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1
Ajaj, Ahmad Mahmoud. "The legality of Syrian intervention in the Lebanese civil war : 1975-1976." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1990. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1036/.
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The Lebanese civil war is, undoubtedly, one of the most protracted civil wars that have ever been witnessed in the last two decades. Many interventions have occurred in Lebanon and most of them were the subject of discussion and legal analysis. Of all these intervention, the Syrian intervention has attracted no academic or scholarly attention whatsoever. It is the main concern of the present thesis to discuss the Lebanese civil war and the legality of the Syrian intervention under the rules of international law. It specifically and exclusively focuses on the Syrian intervention during the years 1975-1976. In evaluating the Syrian intervention, of necessity, the thesis discuses in the first and second chapters the norm of non-intervention, the definition of intervention, and the attitudes and practices of the Superpowers towards the norm of non-intervention. Moreover, it provides a thorough review of the history of Lebanon, the causes of the conflict, and the legal nature of the conflict. Having identified the nature of the Lebanese conflict, the rest of the thesis deals with the legality of the Syrian intervention under the rules of international law which are applicable to internal conflict. The discussion of Syrian intervention is dealt with from four legal perspectives: intervention under the rebel's invitation; humanitarian intervention; Lebanese government's invitation, and the effect of invitation on the Lebanese right to self-determination; and finally the legitimization of Syrian intervention through its inclusion in the peace keeping force of the Arab League. The out come of the discussion establishes the illegality of the Syrian intervention and the ineffectiveness of regional organizations, namely the Arab League, in responding to civil war. It also proves that, so long as the norm of non -intervention is not respected by powerful states, small states will be encouraged to break the norm and undertake intervention; and unless the international community responds positively to the norm of non-intervention, anarchy will be the prevailing norm with serious implications for the survival of mankind in the era of nuclear weapons.
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Butler, Shannon Rae. "Into the Storm: American Covert Involvement in the Angolan Civil War, 1974-1975." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195354.
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Angola’s civil war in the mid-1970s has an important role to play in the ongoing debate within the diplomatic history community over how best to explain American foreign policy. As such, this dissertation uses the Angolan crisis as a case study to investigate and unravel the reasons for the American covert intervention on behalf of two pro-Western liberation movements: the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), led by Holden Roberto, and Jonas Savimbi’s National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. That Angola is a late 20th century example of foreign intervention is not disputed. However, the more significant and difficult questions surrounding this Cold War episode, which are still debated and which directly relate to the purpose of this study, are first, “Why did the United States involve itself in Angola when it had previously ignored Portugal’s African colonies, preferring to side with its NATO partner and to maintain its distance from Angola’s national liberation movements?” Was it really, as the Ford Administration asserted, a case of the United States belatedly responding to Soviet expansionism and Kremlin-supported aggression by Agostinho Neto’s leftist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Secondly, “Exactly when did the United States intervene, and was this intervention largely responsible for the ensuing escalation of violence and external involvement in Angola affairs?” In other words, as suggested by the House Select Committee on Intelligence, was the Soviet Union’s intervention in response to the American decision to allocate $300,000 to Holden Roberto’s National Front in January 1975? If so, then contrary to the Ford Administration’s official account of the crisis, the United States - and not the Soviet Union - was the initial provocateur in the conflict that left the resource-rich West African nation in a ruinous, perpetual state of warfare into the early 21st century.
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John, Nerys. "South African intervention in the Angolan Civil War, 1975-1976 : motivations and implications." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7928.
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Bibliography: leaves 137-146.<br>Between 1975-1976 South Africa intervened in the Angolan civil war. The invasion of a black African country was then an unprecedented event in South Africa's history. This dissertation explores the motivations behind, and implications of, South Africa's involvement in Angola. It firstly scrutinises the rationalisations given by the government of the day, specifically the four key objectives that the Defence Force claimed it had been pursuing. These were: the protection of South Africa's investment in the Cunene hydroelectric scheme; the 'hot pursuit' of Namibian guerrillas; the response to appeals from two of the liberation movements in Angola; and finally, the need to counter communist, specifically Cuban, intervention in Angola.
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Shapoatov, Sayfiddin. "The Tajik Civil War: 1992-1997." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605036/index.pdf.
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This study aims to analyzing the role of Islam, regionalism, and external factors (the involvement of the Russian Federation, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Iran) in the Tajik Civil War (1992-97). It analyzes all these three factors one by one. In the thesis, it is argued that all of the three factors played an active and equal role in the emergence of the war and that in the case of the absence of any of these factors, the Tajik Civil War would not erupt. As such, none of the factors is considered to be the only player on its own and none of the factors is considered to be the basic result of other two factors.
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Okigbo, Karen Amaka. "Ghostly Narratives : A Case Study on the Experiences and Roles of Biafran Women during the Nigeria-Biafra War." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29720.
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Since the end of the Nigcria-Biafra war in 1970, political and social theorists, journalists, and scholars have discussed the significance of the war and the major players. Yet one perspective is often omitted, and that is the experiences of women and the roles they played during the war. This thesis begins to unearth some of those hidden narratives through the use of in-depth interviews with seven Biafran women who lived during and survived the Nigeria-Biafra war. Their stories about the importance of their ethnic and religious identities, their roles and experiences during the war, their encounters with death and refugees, and their discussions of a generational shift are important parts of some of the unearthed narratives.
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Goubali, Talon Odile. "Littérature engagée : Une nouvelle perspective sur la guerre civile au Nigéria (1967-1970)." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018CERG0892/document.
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Le thème de la guerre civile au Nigéria de 1967 à 1970, aussi appelée guerre du Biafra reste un thème majeur de la littérature nigériane. Les évènements qui ont amené au conflit au lendemain de l’indépendance du pays montrent une période post-coloniale encore marquée par les maux de la construction nationale des anciennes colonies que sont le régionalisme, la religion et le problème ethnique. La fin du conflit en 1970 inaugure une ère de mutation des problèmes d’avant la guerre qui perdurent avec la succession des différents régimes au pouvoir. De plus, le conflit devient un sujet tabou à effacer des mémoires autant que de la mémoire collective nigeriane.Après la première vague des écrivains à majorité Igbo qui ont écrit sur le conflit, tels que Chukwuemeka Ike avec Sunset at Dawn (1979), Buchi Emecheta (1983), Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie reprend le thème de cette guerre sans apologie. Cette nouvelle façon d’écrire le sujet de la guerre du Biafra se veut thérapeutique et réconciliatrice.Ce travail analyse le traitement de la guerre du Biafra à travers le prisme de la Déesse Mammy Water, divinité de la cosmologie Igbo. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie appartient à la communauté Igbo<br>The theme of the Nigerian civil war which lasted from 1967 to 1970, also called the Biafra war remains one of the major theme of the nigerian literature. The events that led to the war after the country’s independance point to a post-colonial period where national building is still worked up on along ethnic and religious lines. In 1970, the end of the conflict starts a new era still affected by all the issues that led to the war still visible in the different regimes leading the federation. Moreover, the conflict became a taboo topic that needed to be erased from individual as well as the nigerian collective memory.After the first wave of writers mainly from Igbo descent who wrote about the war such as Chukwuemeka Ike with Sunset at Dawn (1979), Buchi Emecheta (1983), Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie takes up the theme of the war unapologetically. Her way of writing the war ultimately wants to be the therapeutical and inclusive for all nigerians.This study analyzes the Biafran war through the prism of Mammy Water, the water goddess in the Igbo cosmology. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie belongs to the Igbo community
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Fobanjong, John M. "Interventionary alliances in civil conflicts." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184749.
