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Mark, Chingono. "Religion, politics and war: Reflections on Mozambiques Civil War (1977-1992)." African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 8, no. 2 (2014): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajpsir2013.0641.
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Johnson, Larry, Deirdre Cobb-Roberts, and Barbara Shircliffe. "African Americans and the Struggle for Opportunity in Florida Public Higher Education, 1947-1977." History of Education Quarterly 47, no. 3 (2007): 328–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2007.00103.x.
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In the decades following World War II, access to higher education became an important vehicle for expanding opportunity in the United States. The African American-led Civil Rights Movement challenged discrimination in higher education at a time when state and federal government leaders saw strengthening public higher education as necessary for future economic growth and development. Nationally, the 1947 President's Commission on Higher Education report Higher Education for American Democracy advocated dismantling racial, geographic, and economic barriers to college by radically expanding public higher education, to be accomplished in large part through the development of community colleges. Although these goals were widely embraced across the country, in the South, white leaders rejected the idea that racial segregation stood in the way of progress. During the decades following World War II, white southern educational and political leaders resisted attempts by civil rights organizations to include desegregation as part of the expansion of public higher education.
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Pasamar, Gonzalo. "The Scenes of Memory during the Era of the Democratic Transition in Spain: Politics and Culture / Los escenarios de la memoria durante la transición democrática en España: política y cultura." Historiografías, no. 7 (December 31, 2017): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_historiografias/hrht.201472431.
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In this article we shall examine the scenes of memory of the Civil War and the Franco era during the years of the transition to democracy in Spain, especially 1976 and 1977. After discussing the usefulness for research of the narratives describing the role played by such remembrances, we study the different interplays between memories and oblivions of those historical events. Instead of using memory and oblivion as static and predetermined ideas as is normally the case with such narratives, we highlight the dynamic elements that help organize them (generational changes, culture, political strategies, etc.). While culture became a fertile ground for the remembrance of the Civil War and the Franco era, politics was clearly obliged to limit its use because of the way the transition evolved.Key Words:Memory, Spanish Civil War, Transition, generation gap.ResumenEn el presente artículo examinamos los escenarios de la memoria de la Guerra Civil y del franquismo durante los años de la transición a la democracia en España, especialmente 1976 y 1977. Tras discutir la utilidad de las narrativas que han dado cuenta del papel que tales recuerdos han jugado durante de la Transición, estudiamos la interrelación entre los recuerdos y los olvidos de dichos acontecimientos históricos. En lugar de utilizar la memoria y el olvido como ideas predeterminadas y estáticas, subrayamos los elementos dinámicos de ambos (cambios generacionales, cultura, estrategias políticas, etc.). Defendemos que mientras la cultura llegó a convertirse en un terreno destacado para la evocación de la Guerra y el franquismo, la política se trazó a sí misma una serie de límites en el uso de dicha evocación debido al modo en que se desarrolló la propia Transición.Palabras clave:memoria, guerra civil española, Transición, brecha generacional
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Da Silva, Fernando Caldeira. "THE ROLE OF THE CHRISTIAN COUNCIL OF MOZAMBIQUE IN THE COLONIAL WAR (1964-1974) AND IN CIVIL WARS (1977-2014): CHRISTIANS IN COLONIAL WARS." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 1 (2015): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/105.
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Founded in 1948, the Christian Council of Mozambique (Conselho Cristão de Moçambique - CCM) is an institution which contributed to the Colonial War (1964-1974) and to ending the Civil Wars (1977-1992) (2012-2014). the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace and World Affairs informed the CCM ideals on ‘sustainable development’.2 By the latter’s evangelisation and teaching, leaders such as Eduardo C. Mondlane were produced for the independence of Mozambique.3 After independence the CCM embarked on facilitated dialogue, bringing peace to a nation torn apart by two belligerent parties, REnAMO4 and fReLIMo.5 In 1984 it created the Commission for Justice, Peace and Reconciliation which attended to the victims of war. This article explores the role of the CCM, its President Bishop Dinis Salomão Sengulane, and other religious leaders in ending the Civil Wars and implementing peace,6 including within recent history.
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Dombois, Rainer, and Jeannette Quintero Campos. "Im Labyrinth der Gewalt. Gewerkschaften im kolumbianischen Bürgerkrieg." Industrielle Beziehungen Zeitschrift für Arbeit Organisation und Management 25, no. 3-2018 (2018): 277–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/indbez.v25i3.01.
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In keinem Land der Erde sind in den letzten Jahrzehnten Gewerkschaften derart von physischer Gewalt getroffen worden wie in Kolumbien. Zwischen 1977 und 2015 wurden über 3000 Mitglieder ermordet. Größer noch ist die Zahl derer, die verschleppt, mit dem Tode bedroht, widerrechtlich verhaftet, vertrieben oder anderen Gewalttaten ausgesetzt wurden. Der Internationale Gewerkschaftsbund zählt Kolumbien zu den „World’s Worst Countries for Workers“. Der Beitrag behandelt die Frage, wie die enorme physische Gewalt, der Gewerkschaftsmitglieder in Kolumbien in den letzten Jahrzehnten ausgesetzt waren, mit dem Bürgerkrieg zusammenhängt. Wieweit lassen sich die Gewalttaten aus der Konfliktdynamik der kollektiven Arbeitsbeziehungen erklären? Oder rührt die Gewalt gegen Gewerkschafterinnen und Gewerkschafter aus der Dynamik des übergreifenden, gewaltsam ausgetragenen gesellschaftlichen Konflikts?
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Zeleke, Wondim Tiruneh. "Leading Factors for the Somalian Invasion of Ogaden: Foreign Intervention, and the Ethiopian Response (1977-1978)." International Journal of Social Science Studies 6, no. 6 (2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v6i6.3301.
