Relevant bibliographies by topics / Civil War, 1977-

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Academic literature on the topic 'Civil War, 1977-'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Civil War, 1977-"

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Mark, Chingono. "Religion, politics and war: Reflections on Mozambiques Civil War (1977-1992)." African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 8, no. 2 (2014): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajpsir2013.0641.

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Johnson, Larry, Deirdre Cobb-Roberts, and Barbara Shircliffe. "African Americans and the Struggle for Opportunity in Florida Public Higher Education, 1947-1977." History of Education Quarterly 47, no. 3 (2007): 328–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2007.00103.x.

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In the decades following World War II, access to higher education became an important vehicle for expanding opportunity in the United States. The African American-led Civil Rights Movement challenged discrimination in higher education at a time when state and federal government leaders saw strengthening public higher education as necessary for future economic growth and development. Nationally, the 1947 President's Commission on Higher Education report Higher Education for American Democracy advocated dismantling racial, geographic, and economic barriers to college by radically expanding public higher education, to be accomplished in large part through the development of community colleges. Although these goals were widely embraced across the country, in the South, white leaders rejected the idea that racial segregation stood in the way of progress. During the decades following World War II, white southern educational and political leaders resisted attempts by civil rights organizations to include desegregation as part of the expansion of public higher education.
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Pasamar, Gonzalo. "The Scenes of Memory during the Era of the Democratic Transition in Spain: Politics and Culture / Los escenarios de la memoria durante la transición democrática en España: política y cultura." Historiografías, no. 7 (December 31, 2017): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_historiografias/hrht.201472431.

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In this article we shall examine the scenes of memory of the Civil War and the Franco era during the years of the transition to democracy in Spain, especially 1976 and 1977. After discussing the usefulness for research of the narratives describing the role played by such remembrances, we study the different interplays between memories and oblivions of those historical events. Instead of using memory and oblivion as static and predetermined ideas as is normally the case with such narratives, we highlight the dynamic elements that help organize them (generational changes, culture, political strategies, etc.). While culture became a fertile ground for the remembrance of the Civil War and the Franco era, politics was clearly obliged to limit its use because of the way the transition evolved.Key Words:Memory, Spanish Civil War, Transition, generation gap.ResumenEn el presente artículo examinamos los escenarios de la memoria de la Guerra Civil y del franquismo durante los años de la transición a la democracia en España, especialmente 1976 y 1977. Tras discutir la utilidad de las narrativas que han dado cuenta del papel que tales recuerdos han jugado durante de la Transición, estudiamos la interrelación entre los recuerdos y los olvidos de dichos acontecimientos históricos. En lugar de utilizar la memoria y el olvido como ideas predeterminadas y estáticas, subrayamos los elementos dinámicos de ambos (cambios generacionales, cultura, estrategias políticas, etc.). Defendemos que mientras la cultura llegó a convertirse en un terreno destacado para la evocación de la Guerra y el franquismo, la política se trazó a sí misma una serie de límites en el uso de dicha evocación debido al modo en que se desarrolló la propia Transición.Palabras clave:memoria, guerra civil española, Transición, brecha generacional
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Da Silva, Fernando Caldeira. "THE ROLE OF THE CHRISTIAN COUNCIL OF MOZAMBIQUE IN THE COLONIAL WAR (1964-1974) AND IN CIVIL WARS (1977-2014): CHRISTIANS IN COLONIAL WARS." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 1 (2015): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/105.

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Founded in 1948, the Christian Council of Mozambique (Conselho Cristão de Moçambique - CCM) is an institution which contributed to the Colonial War (1964-1974) and to ending the Civil Wars (1977-1992) (2012-2014). the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace and World Affairs informed the CCM ideals on ‘sustainable development’.2 By the latter’s evangelisation and teaching, leaders such as Eduardo C. Mondlane were produced for the independence of Mozambique.3 After independence the CCM embarked on facilitated dialogue, bringing peace to a nation torn apart by two belligerent parties, REnAMO4 and fReLIMo.5 In 1984 it created the Commission for Justice, Peace and Reconciliation which attended to the victims of war. This article explores the role of the CCM, its President Bishop Dinis Salomão Sengulane, and other religious leaders in ending the Civil Wars and implementing peace,6 including within recent history.
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Dombois, Rainer, and Jeannette Quintero Campos. "Im Labyrinth der Gewalt. Gewerkschaften im kolumbianischen Bürgerkrieg." Industrielle Beziehungen Zeitschrift für Arbeit Organisation und Management 25, no. 3-2018 (2018): 277–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/indbez.v25i3.01.