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This study argues that foreign intervention is not a concept that could lend itself to any theoretical inquiry. It is a norm that is applicable mainly in juridical inquiries and in systems theory. It is a norm in systems theory in that the system is made up of two important elements: (1) the distribution of resources; and (2) the norms of conduct that accompany the resources. As a systemic norm, the norm of nonintervention seeks to guarantee stability and predictability in the international system. It is a juridical norm in that it calls either for the indictment or vindication for the violation of sovereign sanctity. It produces a dichotomous debate (such as legal/illegal; right/wrong; etc.) that has none of the operational ingredients of a theory. If foreign intervention is a norm and not a theoretical concept, it means therefore that social scientists have yet to come up with a theory for the study of the pervasive phenomenon of foreign involvement in civil conflicts. Conceptual tools such as 'power theory,' and the psychoanalysis of perceptions/misperceptions have been used by social scientists to study the Vietnam, Nicaragua and other wars simply for lack of more specific conceptual tools. While these concepts have been successful in describing and in explaining these conflicts, they still in a sense remain broad conceptual tools. Explaining the Soviet involvement in Afghanistan in terms of the power theory rationale of national security interest, or the U.S. involvement there in terms of the psychoanalysis of perceived Soviet expansionism only recreate a dichotomous, non-dialectic evaluation of "who's wrong/who's right" elements of the conflict. Crucial factors such as factionalization, escalation, and stalemate, remain unexplained and unaccounted for when these broad concepts are used to analyze such conflicts. It is for this reason that the present study tailors the concept of "Interventionary Alliance" in a manner that addresses both systemic as well as subsystemic properties, internal as well as external (f)actors; and provides explanations that account for the escalations and stalemates that are characteristic of the civil conflicts that proliferate our present international system.
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Desgrandchamps, Marie-Luce. "L'humanitaire en guerre civile : une histoire des opérations de secours au Nigeria-Biafra (1967-1970)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010604.
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Lors de l’été 1968, des images d’enfants décharnés, souffrant de maladies dues à la malnutrition affluent dans les médias occidentaux. Elles proviennent de la région sud orientale de la Fédération du Nigeria, qui a déclaré son indépendance une année auparavant sous le nom de République du Biafra, où se déroule une guerre civile qui oppose les troupes fédérales aux indépendantistes biafrais. L’émotion suscitée en Occident par les représentations du conflit et de la famine qui l’accompagne engendre la mobilisation de diverses organisations humanitaires, qui mettent sur pied des opérations de secours internationales destinées aux populations civiles. Encore peu étudiées par l’historiographie, la crise du Biafra et les réponses qui y sont apportées par les acteurs occidentaux sont l’objet de cette thèse. La recherche examine tout d’abord comment une guerre civile africaine prend la dimension d’une crise humanitaire internationale. Pour ce faire, elle analyse tant la situation sur place que les acteurs de son internationalisation et ses représentations. Ensuite, afin d’appréhender les opérations de secours dans leur complexité la thèse étudie le processus d’élaboration et le déploiement des réponses occidentales à la crise, ainsi que leur réception au Nigeria dans un contexte post-colonial. Enfin, la thèse questionne les principaux éléments qui ont fait du Biafra un moment charnière de l’histoire de l’humanitaire et met en lumière les reconfigurations des discours et des pratiques de l’aide humanitaire qui s’opèrent à la fin des années 1960<br>In the summer of 1968, pictures of emaciated children, suffering from diseases due to malnutrition, poured in western medias. They came from the eastern region of the Federation of Nigeria, which had proclaimed its independence one year before and taken the name of the Republic of Biafra. War and famine that were taking place in the region generated widespread concern in the West, where humanitarian organizations decided to set up international relief operations to help alleviate the suffering of the civilian population. Still understudied by the historiography, the crisis in Biafra and the mobilization of western organizations are the subjects of this PhD. Firstly, the dissertation examines how an African civil war became an international humanitarian crisis. To this purpose, it analyses the situation in the ground, the actors of its internationalization and how it was represented. Secondly, in order to grasp the complexity of humanitarian aid, the dissertation studies the elaboration and the deployment of the relied operations, as well as their reception in Nigeria in a post-colonial context. Finally, the thesis questions why Biafra is usually considered as a turning point in the history of humanitarianism. By so doing, it sheds light on the reconfigurations of the discourses and practices of humanitarian aid that took place in the late 1960’s
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Dwyer, John L. "Adult Education in Civil War Richmond January 1861- April 1865." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30576.
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This study examines adult education in Civil War Richmond from January 1861 to April 1865. Drawing on a range of sources (including newspapers, magazines, letters and diaries, reports, school catalogs, and published and unpublished personal narratives), it explores the types and availability of adult education activities and the impact that these activities had on influencing the mind, emotions, and attitudes of the residents.
The analysis reveals that for four years, Richmond, the Capital of the Confederacy, endured severe hardships and tragedies of war: overcrowdedness, disease, wounded and sick soldiers, food shortages, high inflationary rates, crime, sanitation deficiencies, and weakened socio-educational institutions. Despite these deplorable conditions, the examination reveals that educative systems of organizations, groups, and individuals offered the opportunity and means for personal development and growth. The study presents and tracks the educational activities of organizations like churches, amusement centers, colleges, evening schools, military, and voluntary groups to determine the type and theme of their activities for educational purposes, such as personal development, leisure, and recreation. The study examines and tracks such activities as higher education, industrial training, religious education, college-preparatory education, military training, informal education, and educational leisure and recreation, such as reading and listening to and singing music. The study concludes that wartime conditions had minimal affect on the type and availability of adult education. Based on the number and types of educational activities and participants engaged in such activities, the study concludes that adult education had influenced and contributed to the lives of the majority of Richmonders, including the thousands of soldiers convalescing in the city's hospitals. Whatever the educative system, the study finds that the people of Richmond, under tremendous stress and despondency improved themselves individually and collectively.
Thus, Civil War Richmond's adult education experience is about educative systems that gave people knowledge, comfort, and hope under extreme deprivation and deplorable conditions.<br>Ph. D.
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Fregonese, Sara. "City, war and geopolitics : the relations between militia political violence and the built environment of Beirut in the early phases of the Lebanese civil war (1975-1976)." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/3382.
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The thesis deals with the relationships between political violence and the built environment of Beirut during the early phases of the Lebanese civil war (1975-1976). It investigates how the daily practices of urban warfare and the urban built fabric impacted on each other, and specifically how the violent targeting of the built fabric relates to contested discourses of power and identity enacted by the urban militias. The study is the result of residential fieldwork in Beirut, where I held in-depth interviews with former militia combatants, media representatives, academics and practitioners in urban studies and architecture, as well as conducting archival search into bibliographical, visual and microfilm sources in Arabic, English and French. Official geopolitical discourses in international diplomacy about the civil war between 1975 and 1976 focused on nation-state territoriality, and overlooked a number of complex specifications of a predominantly urban conflict. This led occasionally to an oversimplification of the war and of Beirut as chaos. Reading the official discourses side by side with unofficial militia accounts, I argue instead that state and non-state narratives coexisted in the urban warfare, and their intermingling produced geographical specifications that were particularly visible in the built environment. Both official and unofficial accounts were permeated of colonial references to the sectarian structure of the Lebanese society. In the thesis, I adopt a discursive and post-colonial approach to these references. Beirut's built fabric became a contested site where the militias enacted different visions of the same territorial discourse: the nation state of Lebanon. This enactment took place through the occupation, division and destruction of portions of the city. Beirut's built environment played a central role in actively shaping and giving materiality to contested ideas of territory, identity, and security. Therefore, the thesis offers a resourceful and critical approach to the study of the impact of conflict on everyday city life.
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Adebajo, Adekeye. "Pax Nigeriana? : ECOMOG in Liberia, 1990-1997." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310155.
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Duyvesteyn, Isabelle. "The political dynamics of civil war : a structured focused comparison of the Liberian (1989-1997) and Somali (1988-1995) wars." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.397170.
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Kirchenbauer, Amy Sue. "The Texas Confederate Home for Men, 1884-1970." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc84231/.
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Founded in 1886 by a local veteran’s organization, the Texas Confederate Home for Men served thousands of veterans throughout its tenure. State-run beginning in 1891, the facility became the center of controversy multiple times, with allegations of mistreatment of residents, misappropriation of funds, and unsanitary conditions in the home. Despite these problems, for several decades the home effectively provided large numbers of needy veterans with a place where they could live out their remaining years. The home was finally closed by the state in 1965, and the buildings were demolished in 1970. The facility’s success helped to inspire Texas to introduce a veteran pension system, and brought forth a new era in the state’s willingness to take care of veterans once their wars were over.