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The main objective of this paper is to assess the historical out line on the Dynamics of Conflict and Intervention in North -East Africa: The Case Study on the Second Ethio- Somalian (Ogaden) War of 1977-1978. Hence, the Ogaden war, a brief but costly war fought between Ethiopia and Somalia that ended by the defeat of Somalia and her withdrawal in January, 1978 was seen differently by different sides. Opposing foreign intervention in civil wars has also been a central phenomenon of international politics. The war was aggravated by outsiders for many years and in 1970s, above all by the superpowers, namely, the USA and USSR, and also by their contingents. At the heart of the issues underlying the War in the Horn of Africa lie three legacies of the past: namely; European colonial rule; Somali irredentism; and superpowers intervention/ Afyare Abdi Elmi and Abdullahi Barise; 2006:45/. This conflict can be viewed as a meaningless tragedy for the people of the Horn of Africa in general and Somalia in particular. I argue that competition for resources and power, repression by the military regime and the colonial legacy are the background causes of the conflict. Politicized clan identity, the availability of weapons and the presence of a large number of unemployed youth have exacerbated the problem. With regard to the obstacles to peace, we contend that Ethiopia’s hostile policy, the absence of major power interest, lack of resources and the warlords’ lack of interest in peace are the major factors that continue to haunt the Somali peace process. Finally, the study propose ambitious peace-building mechanisms that attempt to address the key areas of security, political governance, economic development and justice in order to build a durable peace in Somalia.
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Ndomondo, Mathayo Bernard. "New Music Emerging from War: Lingwangwanja during the Frelimo-Renamo Civil Conflict in Mozambique 1977-1992." Utafiti 13, no. 2 (2018): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-01302007.
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Lingwalangwanja is a dance tradition performed by young male members of the Makonde society in the northern part of Mozambique, and in south eastern Tanzania. It is usually performed in the evening for the purpose of entertainment. The tradition involves a variety of topical songs, including love, politics, and important social and cultural issues. The emergence of lingwalangwanja is linked to an outbreak of the Frelimo-Renamo civil war in Mozambique when young musicians, due to their fear of landmines, were unable to go to the bush to fetch wild animal-hides and tree-trunks for making drum shells, resorted to improvising alternative musical instruments. These instruments yielded a new dance tradition. Research on this dance tradition is important because most of the studies done on the impact of the civil war in Mozambique have focused on other social, cultural, economic and political aspects; yet there has been no attention paid to the impact of this war on the musical practices of the Makonde, including this dance. By employing an eclectic research methodology, and drawing upon complex theories of musical change, the emergence of lingwalanganja can be revealed as emanating from both the impact of the Frelimo-Renamo civil war in Mozambique, as well as from migratory movements of Makonde of Mozambique to Tanzania, and between the Makonde of both countries. The study draws on fieldwork experience conducted 1995-1998 and upon follow-up research thereafter in the districts of Newala and Mtwara Rural in Mtwara region concerning the music of migrations among the Makonde in Mtwara region, as well as the variety of published sources related to the impact that war and the search for refuge have upon music making.
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Klosek, Kamil. "Indirect Interventions in Civil Wars: The Use of States as Proxies in Military Interventions." Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no. 4 (2019): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1644.
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Current research on motivational sources of military interventions in civil wars frequently assumes that states intervene due to direct interests in the civil war country. However, this study argues that there exists a subset of interventions in which weaker powers intervene on behalf of interests which great powers hold vis-à-vis the civil war country. Using the logic of principal-agent theory in combination with arms trade data allows one to identify 14 civil wars which experienced the phenomenon of indirect military interventions. This type of intervention features a weaker power providing troops for combat missions, whereas its major arms supplier is only involved with indirect military support. The analysis is complemented with two brief case studies on the Moroccan intervention in Zaire (1977) and the Ugandan intervention in the Central African Republic (2009). Both case studies corroborate expectations as deduced from the proxy intervention framework.
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Reis, Flavio Américo dos. "Military Logistics in Natural Disasters: The Use of the NATO Response Force in Assistance to the Pakistan Earthquake Relief Efforts." Contexto Internacional 40, no. 1 (2018): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2017400100004.
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Abstract The main argument of this paper is that the logistical structures of rapid reaction forces offer great dual-use potential. It means they may be used in military operations other than war (MOOTW), such as civil defence or humanitarian assistance. The theoretical model of Haas, Kates and Bowden (1977) is presented in order to defend this argument, as it indicates the utility of intense military actions in the very first moments following a natural disaster due to their ability to rapidly respond in hard-to-access areas. The NATO Response Force humanitarian operation launched to assist the Pakistani government after a major earthquake in 2005 is presented as a practical example. The text concludes by arguing that the dual-use potential of military logistics is an important way to justify the high financial costs of rapid response forces in times of defence budget constraints while also providing other than war operations capabilities, such as civil defence support.
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Pérez Baquero, Rafael. "Re-framing the Spanish Civil War as ‘Cultural Trauma’: When Responsibilities Get Blurred After Violence." University of Bucharest Review. Literary and Cultural Studies Series 9, no. 1 (2020): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/ubr.9.1.7.
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The aim of this article is to address to what extent some institutional form of remembering the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) as a collective trauma could be considered an instance of Jeffrey Alexander and Neil Smelzer´s notion of ’cultural trauma‘. Or to put it in other words, in which sense the notion of cultural trauma may cast a new light on one of the different ways in which the Spanish Civil War was remembered and retold during the transition to democracy (1977-83). Spanish society remembered the war as a collective trauma, so painful that it encouraged society to promote a ‘pact of oblivion’ toward victims of Francoist repression. According to this traumatic memory, the Spanish Civil War was a ‘fratricidal struggle’, whose outbreak was a consequence of the tensions that underlie Spanish history. It led to the blurring of distinctions between victims and culprits because both sides were considered equally responsible. Therefore, everyone could claim the ownership of suffering. However, this representation did not fit in with the historical records; it was a consequence of the social influence of some ‘memory makers’ that developed new narratives and re-defined the ownership of suffering. Because of this divergence between the historical record of the war and society’s traumatic memory of it during the transition to democracy, I would like to analyse the possibility of studying the nature of the latter by means of the concept of cultural trauma. After all, Alexander´s critique of psychoanalytical insight into collective trauma could be useful when analysing traumatic historical experiences where it is not clear whether the traumatic nature of those memories come from the events themselves or from the cultural frames that attributed significance to those events.