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In keinem Land der Erde sind in den letzten Jahrzehnten Gewerkschaften derart von physischer Gewalt getroffen worden wie in Kolumbien. Zwischen 1977 und 2015 wurden über 3000 Mitglieder ermordet. Größer noch ist die Zahl derer, die verschleppt, mit dem Tode bedroht, widerrechtlich verhaftet, vertrieben oder anderen Gewalttaten ausgesetzt wurden. Der Internationale Gewerkschaftsbund zählt Kolumbien zu den „World’s Worst Countries for Workers“. Der Beitrag behandelt die Frage, wie die enorme physische Gewalt, der Gewerkschaftsmitglieder in Kolumbien in den letzten Jahrzehnten ausgesetzt waren, mit dem Bürgerkrieg zusammenhängt. Wieweit lassen sich die Gewalttaten aus der Konfliktdynamik der kollektiven Arbeitsbeziehungen erklären? Oder rührt die Gewalt gegen Gewerkschafterinnen und Gewerkschafter aus der Dynamik des übergreifenden, gewaltsam ausgetragenen gesellschaftlichen Konflikts?
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Zeleke, Wondim Tiruneh. "Leading Factors for the Somalian Invasion of Ogaden: Foreign Intervention, and the Ethiopian Response (1977-1978)." International Journal of Social Science Studies 6, no. 6 (2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v6i6.3301.

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The main objective of this paper is to assess the historical out line on the Dynamics of Conflict and Intervention in North -East Africa: The Case Study on the Second Ethio- Somalian (Ogaden) War of 1977-1978. Hence, the Ogaden war, a brief but costly war fought between Ethiopia and Somalia that ended by the defeat of Somalia and her withdrawal in January, 1978 was seen differently by different sides. Opposing foreign intervention in civil wars has also been a central phenomenon of international politics. The war was aggravated by outsiders for many years and in 1970s, above all by the superpowers, namely, the USA and USSR, and also by their contingents. At the heart of the issues underlying the War in the Horn of Africa lie three legacies of the past: namely; European colonial rule; Somali irredentism; and superpowers intervention/ Afyare Abdi Elmi and Abdullahi Barise; 2006:45/. This conflict can be viewed as a meaningless tragedy for the people of the Horn of Africa in general and Somalia in particular. I argue that competition for resources and power, repression by the military regime and the colonial legacy are the background causes of the conflict. Politicized clan identity, the availability of weapons and the presence of a large number of unemployed youth have exacerbated the problem. With regard to the obstacles to peace, we contend that Ethiopia’s hostile policy, the absence of major power interest, lack of resources and the warlords’ lack of interest in peace are the major factors that continue to haunt the Somali peace process. Finally, the study propose ambitious peace-building mechanisms that attempt to address the key areas of security, political governance, economic development and justice in order to build a durable peace in Somalia.
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Ndomondo, Mathayo Bernard. "New Music Emerging from War: Lingwangwanja during the Frelimo-Renamo Civil Conflict in Mozambique 1977-1992." Utafiti 13, no. 2 (2018): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-01302007.

