts of annihilation toward a people group never again occurred. Fifty years after the Civil Rights Movement in the United States, diverse faculty and diverse students are still underrepresented in universities. In absentia and expecting more diverse faculty, how can White faculty effectively promote moral multiculturalism?
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Berrey, Ellen. "MAKING A CIVIL RIGHTS CLAIM FOR AFFIRMATIVE ACTION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 12, no. 2 (2015): 375–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x15000156.
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AbstractThe politics of affirmative action are currently structured as a litigious conflict among elites taking polarized stances. Opponents call for colorblindness, and defenders champion diversity. How can marginalized activists subvert the dominant terms of legal debate? To what extent can they establish their legitimacy? This paper advances legal mobilization theory by analytically foregrounding the field of contention and the relational production of meaning among social movement organizations. The case for study is two landmark United States Supreme Court cases that contested the University of Michigan’s race-conscious admissions policies. Using ethnographic data, the paper analyzes BAMN, an activist organization, and its reception by other affirmative action supporters. BAMN had a marginalized allied-outsider status in the legal cases, as it made a radical civil rights claim for a moderate, elite-supported policy: that affirmative action corrects systemic racial discrimination. BAMN activists pursued their agenda by passionately defending and, at once, critiquing the university’s policies. However, the organization’s militancy remained a liability among university leaders, who prioritized the consistency of their diversity claims. The analysis forwards a scholarly understanding of the legacy of race-conscious policies.
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Padilla, Jose Luis Castro. "Before Brown v. Board of Education : Paul J. McCormick, the Mendez v. Westminster Decision, and its Religious-Social Context." U.S. Catholic Historian 41, no. 4 (September 2023): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cht.2023.a914865.
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Abstract: Paul J. McCormick (1879–1960), judge of the United States District Court of Los Angeles, rendered in 1945 the most impactful decision of his career. His decision in Mendez v. Westminster was the prelude to the civil rights movement in the United States. McCormick's Catholic faith and his relationship with the immigrant community in Los Angeles influenced his opinion. Nearly a decade before Brown v. Board of Education , McCormick delivered a verdict favoring Mexican families seeking equality in education. His decision favoring the desegregation of schools in southern California marked the beginning of the end of school segregation throughout the United States. This study of the decision's religious and social contexts shows how Mendez v. Westminster complicates the historical narrative of racial desegregation.
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O'Connor, Karen. "Civil Rights and Social Change: The Contributions of Interest Groups, Social Movements and the Courts." Political Science Teacher 3, no. 2 (1990): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800001008.
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The twenty participants in this seminar came from a variety of colleges and universities that ranged from major research institutions to small teaching colleges. The academic ranks and interests of those in attendance also were diverse. This heterogeneity of participants was intentional and designed to facilitate a meaningful exchange of ideas and perspectives on the topics to be discussed. Formal class sessions were held for three and one-half hours each morning. The instructor made herself available for individual discussions later each day. Seminar participants were urged to take advantage of the unique location of the seminar. It was held at the APSA convention site only a few blocks away from the Martin Luther King, Jr. birth site and the MLK Center for Nonviolent Social Change.The focus of this seminar in the main was to explore the role that interest groups have played and are likely to continue to play in the judicial process. Our focus was on the federal level, particularly the United States Supreme Court. Given the varied backgrounds and interests of those attending this seminar, it was believed that such an approach would provide a broader and richer understanding of not only the development of law concerning civil rights but also of the judicial process itself.After introductions the first morning, we immediately launched into a discussion of the readings for the day. They were designed to acquaint the participants with some of the literature on interest group litigation. Interestingly, however, the focus of our attention was immediately turned to the idea of “group” and what was meant by interest group or social movement. Several participants had been grappling with these questions in their own research, and others had had extensive experience in a diverse set of groups. A lengthy discourse from varied perspectives then ensued.