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García, Alexandra. "Transitional (In)Justice: An Exploration of Blanket Amnesties and the Remaining Controversies Around the Spanish Transition to Democracy." International Journal of Legal Information 43, no. 2_3 (2015): 75–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500012506.
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“Blanket amnesties” have generally been declared to be incompatible with international law due to the fact that they shield perpetrators of serious crimes from accountability as well as conflict with established principles regarding the applicability of statutory limitations to certain criminal offenses. The repeal of theFull StopandDue Obediencelaws in Argentina set a crucial precedent in the process toward the abrogation of legislation leading to impunity for those responsible for grave violations ofjus cogens.Additionally, permitting the prosecutions of Nazi officers Klaus Barbie and Erich Priebke in Europe confirmed the customary principle of the non-applicability of statutory limitations to crimes against humanity. However, for nearly 40 years, Spain's amnesty legislation continues to preclude any investigation or prosecution of the crimes committed during the civil war (1936–1939) and the Francoist regime (1939–1975). Spain's 1977 Amnesty Act has been widely characterized as a blanket amnesty and remains in force today despite allegations of noncompliance with international law and numerous requests from United Nations bodies to repeal it. This article explores the history of Spain's 1977 Amnesty Act, compares and contrasts it with other nations with similar amnesties, and makes the case that a successful transition from an authoritarian regime to a peaceful democracy is feasible without the use of overly broad “blanket” amnesties.
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Batista Bortolotti, João Antônio. "Revista Charrua – relativizações das retóricas de intelectual revolucionário e literatura de combate (1977-1986)." Revista Discente Ofícios de Clio 5, no. 9 (2021): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/clio.v5i9.19766.
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Este artigo objetiva contextualizar e analisar os significados da Revista Charrua (1984-1986), periódico idealizado e publicado por um grupo de jovens escritores imbuídos de ideias e intenções de demarcar um novo momento da literatura moçambicana, distanciando-se das retóricas de intelectual revolucionário e poesia de combate, caras ao projeto nacional do Estado-Frelimo. Para tal, contextualizo brevemente o momento da formação da Frente de Libertação de Moçambique, e mais amplamente o período após a independência, marcado pelo início de uma guerra civil, bem como por um projeto nacionalista autoritário, a envolver a elaboração de um conceito de cultura moçambicana.Palavras-chave: Revista Charrua, Moçambique, literatura moçambicana, Frelimo, Renamo, poesia de combate.Abstract:This paper aims to contextualize and analyze the meanings of Charrua Magazine (1984-1986), idealized and published by a group of young writers imbued with ideas and intentions of lining off a new moment in Mozambican literature, distancing from the rhetoric of revolutionary intellectual and combat poetry, dear to the State’s national project. In order to accomplish that, I briefly contextualize the moment of Mozambique Liberation Front’s formation, e more widely the moment after independence, marked by the beginning of a civil war, as well as by an authoritarian nationalist project, which involved the elaboration of a concept of Mozambican culture.Keywords: Charrua Magazine, Mozambique, Mozambican literature, Frelimo, Renamo, combat poetry.
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Brady, David W. "A Reevaluation of Realignments in American Politics: Evidence from the House of Representatives." American Political Science Review 79, no. 1 (1985): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956117.
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This article reevaluates American realignment literature based on Clubb, Flanigan, and Zingale's (1980) admonition to focus on control of government and political leadership rather than electoral results. I put forward a theory of policy change in the House of Representatives which shows, like Sinclair (1977), that the effect of electoral realignments is to create a strong and unified majority party in the Congress. However, unlike other work that focuses on electoral courses, I show that structural features of elections created the new majority party in both the Civil War and the 1890s realignments. Specifically, I argue that in these two realignments a strong regional seats-to-votes distortion created the Republican majorities that enacted the policy changes associated with these realignments.
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Astuti, Anjar Dwi. "A PORTRAYAL OF NIGERIAN AFTER CIVIL WAR IN CHINUA ACHEBE’S CIVIL PEACE (1971)." Journal of Culture, Arts, Literature, and Linguistics (CaLLs) 3, no. 2 (2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/calls.v3i2.875.
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African literature has strong relation with colonialism, not only because they had ever been colonized but also because of civil war. Civil Peace (1971), a short story written by Chinua Achebe, tells about how Nigerian survive and have to struggle to live after Nigerian Civil War. It is about the effects of the war on the people, and the “civil peace” that followed. The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Nigerian-Biafran War, 6 July 1967–15 January 1970, was a political conflict caused by the attempted annexation of the southeastern provinces of Nigeria as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. The conflict was the result of economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions among the various peoples of Nigeria. Knowing the relation between the story and the Nigerian Civil War, it is assured that there is a history depicted in Civil Peace. In this article, the writer portrays the history and the phenomenon of colonization in Nigeria by using new historical and postcolonial criticism approaches.Keywords: history, colonization, civil war
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Chukwumah, Ignatius, and Cassandra Ifeoma Nebeife. "Persecution in Igbo-Nigerian Civil-War Narratives." Matatu 49, no. 2 (2017): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902001.
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Abstract Sociopolitical phenomena such as corruption, political instability, (domestic) violence, cultural fragmentation, and the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) have been central themes of Nigerian narratives. Important as these are, they tend to touch on the periphery of the major issue at stake, which is the vector of persecution underlying the Nigerian tradition in general and in modern Igbo Nigerian narratives in particular, novels and short stories written in English which capture, wholly or in part, the Igbo cosmology and experience in their discursive formations. The present study of such modern Igbo Nigerian narratives as Okpewho’s The Last Duty (1976), Iyayi’s Heroes (1986), Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun (2007), and other novels and short stories applies René Girard’s theory of the pharmakos (Greek for scapegoat) to this background of persecution, particularly as it subtends the condition of the Igbo in postcolonial Nigeria in the early years of independence.