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Lingwalangwanja is a dance tradition performed by young male members of the Makonde society in the northern part of Mozambique, and in south eastern Tanzania. It is usually performed in the evening for the purpose of entertainment. The tradition involves a variety of topical songs, including love, politics, and important social and cultural issues. The emergence of lingwalangwanja is linked to an outbreak of the Frelimo-Renamo civil war in Mozambique when young musicians, due to their fear of landmines, were unable to go to the bush to fetch wild animal-hides and tree-trunks for making drum shells, resorted to improvising alternative musical instruments. These instruments yielded a new dance tradition. Research on this dance tradition is important because most of the studies done on the impact of the civil war in Mozambique have focused on other social, cultural, economic and political aspects; yet there has been no attention paid to the impact of this war on the musical practices of the Makonde, including this dance. By employing an eclectic research methodology, and drawing upon complex theories of musical change, the emergence of lingwalanganja can be revealed as emanating from both the impact of the Frelimo-Renamo civil war in Mozambique, as well as from migratory movements of Makonde of Mozambique to Tanzania, and between the Makonde of both countries. The study draws on fieldwork experience conducted 1995-1998 and upon follow-up research thereafter in the districts of Newala and Mtwara Rural in Mtwara region concerning the music of migrations among the Makonde in Mtwara region, as well as the variety of published sources related to the impact that war and the search for refuge have upon music making.
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Klosek, Kamil. "Indirect Interventions in Civil Wars: The Use of States as Proxies in Military Interventions." Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no. 4 (2019): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1644.

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Current research on motivational sources of military interventions in civil wars frequently assumes that states intervene due to direct interests in the civil war country. However, this study argues that there exists a subset of interventions in which weaker powers intervene on behalf of interests which great powers hold vis-à-vis the civil war country. Using the logic of principal-agent theory in combination with arms trade data allows one to identify 14 civil wars which experienced the phenomenon of indirect military interventions. This type of intervention features a weaker power providing troops for combat missions, whereas its major arms supplier is only involved with indirect military support. The analysis is complemented with two brief case studies on the Moroccan intervention in Zaire (1977) and the Ugandan intervention in the Central African Republic (2009). Both case studies corroborate expectations as deduced from the proxy intervention framework.
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Reis, Flavio Américo dos. "Military Logistics in Natural Disasters: The Use of the NATO Response Force in Assistance to the Pakistan Earthquake Relief Efforts." Contexto Internacional 40, no. 1 (2018): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2017400100004.

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Abstract The main argument of this paper is that the logistical structures of rapid reaction forces offer great dual-use potential. It means they may be used in military operations other than war (MOOTW), such as civil defence or humanitarian assistance. The theoretical model of Haas, Kates and Bowden (1977) is presented in order to defend this argument, as it indicates the utility of intense military actions in the very first moments following a natural disaster due to their ability to rapidly respond in hard-to-access areas. The NATO Response Force humanitarian operation launched to assist the Pakistani government after a major earthquake in 2005 is presented as a practical example. The text concludes by arguing that the dual-use potential of military logistics is an important way to justify the high financial costs of rapid response forces in times of defence budget constraints while also providing other than war operations capabilities, such as civil defence support.
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Pérez Baquero, Rafael. "Re-framing the Spanish Civil War as ‘Cultural Trauma’: When Responsibilities Get Blurred After Violence." University of Bucharest Review. Literary and Cultural Studies Series 9, no. 1 (2020): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/ubr.9.1.7.

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The aim of this article is to address to what extent some institutional form of remembering the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) as a collective trauma could be considered an instance of Jeffrey Alexander and Neil Smelzer´s notion of ’cultural trauma‘. Or to put it in other words, in which sense the notion of cultural trauma may cast a new light on one of the different ways in which the Spanish Civil War was remembered and retold during the transition to democracy (1977-83). Spanish society remembered the war as a collective trauma, so painful that it encouraged society to promote a ‘pact of oblivion’ toward victims of Francoist repression. According to this traumatic memory, the Spanish Civil War was a ‘fratricidal struggle’, whose outbreak was a consequence of the tensions that underlie Spanish history. It led to the blurring of distinctions between victims and culprits because both sides were considered equally responsible. Therefore, everyone could claim the ownership of suffering. However, this representation did not fit in with the historical records; it was a consequence of the social influence of some ‘memory makers’ that developed new narratives and re-defined the ownership of suffering. Because of this divergence between the historical record of the war and society’s traumatic memory of it during the transition to democracy, I would like to analyse the possibility of studying the nature of the latter by means of the concept of cultural trauma. After all, Alexander´s critique of psychoanalytical insight into collective trauma could be useful when analysing traumatic historical experiences where it is not clear whether the traumatic nature of those memories come from the events themselves or from the cultural frames that attributed significance to those events.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Civil War, 1977-"

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Ajaj, Ahmad Mahmoud. "The legality of Syrian intervention in the Lebanese civil war : 1975-1976." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1990. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1036/.