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Kelsey, John M. "Lev Trotsky and the Red Army in the Russian Civil War, 1917-1921." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/105.
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A study of Lev Trotsky's leadership role in constructing the Red Army during the Russian Civil War. Beginning with his appointment in March 1918, Trotsky transformed the Bolsheviks' military policy to adopt more conventional fighting techniques.
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Vlavianos, Haris. "The Greek civil war : the strategy of the Greek Communist Party 1944-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302964.
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振兴, 朱., and Zhenxing Zhu. "Chinese American activism in the Cold War-Civil Rights Movement Era,1949-1972." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13069274/?lang=0, 2018. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13069274/?lang=0.
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本研究は、冷戦期と黒人公民権運動期という二重の文脈が交差するなかで、中国系アメリカ人の運動に作用した多様なダイナミズムを歴史的に解明することであった。これにより、従来のような「同化」と「モデル・マイノリティ」の視点から語られがちであった中国系アメリカ人という歴史観とは異なる視座から、当時の中国系アメリカ人の歴史を捉えることを試みた。さらに、チャイナタウン内で発行されていた中国語新聞と中国共産党の資料の分析により、中国共産主義が中国系の左派活動家を通して、いかにアメリカ合衆国の黒人公民権運動に影響を与えたかとのことも検証した。<br>This dissertation provides an overview of Chinese American activism during the Cold War-Civil Rights Movement period. At the same time, it re-examines the history of Chinese Americans from the perspective of Chinese American activism. By employing a transnational approach to Chinese American activism and carefully analyzing various primary resources, this project attempts to clarify the dynamic process through which Chinese American activist movements changed from engaging in spheres of transnational Chinese struggles to fighting for justice and the interests of their own community in the United States, and finally to becoming an integral part of the Asian American Movement.<br>博士(アメリカ研究)<br>Doctor of Philosophy in American Studies<br>同志社大学<br>Doshisha University
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Tate, Michael Joseph. "The Causes of the American Civil War: Trends in Historical Interpretation, 1950-1976." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500242/.
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This thesis examines the trends in historical interpretation concerning the coming of the American Civil War. The main body of works examined were written between 1950 and 1976, beginning with Allan Nevins' Ordeal of the Union and concluding with David M. Potter's The Impending Crisis, 1848-1861. It also includes a brief survey of some works written after 1976. The main source for discovering the materials included were the bibliographies of both monographs and general histories published during and after the period 1950-1976. Also, perusal of the contents and book review sections of scholarly journals, in particular the Journal of Southern History and Civil War History, was helpful in discovering sources and placing works in a time chronology for the thesis narrative.
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Eggert, Jennifer Philippa. "When the war started, I was ready : organisational motivations for the inclusion of female fighters in non-state armed organisations during the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990)." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/100743/.
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Analysing individual motivations, organisational characteristics, security pressures and societal factors, this thesis focuses on organisational motivations for the inclusion of female fighters during the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990). It examines why some of the non-state armed organisations (or militias) involved in the war included women as fighters whereas others did not. This thesis is the first comprehensive analysis of the topic, and the first study which takes into account the roles of women in all major militias involved in the war, including the Lebanese Communist Party (LCP), Palestinian Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Fatah), Lebanese Kataeb Party (Kataeb), Lebanese Forces (LF), Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) and Amal Movement (Amal). This thesis is based on semi-structured interviews with 69 former male and female fighters, party members, civil society representatives, researchers and journalists. Fieldwork was conducted during four one- to six-week-long field visits to Lebanon between the summer of 2015 and autumn 2016. Moreover, four (auto)biographies of former female fighters were included in the analysis. This thesis argues that the main reason for female participation in the militias involved in the Lebanese civil war was women’s insistence to be included. Organisational barriers to women’s inclusion in those militias that were not entirely in favour of female participation, such as the militias of the (centre) right, was overcome due to the security context. Overall, societal opposition to female participation remained relatively high, which is why (compared with other conflict contexts) the overall number of female fighters was not higher.
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Dueñas, Iturbe Oriol. "La gran destrucció. Els danys de guerra i la reconstrucció de Catalunya després de la Guerra Civil (1937-1957)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/117599.
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Tot i que en els darrers anys s'ha avançat en l'estudi de la Guerra Civil i de la posterior dictadura franquista, encara a dia d'avui hi ha diferents aspectes d'aquest període tan dramàtic de la nostra història més recent que no han rebut un tractament adequat.
Una d'aquestes temàtiques relacionades amb la guerra i posterior postguerra que la nostra historiografia ha deixat de banda ha estat l'estudi dels danys materials que va patir el territori durant la guerra i la seva posterior reconstrucció un cop van finalitzar les hostilitats. Aquests dos aspectes que fins ara han estat molt poc estudiats són la base fonamental d'aquesta tesi. L'estudi de com es van produir els danys en les comunicacions i infraestructures catalanes i la seva posterior reparació han estat el nucli principal d'aquest treball.
Tot seguint la cronologia de la recerca i amb les tesis plantejades, aquest treball s'ha estructurat en dues parts clarament diferenciades. En una primera part, centrada en els danys, s'ha explicat com es van produir durant els anys de guerra les destruccions sobre les infraestructures catalanes. Per a això s'han plantejat i respost les següents preguntes: Què es va destruir? Quines van ser les infraestructures més danyades? Qui o quins van ser els responsables d'aquestes destruccions? Com, quan i on es van produir? i finalment què es buscava amb la seva aniquilació? En aquest sentit, en aquesta primera part, s'ha explicat com els bombardejos aeris van ser els màxims responsables de les destruccions d'infraestructures dels ports catalans, de les centrals elèctriques, d’una part del sistema ferroviari i, en menor mesura, dels ponts i carreteres.
D'altra banda, també dins d'aquesta primera part, s'ha explicat com les tropes republicanes, sobretot a partir de l'inici de l'ocupació militar de Catalunya, van ser les autores de les destruccions de la major part de ponts del territori. Aquestes accions van estar lligades a un concepte tàctic militar defensiu que buscava impedir l'avanç rebel, i protegir, alhora, la retirada republicana.
A la segona part del treball, s'ha explicat com es va dur a terme la reconstrucció de totes aquestes infraestructures un cop va finalitzar la guerra. Com en la primera part, a part de les explicacions pertinents, s'han plantejat una sèrie de preguntes per poder entendre les actuacions reconstructives que va executar la dictadura franquista: Què es va reconstruir? Qui o quins van ser els responsables de la reconstrucció? Quines dificultats va haver? Quant temps i on es va dur a terme aquesta reconstrucció i si la mateixa va ser o no important.
Tot això ens ha servit per mostrar que Catalunya va ser una de les zones de l'Estat que va patir més danys. L'actuació de l'aviació rebel sobre les infraestructures catalanes, la posterior destrucció de centenars de ponts durant la retirada republicana va deixar al territori pràcticament devastat pel que fa a les comunicacions. La posterior dictadura franquista, a través de l'Exèrcit, els presoners de guerra, les Obres Públiques i Regions Devastades va iniciar una reconstrucció, la qual a causa de la manca de personal especialitzat, de recursos econòmics, i de la política econòmica autàrquica, que va privar al país de molts materials, es va allargar fins pràcticament vint anys des del final de la guerra.<br>GREAT DESTRUCTION. DAMAGE OF WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION CATALONIA AFTER THE CIVIL WAR (1937-1957)
This paper is structured into two distinct parts. In the first part, focusing on the damage, explained as occurred during the war years the destruction of infrastructures in Catalonia. To have been brought up and answered the following questions: What was destroyed? What was the most damaged infrastructure? Who or what was responsible for this destruction? How, when and where they occur? And finally what looked to their annihilation? In this sense, in this first part, explained how the raids were the most responsible for the destruction of infrastructure Catalan ports, power stations, part of the rail system and to a lesser extent, bridges and roads.
On the other hand, in this first part, explained how the Republican troops, especially from the beginning of the military occupation of Catalonia, were the authors of the destruction of most bridges the territory. These actions were tied to a defensive military tactical concept that sought to prevent the rebel advance and protect, while the Republican retreat.