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Aini, Desy Churul, and Desia Rakhma Banjarani. "ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION IN ARMED CONFLICT ACCORDING TO INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW." Tadulako Law Review 3, no. 1 (2018): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22487/j25272985.2018.v3.i1.10364.
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The environment is a victim of various armed conflicts that occur in some parts of the world. Such as Congo war in 1998 that create environmental damage like deployment of the HIV-AIDS virus, the extinction of national parks, wildlife poaching and the forest burning. In addition the Rwanda civil war in 1994 affected the loss of biodiversity, natural resources and population decline in rare animals such as the African Gorillas. While the former Yugoslavia war in 1991 that impact in environmental pollution of water, air and land that threaten human survival.The environment becomes a victim when the war was happend its caused the human, but on the other side, the environment can’t be separated from human life because somehow humans need the environment to. However, when the war was happend human can’t maintaining the environment even though there have been rules that regulate about the protection of the environment when the war takes place. Therefore, its necessary to analysed an environmental protection in armed conflict according to international humanitarian law.This research is discusses about how an environmental protection in armed conflict according to international humanitarian law, which aims to explain the regulations that apply to protect the environment at the armed conflict. This research uses normative law approach (literature research).The results of this study show that environmental protection in armed conflict is regulated in the conventions of international humanitarian law both from the Hague Law and the Geneva Law. In The Hague law the environmental protection is governed by the IV Hague Convention 1907of respecting the laws and customs of war and land Art 23 (g) and Art 55. In the Geneva Law an environmental protection is contained in the IV Geneva Convention 1949 Art 53 and Additional Protocol I in 1977 Art 35 (3), 54, 55, 56, 59, and Art 68. Basically both of Geneva and Hague Law against the use of weapons during the war that have an effected in environmental damage and the existence of precautions in the war on environmental protection life. Beside the Geneva and the Hague Law there are have other arrangements to protect the environment in the event of a war that is in ENMOD Convention Art 1 and 2.
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Tóth, György. "The Case for a Native American 1968 and Its Transnational Legacy." Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (2019): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7355.
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Partly as a result of compartmentalized academic specializations and history teaching, in accounts of the global upheavals of 1968, Native Americans are either not mentioned, or at best are tagged on as an afterthought. “Was there a Native American 1968?” is the central question this article aims to answer. Native American activism in the 1960s was no less flashy, dramatic or confrontational than the protests by the era’s other struggles – it is simply overshadowed by later actions of the movement. Using approaches from Transnational American Studies and the history of social movements, this article argues that American Indians had a “long 1968” that originated in Native America’s responses to the US government’s Termination policy in the 1950s, and stretched from their ‘training’ period in the 1960s, through their dramatic protests from the late 1960s through the 1970s, all the way to their participation at the United Nations from 1977 through the rest of the Cold War. While their radicalism and protest strategies made Native American activism a part of the US domestic social movements of the long 1960s, the nature of American Indian sovereignty rights and transnationalism place the Native American long 1968 on the rights spectrum further away from civil rights, and closer to a national liberation struggle—which links American Indian activism to the decolonization movements of the Cold War.
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Feu. "“Transatlantic Trenches” in Spanish Civil War Journalism: Félix Martí Ibáñez and the Exile Newspaper España Libre (Free Spain, New York City 1939–1977)." Journal for the Study of Radicalism 10, no. 2 (2016): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/jstudradi.10.2.0053.
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Peebles, Patrick. "Colonization and Ethnic Conflict in the Dry Zone of Sri Lanka." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (1990): 30–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058432.
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Sri lanka's inability to contain ethnic violence as it escalated from sporadic terrorism to mob violence to civil war in recent years has disheartened observers who had looked to the nation as a success story of social and political development. In retrospect, Sri Lanka lacked effective local institutions to integrate the society, and the Sinhalese elite relied on welfare and preferential policies for the Sinhalese majority to maintain power. These alienated the minorities and resulted in Tamil demands for a separate state. This article documents one of the more intractable areas in which ethnic conflict has arisen, land “colonization.” Both major parties competed for the votes of the Sinhalese, but the creation of agricultural settlements in the undeveloped interior of the island, or colonization, is associated primarily with the United National Party (UNP). During the UNP government of recently retired President Junius Richard Jayewardene (1977–88), both the level of violence and the pace of colonization in the Dry Zone between the Sinhalese and Tamil majority areas increased.
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Harris, P. M. G. "Inflation and Deflation in Early America, 1634–1860: Patterns of Change in the British American Economy." Social Science History 20, no. 4 (1996): 469–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017533.
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For more than six decades recurrent efforts have been made to establish the trends of early American prices. Following the lead of Arthur Harrison Cole and other members of the International Scientific Committee on Price History, who foresaw the need for worldwide evidence on prices as an essential foundation of economic and historical analysis, scholars began to develop series for major market centers such as Philadelphia, New York, Charleston, Boston, New Orleans, and Cincinnati (Warren et al. 1932; Taylor 1932a, 1932b; Bezanson et al. 1935, 1936; Cole 1938; Berry 1943; Bezanson et al. 1951). Modern refinements of these largely wholesale and urban price indexes for the years before the Civil War have yielded reliable long-term insights against which to interpret basic issues of American economic growth (U.S. Congress 1959–60; David and Solar 1977). Meanwhile, researchers focusing on the evolution of particular parts of the country or on the economic milieus of specific organizations have felt the need to determine local price movements for the historical contexts that interest them. To do so, they have used evidence from the accounts of merchants and farmers (Rothenberg 1979; Adams 1986, 1992), from probate inventories (Anderson 1975; Main 1985), and from the records of public institutions as diverse as the Philadelphia almshouse and Harvard College (Smith 1990; Foster 1962). John J. McCusker (1991, forthcoming) has contributed an overview of the key elements of this literature and has constructed from selected series a deflator that can be used to compare American economic values over time between 1700 and now.
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Reda, Amir Abdul. "Framing Political Islam." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33, no. 4 (2016): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v33i4.236.