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The Lebanese civil war is, undoubtedly, one of the most protracted civil wars that have ever been witnessed in the last two decades. Many interventions have occurred in Lebanon and most of them were the subject of discussion and legal analysis. Of all these intervention, the Syrian intervention has attracted no academic or scholarly attention whatsoever. It is the main concern of the present thesis to discuss the Lebanese civil war and the legality of the Syrian intervention under the rules of international law. It specifically and exclusively focuses on the Syrian intervention during the years 1975-1976. In evaluating the Syrian intervention, of necessity, the thesis discuses in the first and second chapters the norm of non-intervention, the definition of intervention, and the attitudes and practices of the Superpowers towards the norm of non-intervention. Moreover, it provides a thorough review of the history of Lebanon, the causes of the conflict, and the legal nature of the conflict. Having identified the nature of the Lebanese conflict, the rest of the thesis deals with the legality of the Syrian intervention under the rules of international law which are applicable to internal conflict. The discussion of Syrian intervention is dealt with from four legal perspectives: intervention under the rebel's invitation; humanitarian intervention; Lebanese government's invitation, and the effect of invitation on the Lebanese right to self-determination; and finally the legitimization of Syrian intervention through its inclusion in the peace keeping force of the Arab League. The out come of the discussion establishes the illegality of the Syrian intervention and the ineffectiveness of regional organizations, namely the Arab League, in responding to civil war. It also proves that, so long as the norm of non -intervention is not respected by powerful states, small states will be encouraged to break the norm and undertake intervention; and unless the international community responds positively to the norm of non-intervention, anarchy will be the prevailing norm with serious implications for the survival of mankind in the era of nuclear weapons.
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Butler, Shannon Rae. "Into the Storm: American Covert Involvement in the Angolan Civil War, 1974-1975." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195354.

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Angola’s civil war in the mid-1970s has an important role to play in the ongoing debate within the diplomatic history community over how best to explain American foreign policy. As such, this dissertation uses the Angolan crisis as a case study to investigate and unravel the reasons for the American covert intervention on behalf of two pro-Western liberation movements: the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), led by Holden Roberto, and Jonas Savimbi’s National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. That Angola is a late 20th century example of foreign intervention is not disputed. However, the more significant and difficult questions surrounding this Cold War episode, which are still debated and which directly relate to the purpose of this study, are first, “Why did the United States involve itself in Angola when it had previously ignored Portugal’s African colonies, preferring to side with its NATO partner and to maintain its distance from Angola’s national liberation movements?” Was it really, as the Ford Administration asserted, a case of the United States belatedly responding to Soviet expansionism and Kremlin-supported aggression by Agostinho Neto’s leftist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Secondly, “Exactly when did the United States intervene, and was this intervention largely responsible for the ensuing escalation of violence and external involvement in Angola affairs?” In other words, as suggested by the House Select Committee on Intelligence, was the Soviet Union’s intervention in response to the American decision to allocate $300,000 to Holden Roberto’s National Front in January 1975? If so, then contrary to the Ford Administration’s official account of the crisis, the United States - and not the Soviet Union - was the initial provocateur in the conflict that left the resource-rich West African nation in a ruinous, perpetual state of warfare into the early 21st century.
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John, Nerys. "South African intervention in the Angolan Civil War, 1975-1976 : motivations and implications." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7928.

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Bibliography: leaves 137-146.<br>Between 1975-1976 South Africa intervened in the Angolan civil war. The invasion of a black African country was then an unprecedented event in South Africa's history. This dissertation explores the motivations behind, and implications of, South Africa's involvement in Angola. It firstly scrutinises the rationalisations given by the government of the day, specifically the four key objectives that the Defence Force claimed it had been pursuing. These were: the protection of South Africa's investment in the Cunene hydroelectric scheme; the 'hot pursuit' of Namibian guerrillas; the response to appeals from two of the liberation movements in Angola; and finally, the need to counter communist, specifically Cuban, intervention in Angola.
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Shapoatov, Sayfiddin. "The Tajik Civil War: 1992-1997." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605036/index.pdf.