In the second part, explained how he carried out the reconstruction of these facilities once the war ended. As in the first part, other than explanations, have raised a series of questions to understand the actions reconstructive ran the dictatorship: What was rebuilt? Who or what was responsible for rebuilding? What difficulties were? How long and where to perform this reconstruction and whether it was important or not.
All this has served to show that Catalonia was one of the areas of the state that suffered the most damage. The performance of the aviation infrastructure rebel Catalan subsequent destruction of hundreds of bridges during the Republican retreat left the country virtually devastated regarding communications. The subsequent dictatorship, through the Army, prisoners of war, the Devastated Regions and Public Works began a reconstruction, which due to the lack of specialized personnel, financial resources and autarkic economic policy, that deprived the country of many materials, lasted until almost twenty years since the end of the war.
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Onyango, Moses. "Regionalism and conflict resolution in the Horn of Africa : the role of inter-governmental authority on development in the Sudanese civil war." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007715.
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This thesis expounds the theoretical underpinnings of problem-solving approach to conflict resolution. It also criticizes the traditional state-centric approach to conflict resolution being followed by the Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the Sudanese civil war. IGAD was initially known as Inter Governmental Authority on Drought and Desertification (IGADD), but was renamed IGAD in 1996. Its objectives were reformulated to give priority to conflict prevention, resolution, and management, and humanitarian affairs. It is stipulated in the thesis that IGAD faces problems that need attention if the Sudanese civil war is to be resolved. A key problem is that while IGAD's objectives were reformulated to give priority to conflict resolution, IGAD's management structure has remained the same. The management structure is state-centric and lacks neutrality, which is a very important ingredient in deep-rooted social conflict resolution. The management structure, which was initially based on combating drought and desertification, was not restructured to conform to the realities of a problem solving approach to conflict resolution. The committee that was formed to look into the Sudanese conflict is composed of states in dispute with Sudan. The other structural problem cited in the thesis is that the IGAD peace process is cumbersome and does not include all aggrieved parties. The meetings involve heads of state, ministers, ambassadors and other government representatives. The peace process is not inclusive of other important players such as other rebel movements. This thesis concludes that: 1. there is a need for peace keeping forces from neutral African Union (AU) member states; 2. conflict resolution specialists are deployed in the region whose main task would be to assist the belligerent groups to reach a common understanding of their problems; 3. the United Nations (UN) acts proactively to create international awareness to the Sudanese problem.
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Hebel, Kai. "Britain's contribution to détente : the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 1972-1975." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aa245538-86bd-4942-a842-4eaeaae93a5f.
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This thesis examines Britain’s role in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Based on multi-archival research and interviews with key diplomats, it presents the first in-depth study of Britain’s involvement in the negotiations leading up to the Helsinki Final Act of 1 August 1975. It draws on Marc Trachtenberg’s notion of the ‘constructed peace’, and Alexander Wendt’s concept of ‘cultures of anarchy’ to elucidate how the rapprochement process at once stabilised and transformed the East-West conflict. This forms the theoretical framework of the thesis. The thesis revises the interpretation of détente as a status quo project driven by the imperatives of ‘Realpolitik’. Rather, different conceptions of stability and change challenged each other during the Helsinki talks. British diplomacy and the Final Act to which it contributed in fact linked the consolidation of the status quo to an ultimately transformative agenda that was infused with liberal ideas such as human rights. Realpolitik blended with Moralpolitik. To develop this argument, the thesis’ narrative first assesses Britain’s role in the early days of détente politics in the 1950s and 1960s. It then traces Britain’s role in the three main phases of the Helsinki process: the transition from bilateral to multilateral détente (1970-1972); preliminary talks (1972-1973); official negotiations (1973-1975). The British were defensive détente sceptics at the beginning of this process, but became ambitious and positive contributors over the course of the talks. The thesis thus argues that London played a significant part in the CSCE. British foreign policymakers were initially architects of the Cold War, but then early and active proponents of détente until the mid-1960s, when their continental partners adopted a more proactive approach. London was to return to the forefront of détente diplomacy when the CSCE process got under way. Its involvement in the CSCE also marked an important step in Britain’s own transformation into a European middle power. The multilateralisation of détente coincided with Britain’s integration into the European Community, providing a propitious environment in which London’s negotiators acted with determination and skill, thus reasserting their country’s influence despite its continuing relative decline.
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Grant, Charles L. "An Appalachian portrait: black and white in Montgomery County, Virginia, before the Civil War." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45659.
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<p>Montgomery County, Virginia, is a southern Appalachian county
founded in 1776. Throughout the county's antebellum history, as with most
other regions of the South, four major population groups were visibly
present. There were slaves, free blacks, white slaveowners, and white
non-slaveowners. Little research has previously been conducted on the
antebellum people of the Appalachian South. This work is a social history
consisting of cross tabulations of data found in the county's manuscript
census reports for 1850 and 1860. County court records also provide much
useful information on the people and their activities before the Civil
War. Together they form an invaluable source of information on antebellum
mountain life as a forgotten segment of southern society.
</p><br>Master of Arts
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Joao, da Costa Cabral Andresen Guimaraes Fernando. "The origins of the Angolan civil war : international politics and domestic political conflict 1961-1976." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2414/.
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This thesis views the Angolan civil war as a conflict that resulted from both internal and external political factors. The war, fought in the period 1975-1976 between the MPLA and the FNLA-UNITA coalition to succeed Portuguese colonialism in Angola, involved the intervention of external powers on behalf of both sides. This study examines, in part, the relationships that were established between these international powers and the Angolan movements. Due to the way in which these external relationships modified the nature of the internal political dispute, they became an intricate part of the origins of the conflict itself. The internationalization of the Angolan civil war was predicated, however, on an internal political conflict that emerged from a dynamic interaction of the effects of both Portuguese colonialism and divergent currents of Angolan anti-colonialism. While the particularities of Portuguese colonialism and the Salazarist regime played their part in establishing some of the conditions within which Angolan anti-colonialism emerged, the latter was also a product of specific political choices on the part of the movements involved. In this interaction there can also be found the roots of the conflict between the Angolan movements. This internal conflict was further exacerbated when the parties to it hoped to bolster their respective positions by establishing relationships with external powers. The establishment of these relationships was in part achieved by appealing to external rivalries, in particular to that of the competition between the superpowers, but also to regional rivalries, such as that between Congo and Zaire and wider continental divisions. The interaction between the internal conflict and these external rivalries is shown to have contributed significantly to the origins of the civil war. This thesis maintains its focus tightly on the specific question of the origins of the Angolan civil war. Those developments that led to the war, rather than the conflict itself are its main concern.
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Geist, Edward Moore Raleigh Donald J. "Scenarios for survival representations of nuclear war in American and Soviet civil defense manuals, 1954-1972 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1814.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.<br>Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 11, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.
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Marín, Christine. "LULAC and Veterans Organize for Civil Rights in Tempe and Phoenix, 1940-1947." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/219196.
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World War II had a dramatic impact on Americans, including Mexican Americans in Arizona. It challenged families and communities to make sacrifices during wartime. Mexican Americans served in large numbers and with distinction in the war, and after it ended they sought to defend their rights as Americans, and to eliminate the discriminatory behavior and acts that kept them within ethnic boundaries. The segregation at Tempe Beach, the “brilliant star in Tempe’s crown,” and its “No Mexicans Allowed” policy, initiated in 1923, was one of them. Another ethnic boundary was the segregated housing policy for veterans established by the City of Phoenix in 1946.
In Tempe and Phoenix, the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) Council 110, led by Placida Garcia Smith, and the American Legion Thunderbird Post 41, led by Ray Martinez, were at the front lines in the fight against racism and discrimination in the 1940s. Mexican Americans confronted public elected officials over racist practices and policies of exclusion, and utilized the court system to provide them equal justice under the law. They exercised their right to seek equality after years of segregation, and to secure their civil rights as Americans. Their actions are examples of American-style civic activism, a devotion to the United States and the ideals of freedom and democracy. The search for that freedom and holding the government accountable to its laws and ideals are what drove LULAC Council 110 and American Legion Thunderbird Post 41 as they organized and agitated for the civil rights of Mexican Americans in Tempe and Phoenix during the 1940s.