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What aspects of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood’s (a.k.a. the Ikhwan) cultural/ideological framing contributed to its failure to gather opponents of the Assad regime around its leadership during the 2011uprising? What does this reveal about why some Islamist political parties failed in situations of high political contention, such as the Syrian civil war? I argue that despite considerable evolution in the Syrian Brotherhood’s cultural/ideological framing since its first uprising (1977-82), it failed to target three crucial aspects of the 2011 uprising: the military struggle, the masses, and the religious minorities. My research outlines how the movement’s ideological shift toward non-violence and post-1982 reorientation toward democratic elections (ironically) prevented its members from playing a leadership role in what was mainly an armed struggle. At the same time, my research outlines how this evolution and its related changes attracted neither the masses, which remained oriented toward the traditional economic elites, nor the Sunni-oriented religious minorities. I argue that these three crucial aspects undermined the Ikhwan’s efforts and illustrate how poor cultural/ideological framing can doom even those Islamist political parties with the strongest resource mobilization capacities and previously unmatched situationsof political opportunity structures.
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Lodge, Tom. "Conflict resolution in Nigeria after the 1967–1970 civil war." African Studies 77, no. 1 (2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2018.1432125.
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Griffin, Christopher. "French military policy in the Nigerian Civil War, 1967–1970." Small Wars & Insurgencies 26, no. 1 (2014): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2014.959766.
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Mustafa, A. M. M. "Contribution of Tourism and Foreign Direct Investment to Gross Domestic Product: Econometric Analysis in the case of Sri Lanka." Restaurant Business 118, no. 8 (2019): 476–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/rb.v118i8.8017.
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This study employs time series annual data for the period from 1978 to 2017 to evaluate the contribution of foreign direct investment (FDI) and tourism industry (TR) to Sri Lanka’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Sri Lanka’s liberalization and deregulation policies put into effect in 1977 have attracted a huge volume of foreign direct investments into the country. However, the protracted civil war affected the country’s economic base and resulted in poor performance. Recently a more conducive environment has been established after the three decade long ethnic war came to an end. In this context, the Sri Lankan government has taken positive measures to attract foreign direct investment and boost tourism in the country. This study intends to evaluate the contribution of foreign direct investment (FDI) and tourism industry (TR) to the Gross Domestic Product of Sri Lanka, as these two factors are considered to be very effective at increasing the GDP of a country. Unit root test was done on the variables and the method chosen was the Augmented Dicky – Fuller (ADF) test. Co-integration analysis was used for the long run relationship and the Granger causality test was performed to investigate the causal relationship. The empirical study shows that there is a positive and statistically significant relationship between the variable’s TR and FDI to the GDP in the long run. Results of Granger causality test implied that the two-way causality promoted the economic growth of Sri Lanka. E-Views 9 econometrics software was used for the time series data analysis.
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Bantekas, Ilias. "The International Law of Terrorist Financing." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 2 (2003): 315–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3100109.
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The international dimensions of terrorism had been identified prior to World War II. Nonetheless, no agreement could be reached on an acceptable definition, or appropriate action, and the 1937 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Terrorism, adopted by the League of Nations, was ratified by a single country. The issue resurfaced in the late 1950s when private individuals perpetrated an alarming number of incidents endangering civil aviation during transnational flights. These incidents led to the adoption of three distinct conventions on the subject, namely the 1963 Tokyo Convention on Offenses and Certain Other Acts Committed on Board Aircraft, the 1970 Hague Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft, and the 1971 Montreal Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Civil Aviation.
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MAHMUD, A. S., N. ALAM, and C. J. E. METCALF. "Drivers of measles mortality: the historic fatality burden of famine in Bangladesh." Epidemiology and Infection 145, no. 16 (2017): 3361–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0950268817002564.
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SUMMARYMeasles is a major cause of childhood morbidity and mortality in many parts of the world. Estimates of the case-fatality rate (CFR) of measles have varied widely from place to place, as well as in the same location over time. Amongst populations that have experienced famine or armed conflict, measles CFR can be especially high, although past work has mostly focused on refugee populations. Here, we estimate measles CFR between 1970 and 1991 in a rural region of Bangladesh, which experienced civil war and famine in the 1970s. We use historical measles mortality data and a mechanistic model of measles transmission to estimate the CFR of measles. We first demonstrate the ability of this model to recover the CFR in the absence of incidence data, using simulated mortality data. Our method produces CFR estimates that correspond closely to independent estimates from surveillance data and we can capture both the magnitude and the change in CFR suggested by these previous estimates. We use this method to quantify the sharp increase in CFR that resulted in a large number of deaths during a measles outbreak in the region in 1976. Most of the children who died during this outbreak were born during a famine in 1974, or in the 2 years preceding the famine. Our results suggest that the period of turmoil during and after the 1971 war and the sustained effects of the famine, is likely to have contributed to the high fatality burden of the 1976 measles outbreak in Matlab.
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TAYLOR, J. D. "THE PARTY'S OVER? THE ANGRY BRIGADE, THE COUNTERCULTURE, AND THE BRITISH NEW LEFT, 1967–1972." Historical Journal 58, no. 3 (2015): 877–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000612.
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ABSTRACTThis article analyses the emergence of politically motivated acts of left-wing terrorism in Britain between 1967 and 1972. Through the case of the ‘Angry Brigade’, an ill-defined grouping which claimed responsibility for a number of attacks against property between 1970 and 1971, it analyses how protest and political violence emerged from discourses and events in the British New Left, the anti-war protest movements, the counterculture, and the underground press. Against common interpretations of ’68 as a watershed of naïve hopes that waned into inaction, this article identifies a consistency of political activity that developed beyond traditional party and class politics towards a more internationally aware and diverse network of struggles for civil equality. Among the shared political and cultural commitments of the counterculture, campaigns around squatting, women's liberation, or the necessity of ‘armed propaganda’ each became possible and at times overlapped. It analyses the group's development, actions, communications, as well as surrounding media discourses, subsequent police investigation, and the criminal trials of ten individuals for their involvement in the Angry Brigade. The article reappraises their overlooked historical significance among the wider countercultural militancy and discourses of political violence of the late 1960s to early 1970s.