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This study aims to analyzing the role of Islam, regionalism, and external factors (the involvement of the Russian Federation, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Iran) in the Tajik Civil War (1992-97). It analyzes all these three factors one by one. In the thesis, it is argued that all of the three factors played an active and equal role in the emergence of the war and that in the case of the absence of any of these factors, the Tajik Civil War would not erupt. As such, none of the factors is considered to be the only player on its own and none of the factors is considered to be the basic result of other two factors.
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Okigbo, Karen Amaka. "Ghostly Narratives : A Case Study on the Experiences and Roles of Biafran Women during the Nigeria-Biafra War." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29720.

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Since the end of the Nigcria-Biafra war in 1970, political and social theorists, journalists, and scholars have discussed the significance of the war and the major players. Yet one perspective is often omitted, and that is the experiences of women and the roles they played during the war. This thesis begins to unearth some of those hidden narratives through the use of in-depth interviews with seven Biafran women who lived during and survived the Nigeria-Biafra war. Their stories about the importance of their ethnic and religious identities, their roles and experiences during the war, their encounters with death and refugees, and their discussions of a generational shift are important parts of some of the unearthed narratives.
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Goubali, Talon Odile. "Littérature engagée : Une nouvelle perspective sur la guerre civile au Nigéria (1967-1970)." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018CERG0892/document.

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Le thème de la guerre civile au Nigéria de 1967 à 1970, aussi appelée guerre du Biafra reste un thème majeur de la littérature nigériane. Les évènements qui ont amené au conflit au lendemain de l’indépendance du pays montrent une période post-coloniale encore marquée par les maux de la construction nationale des anciennes colonies que sont le régionalisme, la religion et le problème ethnique. La fin du conflit en 1970 inaugure une ère de mutation des problèmes d’avant la guerre qui perdurent avec la succession des différents régimes au pouvoir. De plus, le conflit devient un sujet tabou à effacer des mémoires autant que de la mémoire collective nigeriane.Après la première vague des écrivains à majorité Igbo qui ont écrit sur le conflit, tels que Chukwuemeka Ike avec Sunset at Dawn (1979), Buchi Emecheta (1983), Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie reprend le thème de cette guerre sans apologie. Cette nouvelle façon d’écrire le sujet de la guerre du Biafra se veut thérapeutique et réconciliatrice.Ce travail analyse le traitement de la guerre du Biafra à travers le prisme de la Déesse Mammy Water, divinité de la cosmologie Igbo. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie appartient à la communauté Igbo<br>The theme of the Nigerian civil war which lasted from 1967 to 1970, also called the Biafra war remains one of the major theme of the nigerian literature. The events that led to the war after the country’s independance point to a post-colonial period where national building is still worked up on along ethnic and religious lines. In 1970, the end of the conflict starts a new era still affected by all the issues that led to the war still visible in the different regimes leading the federation. Moreover, the conflict became a taboo topic that needed to be erased from individual as well as the nigerian collective memory.After the first wave of writers mainly from Igbo descent who wrote about the war such as Chukwuemeka Ike with Sunset at Dawn (1979), Buchi Emecheta (1983), Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie takes up the theme of the war unapologetically. Her way of writing the war ultimately wants to be the therapeutical and inclusive for all nigerians.This study analyzes the Biafran war through the prism of Mammy Water, the water goddess in the Igbo cosmology. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie belongs to the Igbo community
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Fobanjong, John M. "Interventionary alliances in civil conflicts." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184749.