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Grabarek, Kristin Elizabeth. "Protest activities in southern universities, 1965-1972." Auburn, Ala., 2006. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/2006%20Spring/master's/GRABAREK_KRISTIN_16.pdf.
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Fernandez, Marisa. "The enigma of the Spanish Civil War : the motives for Soviet intervention." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79763.
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The passions aroused by the Spanish Civil War have yet to recede. The extensive literature that has been produced and continues to be published testifies to this fact. From the outset of the war in Spain, numerous European countries actively participated in the Spanish conflict. However, Soviet military "aid" to the Republican government "has provoked more questions, mystification and bitter controversy than any other subject in the history of the Spanish Civil War."1 Although the Spanish Civil War took place almost 70 years ago, and the intervention or non-intervention of many countries in Spain is well documented, Soviet involvement remains an "enigma". Little is known of Stalin's motives in Spain and even less information has emerged on the Spanish gold reserves that were sent to the USSR. This dissertation attempts to come to terms with both of these questions and, with the help of new documentation, challenge previously-held assumptions regarding Soviet foreign policy in Spain.<br>1Gerald Howson. Arms for Spain: The Untold Story of the Spanish Civil War. (New York: St Martins Press, 1998), 119.
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Mattingly, Ryan. "Fair Housing Goes Nuclear: In Suburban Chicago the Cold War Meets a Civil Rights Protest in 1967." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2006. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/494.
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In December of 1966 the United States government decided to place a $375 million atomic accelerator in the all-white, rural town of Weston, Illinois. The small town was located 30 miles west of Chicago, within an affluent suburban county named DuPage. Residents of DuPage were thrilled to receive the atomic installation because it would spark new economic growth in the area. However, the National Committee Against Discrimination in Housing (NCDH) immediately protested the approval of the Weston site. They opposed the site choice because of a documented history of racial housing discrimination in and around Weston. In 1967, the NCDH hoped to utilize the Cold War scientific research plant as political leverage to abolish racial housing discrimination in suburban Chicago. This study argues that the eventual failure of the NCDH’s Weston protest illustrates the limits of the federal fair housing policy changes during the late 1960s.
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Vesterlund, Mattias. ""Det gäller dig och din familj!" : Svenskt civilförsvar och vardagslivets militarisering under kalla kriget 1945-1975." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-343198.
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The Swedish civil defense during the Cold War Era was a well-developed and well-planned organization in comparison to many other countries. This caused civil defense ideas to come closer to individual citizens’ everyday lives and influence how they should adapt to the threat of nuclear war, thus creating a culture of civil defense. The purpose of this thesis is to elucidate what this militarization of everyday life looked like in Sweden during the Cold War and how it affected people’s everyday life. This is done through studying a civil defense journal between 1945-1975. The articles in the journal are analyzed by how they are portraying the day-to-day life in the context of civil defense. Partly through articles about propaganda and various civil defense courses and exercises, and partly through articles portraying the physical militarization of society, primarily fallout shelters and bunkers. Of particular interest is the contrast between the dark Cold War narrative and the narrative concerning the security and comfort provided by the welfare state. Finally, the thesis argues that the journal and its work can be seen in the context of militarization of everyday life. It tried to spread its militarizing vision in society, and did – incomparison to other countries – succeed in that pursuit. Militarization played a vital role in reaching out to the public, and in disseminating the idea of a welfare state that takes good care of its citizens, even during the hardest of times.
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Sanchez, James. "Interests Eternal and Perpetual: British Foreign Policy and the Royal Navy in the Spanish Civil War, 1936 - 1937." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2608/.
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This thesis will demonstrate that the British leaders saw the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War as the best option available under the circumstances, and will also focus on the role of the Royal Navy in carrying out that policy. Unpublished sources include Cabinet and Admiralty papers. Printed sources include the Documents on British Foreign Policy, newspaper and periodical articles, and memoirs. This thesis, covering the years 1936-37, is broken down into six chapters, each covering a time frame that reflected a change of policy or naval mission. The non-intervention policy was seen as the best available at the time, but it was shortsighted and ignored potentially serious long-term consequences.
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Rabanes, Chloé. "Les enlèvements de la guerre civile libanaise : logiques et pratiques d'une violence de guerre - 1975-1990." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0006.
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Les enlèvements ont été massivement mobilisés durant les quinze années du conflit civil libanais (1975-1990). Violence de guerre encore peu étudiée, les captures, leurs rythmes et leurs usages révèlent pourtant certains mécanismes centraux du conflit. Cette thèse étudie dans un premier temps la place des enlèvements dans le système de guerre libanais, ses temps, ses géographies et son organisation. En suivant le déroulement des violences au plus près du terrain, on découvre la multitude des usages des captures et la complexité de leurs fonctions. Une second temps de la recherche s'intéresse aux trajectoires de captivité dans une perspective plus anthropologique. En suivant les temps des enlèvements de la capture à la détention et jusqu'à la sortie de captivité, on pénètre au cœur du quotidien guerrier et des expériences vécues par les civils et les combattants<br>The kidnappings were massively mobilized during the fifteen years of the Lebanese civil conflict (1975-1990). Wartime violence, still poorly studied, catches, their rhythms and their uses reveal some central mechanisms of conflict. This thesis first studies the place of abductions in the Lebanese war system, its times, its geographies and its organization. By following the course of the violence as close as possible to the field, we discover the multitude of uses of the catches and the complexity of their functions. A second phase of research focuses on captive trajectories in a more anthropological perspective. By following the time of the kidnappings of the capture to the detention and until the exit of captivity, one penetrates the heart of the daily warrior and the experiences lived by the civilians and the combatants
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Rowayheb, Marwan George. "The drawing of ethnic boundaries : the case of the Greek Orthodox of Lebanon during the civil War (1975-1988)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270549.
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Osoegawa, Taku. "Coping with Syria : international relations theory and the case of Lebanon from civil war to indirect rule (1975-2002)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13847.
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This thesis is a study of international relations theory and the case of the Lebanese state's relations with Syria between 1975 and 2002. It aims to answer the following questions: (1) Why has Lebanon generally "bandwagoned" with Syria, a country which has managed to intervene in and subdue it at the expense of Lebanese sovereignty. (2) How have Lebanese state officials, along with other political actors, tried to manipulate Syria for their own interests, whether to defend Lebanese sovereignty, to maintain and increase their status, or to contain and appease their rivals and opponents. (3) Parallel to the discussions generated by these two questions, which kinds of theory are relevant to or best explain Lebanese relations with Syria. Specifically this study demonstrates that the behavior of a penetrated weak state, Lebanon, toward a regional middle power, Syria, cannot usefully be explained by simple realism's state-to-state power balancing model. Rather, it is necessary to differentiate the multitude of state (office-holders) and sub-state actors. In addition, their behavior can only be explained by a combination of factors identified in a variety of theories: reaction to an external threat (simple realism) which explain a very few cases; "omni-alignments" against interrelated threats (complex realism) which result from the weaknesses of the Lebanese state and which explain much more; still powerful transstate ties (constructivism) which themselves needed to be understood in terms of the contradiction between sovereignty and identity and which have some impact; and complex interdependence and shared interests (pluralism) which generally exist between Lebanese and Syrian elites.
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Jacobson, Shirley Brown. "History of Employer-Provided Education from the Decades following the Civil War to the Post-Industrial Era, 1865 - 1970." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/40507.
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Employer-sponsored programs of education for workers in the United States began to receive serious attention in the decades following the Civil War, and they continued to evolve and to expand into what is known today as human resource development. Although this form of education of workers in the United States has acquired importance and prominence and is especially crucial at this time in the country's history as it shifts to an information-based economy, there has been little or no research investigating how it has evolved. This is the problem that was investigated in this study: How has employer-provided education for workers in the United States developed from the time industrialism transformed the workplace in the decades following the Civil War to the transition from an industrial to a post-industrial economy?