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Awuzie, Solomon. "Grief, resurrection, and the Nigerian Civil War in Isidore Diala’s The Lure of Ash." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 58, no. 2 (2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v58i2.6793.
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As part of the third generation of Nigerian poetry, Isidore Diala’s The Lure of Ash focuses on the Nigerian Civil War experience of 1967–1970, the grief associated with it, and the resurrection of the Biafran agitation. Being a collection that is derived from the rural world of the Igbo cosmology, Diala’s The Lure of Ash portrays the Nigerian Civil War in a sensuous and emotive tone. It accounts for the poet’s belief in the regeneration of the lives of the dead Biafran soldiers. The symbols of fire and ash are significant for interpreting the poet-speaker’s grief in the collection. The collection also succeeds in painting a picture of the Nigerian Civil War experience where the bitter memory of the war resonates, while representing poetry as the healer of the pain and wounds of the war.
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Miller, Jamie. "Yes, Minister: Reassessing South Africa's Intervention in the Angolan Civil War, 1975–1976." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 3 (2013): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00368.
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In 1975–1976, South Africa's apartheid regime took the momentous step of intervening in the Angolan civil war to counter the Marxist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola and its backers in Havana and Moscow. The failure of this intervention and the subsequent ignominious withdrawal had major repercussions for the evolution of the regime and the history of the Cold War in southern Africa. This article is the first comprehensive study of how and why Pretoria became involved. Drawing on a wide variety of primary sources from South African archives as well as interviews with key protagonists, the article shows that the South African Defence Force and Defence Minister P. W. Botha pushed vigorously and successfully for deeper engagement to cope with security threats perceived through the prism of the emerging doctrine of “total onslaught.” South Africa's intervention in Angola was first and foremost the product of strategic calculations derived from a sense of threat perception expressed and experienced in Cold War terms, but applied and developed in a localized southern African context.
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Osakwe, Chukwuma C. C., and Lawrence Okechukwu Udeagbala. "Naval Military Operations in Bonny during the Nigerian Civil War 1967-1970." Advances in Historical Studies 04, no. 03 (2015): 232–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2015.43018.
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Steinbach, John. "Nuclear Threats and Civil Defence in Australia, 1951–1957." War & Society 20, no. 2 (2002): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/war.2002.20.2.91.
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Blanco Outon, Cristina. "La España de posguerra y la poesía Anglófona." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 46, no. 4 (2000): 332–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.46.4.04bla.
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The main aim of this essay is to analyse the translations and reviews of English poetry that appeared in three representative literary journals of post-Civil War Spain: Escorial (1940-1947), Espadaña (1944-1950) and Cántico (1947-1949;1954-1957). The proportion of articles and translations, characteristics and scholarly seriousness of the sections devoted to this topic will give evidence of the ideological background of each of the three publications. We will study the reasons that led to the various choices of both poets and translators and this will also be an aid to our inquiry into the political and aesthetic assumptions of these journals. During the 1940’ś and 50’ś, literary reviews were the place where many Spanish intellectuals and scholars could more or less openly express their different reactions towards Franco ś dictatorship. And — as professor Rubio (1976) has pointed out — as far as ideological involvement was concerned, there were two main types of journals: the “eclectic” and the “confessional”. Within the “confessional” type, Escorial would voice the official dogma whereas Espadaña would stand for the impatient detractors of the règime, the so called “tremendistas”. As for Cántico, this journal was an example of the “eclectic” position, since it welcomed all kinds of aesthetic and political creeds. The three reviews will be examined altogether as a paradigm of the literary situation in Spain, during the years of ideological censorship and intellectual involution that followed the Civil War.
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Polit, Jakub. "Pożegnanie z łotrem? Yuan Shikai w świetle nowych badań." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 3 (2020): 505–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.028.12482.
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Parting with a villain? Yuan Shikai in light of new research Yuan Shikai, the military strongman of late Qing Empire, talented administrator and reformer, crucial figure during the 1911 (Xinhai) Republican Revolution, president with dictatorial power and, finally, a self-proclaimed emperor, is the most controversial figure of 20th-century China. After his death during the civil war that his actions provoked, historiography (communist and non-communist) portrayed Yuan as traitor and chief villain. In following years Yuan was almost unanimously denounced by Soviet (S.L. Tikhvinsky, O. Nepomnin) and Western (L. Sharman, E. Hummel) historiography. His first biography, written by Jerome Ch’en in 1960, fully upheld this portrait. Significant studies (1968 and 1977) of Ernest P. Young, based on important primary sources, went unnoticed at the time. It was also the case with Stephen McKinnon’s volume on Yuan as brilliant Qing official in Tianjin and Beijing between 1901 and 1908. During the two last decades of the 20th century some smaller studies changed this unfavorable portrait. In the eyes of Marie-Claire Bergère, Madleine Ch’i, Luke Kwong and Henerietta Harrison, Yuan appears as a far-sighted statesman and defender of Chinese raison d’état. The last biography written by Patrick Fuliang Shan portrays Yuan as an extremely power-hungry and astute politician and as a conservative reformer and modernizer, at the same time. His political failure was both his personal tragedy and a catastrophe of the Chinese nation.
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Rizas, Sotiris. "The Search for an Exit from the Dictatorship and the Transformation of Greek Conservatism, 1967-1974." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 11 (December 5, 2014): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.331.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the process of transformation of Greek conservatism that evolved during the dictatorship from a current identified with the restrictive practices of the post-Civil War political system to a tenet of the democratic regime established in 1974. The realization that the military coup was not just the manifestation of anti-communism, the dominant ideology of the post-Civil War period, but also of an anti-parliamentary spirit permeating the armed forces, the prolongation of military rule that led to the crystallization of differences between the military regime and the conservative political class and an apprehension that the dictatorship might fuel uncontrollable social and political polarization are three inter-related factors that explain this transformation.
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Mitter, Rana. "Picturing Victory The Visual Imaginary of the War of Resistance, 1937–1947." European Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (2008): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805808x372412.