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This study argues that foreign intervention is not a concept that could lend itself to any theoretical inquiry. It is a norm that is applicable mainly in juridical inquiries and in systems theory. It is a norm in systems theory in that the system is made up of two important elements: (1) the distribution of resources; and (2) the norms of conduct that accompany the resources. As a systemic norm, the norm of nonintervention seeks to guarantee stability and predictability in the international system. It is a juridical norm in that it calls either for the indictment or vindication for the violation of sovereign sanctity. It produces a dichotomous debate (such as legal/illegal; right/wrong; etc.) that has none of the operational ingredients of a theory. If foreign intervention is a norm and not a theoretical concept, it means therefore that social scientists have yet to come up with a theory for the study of the pervasive phenomenon of foreign involvement in civil conflicts. Conceptual tools such as 'power theory,' and the psychoanalysis of perceptions/misperceptions have been used by social scientists to study the Vietnam, Nicaragua and other wars simply for lack of more specific conceptual tools. While these concepts have been successful in describing and in explaining these conflicts, they still in a sense remain broad conceptual tools. Explaining the Soviet involvement in Afghanistan in terms of the power theory rationale of national security interest, or the U.S. involvement there in terms of the psychoanalysis of perceived Soviet expansionism only recreate a dichotomous, non-dialectic evaluation of "who's wrong/who's right" elements of the conflict. Crucial factors such as factionalization, escalation, and stalemate, remain unexplained and unaccounted for when these broad concepts are used to analyze such conflicts. It is for this reason that the present study tailors the concept of "Interventionary Alliance" in a manner that addresses both systemic as well as subsystemic properties, internal as well as external (f)actors; and provides explanations that account for the escalations and stalemates that are characteristic of the civil conflicts that proliferate our present international system.
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Desgrandchamps, Marie-Luce. "L'humanitaire en guerre civile : une histoire des opérations de secours au Nigeria-Biafra (1967-1970)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010604.

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Lors de l’été 1968, des images d’enfants décharnés, souffrant de maladies dues à la malnutrition affluent dans les médias occidentaux. Elles proviennent de la région sud orientale de la Fédération du Nigeria, qui a déclaré son indépendance une année auparavant sous le nom de République du Biafra, où se déroule une guerre civile qui oppose les troupes fédérales aux indépendantistes biafrais. L’émotion suscitée en Occident par les représentations du conflit et de la famine qui l’accompagne engendre la mobilisation de diverses organisations humanitaires, qui mettent sur pied des opérations de secours internationales destinées aux populations civiles. Encore peu étudiées par l’historiographie, la crise du Biafra et les réponses qui y sont apportées par les acteurs occidentaux sont l’objet de cette thèse. La recherche examine tout d’abord comment une guerre civile africaine prend la dimension d’une crise humanitaire internationale. Pour ce faire, elle analyse tant la situation sur place que les acteurs de son internationalisation et ses représentations. Ensuite, afin d’appréhender les opérations de secours dans leur complexité la thèse étudie le processus d’élaboration et le déploiement des réponses occidentales à la crise, ainsi que leur réception au Nigeria dans un contexte post-colonial. Enfin, la thèse questionne les principaux éléments qui ont fait du Biafra un moment charnière de l’histoire de l’humanitaire et met en lumière les reconfigurations des discours et des pratiques de l’aide humanitaire qui s’opèrent à la fin des années 1960<br>In the summer of 1968, pictures of emaciated children, suffering from diseases due to malnutrition, poured in western medias. They came from the eastern region of the Federation of Nigeria, which had proclaimed its independence one year before and taken the name of the Republic of Biafra. War and famine that were taking place in the region generated widespread concern in the West, where humanitarian organizations decided to set up international relief operations to help alleviate the suffering of the civilian population. Still understudied by the historiography, the crisis in Biafra and the mobilization of western organizations are the subjects of this PhD. Firstly, the dissertation examines how an African civil war became an international humanitarian crisis. To this purpose, it analyses the situation in the ground, the actors of its internationalization and how it was represented. Secondly, in order to grasp the complexity of humanitarian aid, the dissertation studies the elaboration and the deployment of the relied operations, as well as their reception in Nigeria in a post-colonial context. Finally, the thesis questions why Biafra is usually considered as a turning point in the history of humanitarianism. By so doing, it sheds light on the reconfigurations of the discourses and practices of humanitarian aid that took place in the late 1960’s
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Dwyer, John L. "Adult Education in Civil War Richmond January 1861- April 1865." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30576.