This exploratory, integrative study creates a synthesis which creates a more complete and accurate picture of the history of corporate education. For purposes of this study, learning was classified into four domains -- basic education, job skills training, general education, and professional development. A main focus of the study was how economic, technical, political, societal, ideological, and structural conditions have accompanied the changes in the economic base of the United States and have been associated with programs of education in these four domains. While historians have begun to look more intently at the workplace and the changes it has undergone, there have been only limited explanations of workplace education for employees. This study addresses the history of this increasingly important practice which has yet to receive adequate historical attention.<br>Ed. D.
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Rodella-Boitreaud, Aude-Sophie. "Three essays in the applied microeconomics of conflict : the impact of landmines and war violence on social capital, socio-economic reintegration, child health and household income in Angola." Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010CLF10320.
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The research presented in this dissertation addresses the issue of the direct and indirect impact of war violence on the different components of households’ welfare and reintegration during and after the civil conflict that affected Angola from 1975 to 2002. Informed by the dynamics and specificities of the Angolan conflict, we generate exogeneous variation in the intensity of direct (conflict-related deaths) and indirect war violence (landmine contamination). Impacts are found to be contrasted and to extend beyond the immediate site of occurrence of those events. The findings presented contribute to improving the understanding of the impact of direct and indirect war violence impact on household as well as to the refining its implications for social and economic reconstruction. The results also highlight the role of resilience and coping mechanisms in fending off the impact of war violence<br>Les travaux de recherche présentés dans cette thèse s’attachent à examiner la question de l’impact direct et indirect des violences liées au conflit qui a dévasté l’Angola de 1975 à 2002 sur les ménages. Des variations exogènes de l’intensité des violences de guerre directe (décès directement liés au conflit) et indirecte (implantation de champs de mines) ont été générées après étude approfondie des dynamiques et spécificités du conflit angolais. Les résultats présentés permettent de conclure que l’impact des violences de guerre est contrasté (positif et négatif) et qu’il s’étend au-delà du lieu où ces violences ont été perpétrées. Ces résultats contribuent ainsi à l’amélioration de la compréhension de l’impact direct et indirect des violences de guerre sur les populations civiles à l’échelle des ménages ainsi qu’à une meilleure appréciation de leurs implications en termes de reconstruction sociale et économique. Les résultats soulignent également le rôle de la résilience et des mécanismes d’adaptation des ménages dans la réduction de l’impact de la violence de guerre
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Milquet, Sophie. "Ecrire le traumatisme : mémoire féminine dans les fictions sur la guerre civile espagnole : représentations, formes, enjeux (1975-2010)." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013REN20022.
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La présente étude porte sur l'expression de la mémoire féminine dans les fictions traitant de la guerre civile espagnole(1936-1939) et du franquisme. Elle s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux oeuvres publiées depuis la fin de la dictature (1975) jusqu’en 2010, en français (Agustin Gomez-Arcos et Mercedes Deambrosis) et en espagnol (Dulce Chacón, Carme Riera, Josefina Aldecoa, Jesús Ferrero, Marifé Santiago Bolaños et Ángeles Caso).Nous nous attachons d’abord à l’étude globale des représentations des expériences féminines de la guerre et de la répression. Dans l’écriture des violences subies comme dans celle des luttes et résistances, la double dimension politique et de genre émerge. L’analyse se resserre ensuite sur les représentations du traumatisme, entre manifestations pathologiques et tentatives de ritualisation. Nous montrons à cet égard comment le récit peut assumer une fonctionrituelle.La « poétique du traumatisme » mise au jour dans le corpus d’étude qualifie des réalisations formelles diverses, rassemblées en trois ensembles, correspondant à autant de lieux possibles d’ancrage du traumatisme : le rapport générationnel, le corps et la voix. Une attention spéciale est accordée à la figure de la victime. Des phénomènes tels que la répétition et la délinéarisation, apparaissant à divers niveaux du récit, éclairent le rapport que les fictions entretiennent avec le passé ainsi que leurs positions éthiques et politiques dans le présent de la démocratie<br>The current study explores the expression of women’s memory in literary works dealing with the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and Francoism. It focuses on the fictional narratives published between the end of the dictatorship (1975) and 2010, in French (Agustin Gomez-Arcos and Mercedes Deambrosis) and Spanish (Dulce Chacón Carme Riera, Josefina Aldecoa, Jesús Ferrero, Marifé Santiago Bolaños and Ángeles Caso).The thesis first conducts a global analysis on the representations of women’s experiences of war and repression. In thewriting of violence, struggle and resistance, the double political and gendered dimension emerges. The research focuses subsequently on the trauma representations, between pathological manifestations and ritual attempts, and shows how narrative can assume a ritual function.The « poetics of trauma » characterises various formal realisations, divided into three groups. Each of them embodies a possible space for the inscription of trauma : the generational link, the body and the voice. Special attention is given to the figure of the victim. Phenomena such as repetition and delinearisation, that appear at various levels, clarify the relationship that fictional narratives build with the past as well as their ethical and political positions in the democracy
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Whitehurst, John R. ""Little Holes to Hide In": Civil Defense and the Public Backlash Against Home Fallout Shelters, 1957-1963." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/58.
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Throughout the 1950s, U.S. policymakers actively encouraged Americans to participate in civil defense through a variety of policies. In 1958, amidst confusion concerning which of these policies were most efficient, President Eisenhower established the National Shelter Plan and a new civil defense agency titled The Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization. This agency urged homeowners to build private fallout shelters through print media. In response, Americans used newspapers, magazines, and science fiction novels to contest civil defense and the foreign and domestic policies that it was based upon, including nuclear strategy. Many Americans remained unconvinced of the viability of civil defense or feared its psychological impacts on society. Eventually, these criticisms were able to weaken civil defense efforts and even alter nuclear defense strategy and missile defense technology.
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Coetzee, Wayne Stephen. "The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20013.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.
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Riehm, Edith S. "Forging the Civil Rights Frontier: How Truman's Committee Set the Liberal Agenda for Reform 1947-1965." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/30.
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At the close of 1946, a year marked by domestic white-on-black violence, Harry S. Truman, in a dramatic move, established the President’s Committee on Civil Rights (PCCR). Five years before, his predecessor Franklin D. Roosevelt had formed the Fair Employment Practices Committee (FEPC), under pressure from civil rights groups mobilized against racial discrimination in the defense industry. The FEPC was the first major federal civil rights legislation since Reconstruction. However, when race riots later erupted in cities across the country in 1943, Roosevelt ignored his staff's recommendation to appoint a national race relations committee. Instead, he agreed to a “maypole” committee, which was, in actuality, a decentralized network of individuals, including Philleo Nash, whose purpose was to anticipate and diffuse urban racial tensions in order to avert further race riots. Superficially, Truman's PCCR seemed to resemble Roosevelt's rather conservative race relations strategy of appointing a committee rather than taking direct action under the authority of the federal government. But, as this project will argue, Truman's PCCR represented a major, historical change in the approach to civil rights that would have a profound effect on activists, such as Dorothy Tilly and Frank Porter Graham, and the movement itself. Where FDR's committees were created to avoid further racial confrontations, Truman’s committee invited and ignited controversy. Its groundbreaking report, To Secure These Rights (TSTR), unequivocally declared the federal government as the guardian of all Americans’ civil rights. In essence, Truman’s PCCR elevated the civil rights dialogue to a national level by recasting the civil rights issue as an American problem rather than just a black-American problem. Moreover, TSTR attacked segregation directly, and challenged the federal government to take the lead by immediately desegregating the armed services. These radical recommendations came only six years after a reluctant FDR formed the FEPC and six and one-half years before the Unites States’ Supreme Court’s landmark ruling, Brown v. the Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas and the ensuing backlash. Thus, Truman’s PCCR and TSTR, in 1947, forged a new “civil rights frontier.”