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AbstractThe Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1947 has not been sufficiently understood as a narrative in its own right, but rather, as a transitional conflict between Nationalist and Communist rule. The examination of the visual imagery of warfare disseminated through newsprint and books is one way to reinterpret the history of this period. Through a close reading of images printed in a Shanghai newspaper, Zhonghua ribao, during the final days of the battle for the city in 1937, we see how the news was shaped to impose a narrative of order with a positive teleology at a time when China was plunged into chaos with no guarantee of the eventual outcome of the war. The nature of this narrative is explored through examination of images of the body, as well as the positioning of images in the context of the printed page. The conclusion then contrasts these images with a pictorial history of the Sino-Japanese War published during the Civil War, in 1947. It suggests that although this book is able to bring narrative closure to the earlier conflict, its own narrative is imbued with an unease caused by the reality of the new war that had broken out within months of the ending of the war against Japan, and suggests that narrative closure is never truly obtained.
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Campaign For Social Democracy. "Sri Lanka: the choice of two terrors." Race & Class 30, no. 3 (1989): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639688903000306.
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While a stalemate in the predominantly Tamil North and East of Sri Lanka continues despite Indian intervention on the government's behalf, in the Sinhala South death squads associated with the pseudo People's Liberation Front, the JVP, have been ruthlessly eliminating its opponents. The United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), having created and nurtured popular racism for over thirty years in order to get into power (through a ready-made Sinhalese majority of 70 per cent of the population), * would now like to draw back from the brink of another crippling civil war, this time in the South. But they are unable to do so because the JVP has taken up the Sinhala cause and pushed it to the point of social fascism through assassination and murder. Popular racism based on Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism promoted in the schools and expressed in song, textbook and media served to fuel the anti-Tamil pogroms of 1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983, in which thousands were killed at the hands of street mobs. Some of the most violently anti- Tamil propaganda (deriving inspiration from mythical Sinhalese history) has emanated from the present government. Colonisation of Tamil areas by Sinhalese was justified on the pretext of protecting ancient Buddhist shrines. And it is an open secret that ministers hired their own hit squads in the 1983 pogrom. When, in a bid to end the unwinnable war with the Tamils, the UNP signed the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, allowing Indian troops to operate on Sri Lankan soil, it alienated the very Sinhala nationalists it had itself fostered. And it was the JVP which capitalised on the resentment over India's interference in Sri Lanka's internal affairs. Accusing the UNP government (and other supporters of the Accord) of treachery, it enlarged and deepened popular racism into fanatical patriotism. But what has given the JVP terror tactics a hold over the population has been the steady erosion of democratic freedoms, on the one hand, and the self-abasement of the Left, on the other. Both the SLFP and UNP governments have postponed elections to stay in power, but the UNP went further and got itself re-elected en bloc on a phoney referendum to postpone elections. Local elections were never held under the SLFP and whatever elections took place under the UNP have either been rigged and/or carried out under conditions of massive intimidation. In the process, the political literacy that the country once boasted has been lost to the people and, with it, their will to resist. At the same time the collaborationist politics of the Left in the SLFP government of 1970-77 have not only served to decimate its own chances at the polls (it obtained not a single seat in the election of 1977) but also to leave the working-class movement defenceless. So that it was a simple matter for the UNP government to crush the general strike of 1980, imprison its leaders and throw 80, 000 workers permanently out of work. And it has been left to the JVP to pretend to take up the socialist mantle of the Left even as it devotes itself to the racist cause of the Right, and so win the support of the Sinhala-Buddhist people. In the final analysis the choice before the country is that of two terrors: that of the state or that of the JVP. Below we publish an analysis of the situation as at October 1988, put out by the underground Campaign for Social Democracy in the run up to the presidential elections.
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Livshin, A. Ya. "THE EFFICIENCY OF REQUISITION AND TAXATION POLICIES IN 1917–1927 IN LETTERS “TO THE AUTHORITIES”." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 3(50) (2020): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2020-3-139-150.
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The article discusses the communicative function of letters to authorities in the context of the population’s assessment of the efficiency of the requisition and taxation policies in the first decade of the Communist regime in power. Many letters during the Civil War represented complaints of confiscation and requisition. The peasants believed that the surplus-appraisal and the collection of an extraordinary revolutionary tax were carried out in violation А. Я. Лившин 150 of instructions and norms established by the Soviet state itself. Correspondents of the authorities noted that the surplus appropriation was carried out through the unlimited use of violence and coercion, leading to the destruction of trust between the government and the people, between the city and the village. The attitude of the population towards taxes in the 1920s was largely determined by the experience of the Civil War, when millions of citizens suffered from violent requisition. In the NEP years, when the regime has pursued better balanced economic and social policies, a large-scale rationalization of popular opinion regarding the principles of relationship between the government and society took place. This rationalization, as the letters to the authorities show, was especially evident in the peasant milieu. This occurred due to different circumstances, including the ability to farm on a market basis embedded in the principles of NEP. The middle-peasant majority of the village considered the policy of encouraging peasants' economic initiative to be effective, since such a policy could lead to an increase in the well-being of the whole society. Most people considered the policy of tax pressure on the peasantry which undermined the economic viability of farms in the NEP era, to be erroneous. The ability and willingness to trust the state determined a lot in the mentality and social behavior of people of the post-revolutionary era. Coercive, driven by class ideology rather than economic practicability, and, therefore, inefficient policies (including taxation policies), according to many authors of the letters, have been destructive to the atmosphere of trust and social balance in the country
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Marantzidis, Nikos, and Rori Lamprini. "Sinistra e destra in Grecia dal XX al XXI secolo." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041005.
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Left and Right in Greece from the 20th into the 21st century The article explores the evolution of left/right division in Greece, drawing upon macro sociological theories regarding social and political cleavages. It analyses the major historical divisions that have given meaning to the left/right dichotomy and have structured Greek party system over a century. Among a series of wars, civil quarrels, economical and political crises, which have taken place throughout the Twentieth century, two civil conflicts have marked political rivalries and configured political identities: the National Schism (1915-1917) and the Civil War (1943-1949). They have established a three-camp party system, which had endured until the 1967-1974 military dictatorship. The democratization of the country and the liberalization of political institutions in the post-junta era gave birth to new coalitions and political formations, which established a two-party system on the basis of right/anti-right dichotomy. The outbreak of economic crisis in 2010 and the austerity measures that came as a consequence have divided society and politics in two camps: the advocates and opponents of the Memorandum. The political stances regarding the management of the crisis has magnified the significance of pro/anti-memorandum cleavage and, thus, weakened the importance of the left/right division.