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This study examines adult education in Civil War Richmond from January 1861 to April 1865. Drawing on a range of sources (including newspapers, magazines, letters and diaries, reports, school catalogs, and published and unpublished personal narratives), it explores the types and availability of adult education activities and the impact that these activities had on influencing the mind, emotions, and attitudes of the residents. The analysis reveals that for four years, Richmond, the Capital of the Confederacy, endured severe hardships and tragedies of war: overcrowdedness, disease, wounded and sick soldiers, food shortages, high inflationary rates, crime, sanitation deficiencies, and weakened socio-educational institutions. Despite these deplorable conditions, the examination reveals that educative systems of organizations, groups, and individuals offered the opportunity and means for personal development and growth. The study presents and tracks the educational activities of organizations like churches, amusement centers, colleges, evening schools, military, and voluntary groups to determine the type and theme of their activities for educational purposes, such as personal development, leisure, and recreation. The study examines and tracks such activities as higher education, industrial training, religious education, college-preparatory education, military training, informal education, and educational leisure and recreation, such as reading and listening to and singing music. The study concludes that wartime conditions had minimal affect on the type and availability of adult education. Based on the number and types of educational activities and participants engaged in such activities, the study concludes that adult education had influenced and contributed to the lives of the majority of Richmonders, including the thousands of soldiers convalescing in the city's hospitals. Whatever the educative system, the study finds that the people of Richmond, under tremendous stress and despondency improved themselves individually and collectively. Thus, Civil War Richmond's adult education experience is about educative systems that gave people knowledge, comfort, and hope under extreme deprivation and deplorable conditions.<br>Ph. D.
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Fregonese, Sara. "City, war and geopolitics : the relations between militia political violence and the built environment of Beirut in the early phases of the Lebanese civil war (1975-1976)." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/3382.

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The thesis deals with the relationships between political violence and the built environment of Beirut during the early phases of the Lebanese civil war (1975-1976). It investigates how the daily practices of urban warfare and the urban built fabric impacted on each other, and specifically how the violent targeting of the built fabric relates to contested discourses of power and identity enacted by the urban militias. The study is the result of residential fieldwork in Beirut, where I held in-depth interviews with former militia combatants, media representatives, academics and practitioners in urban studies and architecture, as well as conducting archival search into bibliographical, visual and microfilm sources in Arabic, English and French. Official geopolitical discourses in international diplomacy about the civil war between 1975 and 1976 focused on nation-state territoriality, and overlooked a number of complex specifications of a predominantly urban conflict. This led occasionally to an oversimplification of the war and of Beirut as chaos. Reading the official discourses side by side with unofficial militia accounts, I argue instead that state and non-state narratives coexisted in the urban warfare, and their intermingling produced geographical specifications that were particularly visible in the built environment. Both official and unofficial accounts were permeated of colonial references to the sectarian structure of the Lebanese society. In the thesis, I adopt a discursive and post-colonial approach to these references. Beirut's built fabric became a contested site where the militias enacted different visions of the same territorial discourse: the nation state of Lebanon. This enactment took place through the occupation, division and destruction of portions of the city. Beirut's built environment played a central role in actively shaping and giving materiality to contested ideas of territory, identity, and security. Therefore, the thesis offers a resourceful and critical approach to the study of the impact of conflict on everyday city life.
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Books on the topic "Civil War, 1977-"

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Congreso Internacional sobre la Guerra Civil Española (1977 Universidad de Montreal). Actas del Congreso Internacional sobre la Guerra Civil Española, 1977: Historia y literatura : Universidad de Montreal. Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Secretaría de Estado para la Cooperación Internacional y para Iberoamérica, Dirección General de Relaciones Culturales, 1988.

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Alvaro, Mateus, ed. Purga em Angola: O 27 de Maio de 1977. 2nd ed. Asa Editores, 2007.

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Maharotrā, Lakhana. Combodia, the Paris agreement and after. Centre for Studies on Indochina, Sri Venkateswara University, 1996.

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A revista "Tempo" e a revolução moçambicana: Da mobilização popular ao problema da crítica na informação, 1974-1977. Promédia, 2002.

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Buijtenhuijs, Robert. Le Frolinat et les guerres civiles du Tchad (1977-1984): La révolution introuvable. Karthala, 1987.

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Biafra: The Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970. Helion, 2014.

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Tragedy and triumph: Mozambique refugees in Southern Africa, 1977-2001. Heinemann, 2002.

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Vigil, Alicia Alted. El Archivo de la República Española en el exilio, 1945-1977: Inventario del fondo París. Fundación Universitaria Española, 1993.