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Caliskan, Murat. "The Development Of Inter-communal Figthing In Cyprus: 1948-1974." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615353/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to examine the development of inter-communal fighting in Cyprus between 1948 and 1974. It focuses on the domestic factors of inter-communal fighting by analyzing the gradual evolution of Greek and Turkish Cypriot stances. The thesis argues that the inter-communal fighting of Cyprus is rooted in the historical and domestic factors. This thesis analyzes the continuities and changes in Cyprus politics. This work accordingly will examine the articulation of various political and social factors in Cyprus. Contrary to the prevailing dominant perspective, this thesis mentions that the inter-communal fighting was not the product of only external forces but their articulation with domestic factors as they evolved historically. Therefore, the issue of &bdquo<br>&bdquo<br>ethnic polarization
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Freire, Danilo Alves Mendes. "Entre urnas e armas: a competitividade do Poder Executivo e as Guerras Civis, 1976 - 2000." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-15082012-114934/.
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A guerra civil é a forma de violência coletiva mais importante de nossa época. Embora pesquisas recentes tenham apontado alguns elementos como determinantes das guerras civis, a influência dos fatores políticos nos conflitos internos ainda é controversa. O presente estudo analisa, por meio de regressão estatística, a relação entre a competitividade do poder executivo e a incidência de guerras civis de 1976 a 2000. Os achados indicam que tanto eleições com candidatos únicos como votações multipartidárias reduzem a incidência de guerras civis. Ademais, os resultados dão apoio às hipóteses levantadas pela literatura recente de que terreno montanhoso, grande população, sistema políticos centralizados e a existência de conflitos anteriores aumentam significativamente o risco de incidência de guerras civis<br>Civil War is the most important form of collective violence of our time. Although recent research has yielded some determining elements to civil war, the influence of political factors on internal conflicts remains disputed. This study analyzes, by means of statistics regression, the correlation between the competitiveness in the Executive Branch and the incidence of civil war from 1976 to 2000. The findings indicate that both single-candidate and multi-party elections reduce the incidence of civil war. Furthermore, the results lend support to the hypotheses put forward by recent literature that mountainous terrain, large population, centralized political system, and the existence of former conflicts significantly heighten the risk of incidence of civil war
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Myers, Kevin Patrick Finbar. "Englishness, identity and refugee children in Britain, 1937-1945." Thesis, Coventry University, 2000. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/6cc04a40-b897-40b5-b599-8af05816874b/1.
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The twentieth century has been called the century of the refugee. The sheer size, scope and persistence of refugee movements was a defining feature of that century because at no other time in history have people so regularly been forced to flee their homes in search of safety. The plight of refugees - both in their flight from home and in their search for a place of exile - is suggestive of the power of ideas about identity in deciding who belongs and who is displaced, stateless and alien. This study explores the significance of these ideas about identity through a case study of the arrival, settlement and experiences of two groups of Spanish and central European refugee children in Britain between 1937 and 1945. It begins by tracing a discourse on Englishness that betrays a contemporary concern for the future survival of the English nation and goes on to investigate how these concerns shaped negotiations for the arrival of refugee children. The principal aim of these negotiations, it is argued, was to ensure the protection of English national identity. The specific form of protection required varied according to the specific group of children under discussion and was based on stereotypical representations of the two groups of children. These representations of the children inscribed them with identities, measured them against the qualities of Englishness and justified the intervention of government in order to guarantee the continued health, peace and prosperity of England. For the Spanish/Basque children the government priority was to protect national health and the political stability of national life. For the Jewish children the aim of government policy was not to stimulate anti-Semitism by exceeding the national 'absorptive capacity'. The resulting carefully controlled settlement of the children, drawn up with various refugee agencies and covering housing, health and education, is analysed in detail throughout this study. In this study attention is also given to the role that the children's cultural and educational capital played in their adaptation to exile. It analyses how children were able to adapt to their experiences in exile by drawing on their own cultural and educational agency. In doing so it questions accounts of migration that focus on assimilation and explores instead the hybrid identities that were developed by refugee children who became adept at negotiating with the culture of Englishness.
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Gassner, Patricia. "Icons of war photography : how war photographs are reinforced in collective memory : a study of three historical reference images of war and conflict." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2461.
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Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.<br>There are certain images of war that are horrific, frightening and at the same time, due
to an outstanding compositional structure, they are fascinating and do not allow its observers
to keep their distance. This thesis examines three images of war that have often been
described as icons of war photography. The images “children fleeing a napalm strike” by Nick
Ut, “the falling soldier” by Robert Capa and Sam Nzima’s photograph of Hector Pieterson are
historical reference images that came to represent the wars and conflicts in which they were
taken. It has been examined that a number of different factors have an impact on a war
photograph’s awareness level and its potential to commit itself to what is referred to as
collective consciousness. Such factors are the aesthetical composition and outstanding formal
elements in connection with the exact moment the photograph was taken, ethical implications
or the forcefulness of the event itself.
As it has been examined in this thesis, the three photographs have achieved iconic
status due to different circumstances and criteria and they can be described as historical
reference images representing the specific wars or conflicts. In this thesis an empirical study
was conducted, questioning 660 students from Spain, South Africa and Vietnam about their
awareness level regarding the three selected photographs. While the awareness level of the
Spanish and the South African image was rather high in the countries of origin, they did not
achieve such a high international awareness level as the Vietnamese photograph by Nick Ut,
which turned out to be exceptionally well-known by all students questioned. Overall, findings
suggest that the three selected icons of war photography have been anchored in collective
memory.
Ut, Robert Capa, Sam Nzima, semiotics,
Spanish Civil War, the falling soldier, Vietnam War
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Djimeu, Wouabe Eric. "Essays on Civil War, HIV/AIDS, and Human capital in Sub-Saharan African Countries." Phd thesis, Université d'Auvergne - Clermont-Ferrand I, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00599616.
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This thesis is based on three essays. The first chapter analyses the impact of 27 years of civil war in Angola on human capital, expenditures per adult equivalent and fertility. The prediction of the effects of civil war is done through a neoclassical unitary household model in the tradition of Rosenzweig. Using instrumental variable method, this thesis shows that civil war has a negative and disastrous impact in short-term on health of children, this effect is persistent. Civil war has no impact on expenditures per adult equivalent. It increases enrollment and decreases fertility in the short term. The second chapter ofthis thesis analyzes the effectiveness of a social program in a conflict country such as Angola and explores whether this effectiveness depends on the intensity of the conflict. Our identification strategy is based on the political geography of the deployment of the program based on a model of spatial competition of Hotelling. This thesis shows that the Angola Social Fund had a positive impact on expenditures per adult equivalent and on one of the main anthropometric measurements namely the height for age z-score. The program's effectiveness in function to the intensity of the conflict is analyzed using the local instrumental variable estimator. The thesis shows that the program's effectiveness increases with the intensity of the conflict. The last chapter of this thesis analyzes in the case of Cameroon, the impact of teacher training on HIV/AIDS. The two criteria for selecting participating schools, leads us to choose as identification strategy the regression discontinuity design. This thesis shows that 15 to 17 year old girls in teacher training schools are between 7 and 10 percentage points less likely to have started childbearing. For 12 to 13 year old girls, the likelihood of self-reported abstinence and condom use is also significantly higher in treated schools.
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Milquet, Sophie. "Ecrire le traumatisme: mémoire féminine dans les fictions sur la guerre civile espagnole :représentations, formes, enjeux, 1975-2011." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209501.
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La présente étude porte sur l'expression de la mémoire féminine dans les fictions traitant de la guerre civile espagnole (1936-1939) et du franquisme. Elle s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux œuvres publiées depuis la fin de la dictature (1975) jusqu’en 2010, en français (Agustin Gomez-Arcos et Mercedes Deambrosis) et en espagnol (Dulce Chacón, Carme Riera, Josefina Aldecoa, Jesús Ferrero, Marifé Santiago Bolaños et Ángeles Caso). <p>Nous nous attachons d’abord à l’étude globale des représentations des expériences féminines de la guerre et de la répression. Dans l’écriture des violences subies comme dans celle des luttes et résistances, la double dimension politique et de genre émerge. L’analyse se resserre ensuite sur les représentations du traumatisme, entre manifestations pathologiques et tentatives de ritualisation. Nous montrons à cet égard comment le récit peut assumer une fonction rituelle.<p>La « poétique du traumatisme » mise au jour dans le corpus d’étude qualifie des réalisations formelles diverses, rassemblées en trois ensembles, correspondant à autant de lieux possibles d’ancrage du traumatisme :le rapport générationnel, le corps et la voix. Une attention spéciale est accordée à la figure de la victime. Des phénomènes tels que la répétition et la délinéarisation, apparaissant à divers niveaux du récit, éclairent le rapport que les fictions entretiennent avec le passé ainsi que leurs positions éthiques et politiques dans le présent de la démocratie. <p><p>The current study explores the expression of women’s memory in literary works dealing with the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and Francoism. It focuses on the fictional narratives published between the end of the dictatorship (1975) and 2010, in French (Agustin Gomez-Arcos and Mercedes Deambrosis) and Spanish (Dulce Chacón Carme Riera, Josefina Aldecoa, Jesús Ferrero, Marifé Santiago Bolaños and Ángeles Caso).<p>The thesis first conducts a global analysis on the representations of women’s experiences of war and repression. In the writing of violence, struggle and resistance, the double political and gendered dimension emerges. The research focuses subsequently on the trauma representations, between pathological manifestations and ritual attempts, and shows how narrative can assume a ritual function.<p>The « poetics of trauma » characterises various formal realisations, divided into three groups. Each of them embodies a possible space for the inscription of trauma :the generational link, the body and the voice. Special attention is given to the figure of the victim. Phenomena such as repetition and delinearisation, that appear at various levels, clarify the relationship that fictional narratives build with the past as well as their ethical and political positions in the democracy.<br>Doctorat en Langues et lettres<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Weir, Allison Jean. "A study of Fulvia." Thesis, Kingston, Ont. : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/966.
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Filippi, Vanina. "Dionisio Ridruejo, de l’idéal phalangiste à la démocratie (1936-1975)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0328/document.
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Après la Guerre civile espagnole et le franquisme, apparut une nouvelle génération d’intellectuels phalangistes. Dionisio Ridruejo était le modèle de l’intellectuel fasciste, qui avait accédé très jeune à un poste de pouvoir et qui croyait en un homme et en un État nouveaux. Mais ce dernier rompit bruyamment avec le régime franquiste et abandonna son poste de Chef de la Propagande. Il estima que le pouvoir personnel de Franco trahissait l’idéal phalangiste. Cette rupture fut le début d’une longue période d’assignation à résidence, qui le mena à réfléchir sur ses propres convictions. Cela ne signifiait pas que Ridruejo était devenu démocrate, contrairement à ce que prétendent rétrospectivement certains de ses amis, convaincus d’avoir été des libéraux depuis les années 40. Il importait de comprendre la cohérence de l’itinéraire de cet intellectuel, qui passa de l’idéal phalangiste aux normes démocratiques, au point d’inspirer le combat des artisans de la Transition vers la démocratie<br>After Spanish Civil War and Francoism, a new generation of Falangist intellectuals appeared. Dionisio Ridruejo was the example of a Fascist intellectual, who rose very young to the power and believed in a new Man and in a new State. But he loudly broke with the Francoist regime and deserted his head of Propaganda post. He thought that Franco’s personal power was betraying the Falangist ideal. This breaking off was the beginning of a long period of house arrest which led him to think about his own beliefs. It does not mean that Ridruejo was a democrat, contrary to what are claiming retrospectively his friends who are convinced that they were liberals since the 1940s. It is important to understand the coherence of this intellectual’s path who changed from Falangist ideal to democratic beliefs, inspiring the fight for transition to democracy
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Berry, David G. "The response of the French anarchist movement to the Russian Revolution (1917-24) to the Spanish Revolution and civil war (1936-39)." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305033.
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Correa, Larissa Rosa 1979. "Disseram que voltei americanizado : relações sindicais Brasil - Estados Unidos durante a Ditadura Civil-Militar (1964-1978)." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280345.
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Orientador: Fernando Teixeira da Silva<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T23:31:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Correa_LarissaRosa_D.pdf: 2370150 bytes, checksum: 68062629b0c6bbd1d02d39659e9366a0 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: Este estudo analisa o papel do sindicalismo norte-americano no Brasil durante o período da Ditadura Civil-Militar, por meio das atividades realizadas pelo Instituto Americano para o Desenvolvimento do Sindicalismo Livre (IADESIL) e do Instituto Cultural do Trabalho (ICT), entidades financiadas pelo governo estadunidense, pela AFL-CIO e grandes corporações norte-americanas. A pesquisa observa as ações dos sindicalistas norteamericanos voltadas para o desenvolvimento de projetos sociais e educativos na área do mundo do trabalho, incluindo os programas de intercâmbio para os Estados Unidos, interpretando-as como estratégias para implantação do chamado sindicalismo "livre e democrático" e a contenção do comunismo no Brasil. Uma das principais questões deste estudo é compreender os motivos que levaram o regime militar, mesmo no período de maior alinhamento com os interesses dos Estados Unidos, a não adotar o modelo contratualista de regulamentação trabalhista norte-americano. Para tanto, serão analisadas as relações entre os sindicalistas brasileiros e norte-americanos por meio das atividades educacionais conduzidas pelo IADESIL e o ICT, bem como a política trabalhista formulada pelos diferentes governos militares. Ao observar o desenvolvimento do programa Aliança para o Progresso na área sindical no Brasil, este estudo chama a atenção para a complexidade das relações transnacionais ocorridas durante a Guerra Fria. Nesse sentido, as ações dos sindicalistas e autoridades civis e militares brasileiras são consideradas fundamentais para compreender as relações sindicais entre Brasil e Estados Unidos entre os anos de 1964 e 1978. Não menos importante é compreender os motivos que levaram o IADESIL a diminuir suas ações no movimento sindical brasileiro a partir dos anos 1970. Por fim, deve-se enfatizar que a análise do sindicalismo norte-americano no Brasil, no apogeu da Guerra Fria, representa um importante estudo de caso que expõe as contradições, os limites e os desafios da política sindical internacional da AFL-CIO naquele período<br>Abstract: This study aims to analyze the role of the American trade unionism in Brazil under the Civil-Military Dictatorship. The dissertation focuses on the activities of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), funded by the U.S. government, the AFLCIO, and U.S. employers. The analysis will point out how the Americans unionists created labor programs that I understand as a way to promote the so called "free and democratic" unionism and to combat Communism in Brazil. Accordingly, I question why the military regime, even during the high point of its alliance with the U.S. state, decided not to adopt the American contractualist labor relations system. To this end, I will analyze relations between Brazilian and American trade unions through the educational activities conduct by the AIFLD. Nevertheless, in observing the projects of the Alliance for Progress related to Brazilian unionism, I emphasize the complexity of transnational relations during the Cold War, focusing on the actions of the Brazilian government and local trade unionists which I consider to be essential in the implementation of American trade union programs in the country. Last but not least, the study seeks to understand the causes that made the AFL-CIO retreat its project in the country in the 1970s. The examination of the U.S. trade-unionism in Brazil during the heydays of the Cold War in Latin America seems to be an interesting case study of the contradictions of the AFL-CIO's international policy during that period<br>Doutorado<br>Historia Social<br>Doutora em História
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Willms, Joshua P. "Dying for Attention: The Role of the Biafran Identity in the Biafran Campaign for Support during the Nigerian Civil War of 1967-70." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20081.
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This study examines the Biafran secession of 1967-1970 and how the secessionist government constructed a Biafran identity in its campaign to gain international support for Biafra’s permanent separation from Nigeria. The introductory chapter outlines the role of identity in Nigeria’s twentieth-century political history and discusses the scholarly literature addressing questions of national and ethnic identity and on the Biafran secession. The thesis then provides a historical framework for discussing the evolution of Nigerian political identities and the failures of Nigerian leaders to build a Nigerian nationalism among the region’s numerous identifiable groups in the colonial and early independence eras. Subsequent chapters analyse the Biafran government’s attempts to elide the inherent instability of identity and overcome the dynamic process of identity formation in Nigeria by constructing and promoting a fixed Biafran identity based on cultural characteristics and historical experiences that allegedly distinguished and united the diverse peoples of the secessionist region.