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Ekwe-Ekwe, Herbert. The Biafra war: Nigeria and the aftermath. E. Mellen Press, 1990.

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W, Kozumplik Peter, Waraksa Thomas J, and United States. Military Academy. Dept. of History., eds. The Arab-Israeli wars, the Chinese Civil War, and the Korean War. Avery Pub. Group., 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Civil War, 1977-"

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O’Ballance, Edgar. "Assassination and Invasion: 1977–78." In Civil War in Lebanon, 1975–92. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374683_4.

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Griffin, Christopher. "France and the Nigerian Civil War, 1967–1970." In Postcolonial Conflict and the Question of Genocide. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315229294-7.

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Levey, Zach. "Israel, Nigeria and the Biafra Civil War, 1967–1970." In Postcolonial Conflict and the Question of Genocide. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315229294-8.

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O’Ballance, Edgar. "Prelude to Civil War." In Civil War in Lebanon, 1975–92. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374683_1.

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Stone, David R. "The Russian Civil War, 1917–1921." In The Military History of the Soviet Union. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-12029-8_2.

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James, Alan. "The Spanish Civil War (1937–1939)." In Peacekeeping in International Politics. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21026-8_15.

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James, Alan. "The Nigerian Civil War (1968–1970)." In Peacekeeping in International Politics. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21026-8_21.

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Stone, David R. "The Russian Civil War, 1917–1921." In The Military History of the Soviet Union. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230108219_2.

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O’Ballance, Edgar. "Violent Polarisation: 1976." In Civil War in Lebanon, 1975–92. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374683_3.

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Kubota, Yuichi. "Cambodia, 1970–75." In Armed Groups in Cambodian Civil War. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137364098_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Civil War, 1977-"

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Rogoznyi, P. G. "Civil war and icons." In ТНЕ ERA OF ТНЕ RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR: Life in а Time of Social Experimentation and Violence 1917-1922. Nestor-Historia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.51255/978-5-4469-1699-3_2020_193.

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Khodyakov, M. V. "Chinese Eastern Railway during the Civil War." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-266-271.

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Larkov, N. S. "Features of the initial stage of the Civil War in Siberia (November 1917 - May 1918)." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-188-195.

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Rezmer, V. "Polish military units in Siberia in 1917–1921: source materials in Poland." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-59-68.

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Radjabov, K. K. "The rebel movement in Turkestan in the context of the Civil War in Russia (1917–1922)." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-196-205.

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Soyegov, M. "About three Turkmen officers participating in the Civil War in Russia." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-424-430.

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Posadskov, A. L. "Anti-Bolshevik satirical press in the eastern regions of Russia (November 1917 - November 1918)." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-344-355.

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Kovalev, M. V. "The study of Revolution of 1917 and the Civil War in the Russian Foreign Historical Archive in Prague." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-24-31.

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Krestyannikov, E. A. "From the history of the judiciary in Siberia during the Civil War." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-116-123.

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Kondrashin, V. V. "Controversial issues of the peasant movement in Russia during the Civil War." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-16-23.

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Reports on the topic "Civil War, 1977-"

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Flici, Farid, and Nacer-Eddine Hammouda. Mortality evolution in Algeria: What can we learn about data quality? Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/populationyearbook2021.res1.3.

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Mortality in Algeria has declined significantly since the country declared its independence in 1962. This trend has been accompanied by improvements in data quality and changes in estimation methodology, both of which are scarcely documented, and may distort the natural evolution of mortality as reported in official statistics. In this paper, our aim is to detect these methodological and data quality changes by means of the visual inspection of mortality surfaces, which represent the evolution of mortality rates, mortality improvement rates and the male-female mortality ratio over age and time. Data quality problems are clearly visible during the 1977–1982 period. The quality of mortality data has improved after 1983, and even further since the population census of 1998, which coincided with the end of the civil war. Additional inexplicable patterns have also been detected, such as a changing mortality age pattern during the period before 1983, and a changing pattern of excess female mortality at reproductive ages, which suddenly appears in 1983 and disappears in 1992.
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Hendricks, Kasey. Data for Alabama Taxation and Changing Discourse from Reconstruction to Redemption. University of Tennessee, Knoxville Libraries, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7290/wdyvftwo4u.

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At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.
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