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Epstein, Murray, and Garabed Eknoyan. "A forgotten chapter in the history of the renal circulation: the Josep Trueta and Homer Smith intellectual conflict." American Journal of Physiology-Renal Physiology 309, no. 2 (2015): F90—F97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/ajprenal.00075.2015.
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This article reviews the pioneering and visionary contributions of the Catalan surgeon Josep Trueta (1897–1977) to the changes in renal circulation that contribute to the pathogenesis of acute renal failure (ARF). An erudite scientist with eclectic interests in physiology, orthopedics, politics, and medical history, Trueta's initial involvement in wound healing as a trauma surgeon during the Spanish Civil War and the London Blitz is what prompted him to postulate that a trauma-induced “neural effect” on the renal vasculature, with resultant renal arterial constriction could cause ARF. To test his hypothesis, Trueta assembled an experienced radiologist, a renowned physiologist, and a renal pathologist to study ARF in Oxford. They investigated the renal circulation of rabbits in response to diverse traumatic conditions by injecting a radio-opaque substance, using cine-radiography to visualize the flow of blood through the renal vasculature. Trueta's suggestion of renal cortical ischemia and diversion of blood to the less resistant medullary circulation (Trueta shunt) was criticized by Homer Smith and coworkers. In contrast to Homer Smith's data, which were derived from clearance studies and renal arteriovenous oxygen, Trueta used the diametrical opposite method of “direct” observation of the renal circulation. Their differing methodologies, direct visualization of the renal circulation as opposed to inferred computations from clearance studies, accounts for some of their conflicting theories. Nevertheless, the proposal of disparate renal flow compartments focused attention on intrarenal hemodynamics. Trueta's focus on renal cortical ischemia was ultimately validated by the studies of Barger in the dog and Hollenberg and Epstein in human subjects.
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Fletcher, Charles. "God’s Rule." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (2006): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1648.
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Originally intended as a short textbook codifying the existing knowledge ofIslamic political thought, Patricia Crone’s God’s Rule developed into a fullerand more comprehensive examination of the first six centuries of governmentand Islam. Crone, perhaps better known for her more controversialworks, such as Hagarism (Cambridge: 1977), God’s Caliph (Cambridge:1986), and Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam (Oxford: 1987), is nostranger to Islamic political theory, having written Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity (Cambridge: 1980). In her present book, thereader will find an accessible, readable, and scholarly contribution that islargely devoid of controversy while retaining a healthy skepticism of thesources, as one would expect from an historian.Primarily written for the non-specialist, the intention is to render thecontextual theory, practice, and development of political thought during theearly centuries of Islam (c. 622-1258) intelligible to the general reader.Divided into four sections, Crone seeks to cover the broader trends andthemes in the transition from the Prophet’s polity to that of the Buyids andthe Seljuqs. Along the way, she guides the reader through the complex webof Islamic history, starting, in part 1, with the basic Muslim conceptualunderstanding of government and state up to the first civil war, sect formation,and the Umayyad period. Here, the central importance was the leader,as successor to the Prophet, who weds truth and power and thereby rightlyguides the Muslim community by providing legal legitimacy and a moralexample. The question of legitimacy came to the fore during the first civilwar, which resulted in the formation of various sects and the rise of theUmayyad dynasty ...
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Rabush, Taisiуa. "Involvement of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia in the Events in Afghanistan in the Late 1970s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (2021): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.12.
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Introduction. In this article, the author examines the position of the countries of the Middle East region in the late 1970s with regard to the armed conflict in Afghanistan. The emphasis is on the period on the eve of the entry of the Soviet troops to Afghanistan – from the April Revolution of 1978 until December 1979. The author’s focus is on two states: Pakistan directly bordering on Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia, which is a major geopolitical actor in the region. Methods and materials. The author relies on documentary sources such as “Department of state bulletin”, documents of secret correspondence of the U.S. foreign policy agencies, documents of the U.S. National Security Archive, and special volumes on Afghanistan and the Middle East in “Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic Papers, 1977–1980”. Thanks to these sources, it is possible to prove that the involvement of the states of the region in the Afghan armed conflict and its internationalization began even before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan. Analysis. First, an overview of the objectives pursued by these states in Afghanistan and in the internal Afghan armed conflict is given. Following this, the author consistently reveals the position of these states in relation to the April Revolution of 1978, the ever-increasing Soviet involvement in the Afghan events (1978–1979) and the civil war that started against the Kabul government. Results. In conclusion the article reveals the role of these states in the process of internationalization of the Afghan armed conflict, which, according to the author, began before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan.
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Feldman, Ilana. "Everyday Government in Extraordinary Times: Persistence and Authority in Gaza's Civil Service, 1917–1967." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 4 (2005): 863–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000381.
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In September 1964 עAli Taleb, an employee in the Agricultural Directorate in Gaza, petitioned the civil service administration for what he claimed was a long overdue promotion. On the face of it, there is nothing particularly surprising about such a petition—עAli was certainly not the first employee to feel he deserved more recognition for his work. What makes his petition peculiar were the circumstances which generated it. The Gaza Strip, the territory in whose civil service עAli was employed, came into existence in 1948 as a result of the war over the establishment of Israel. Before 1948, Gaza was a district of Palestine, governed like the rest of the country as a mandate granted to the British government by the League of Nations. When the 1948 war ended in defeat for the Arab forces, the Egyptian army occupied the Gaza area, which it administered for the next twenty years. עAli was hired in 1937 by the Mandate government—and under its rules of promotion—but it was the Egyptian Administration (henceforth “Administration”) which he expected to fulfill the obligations of this system. “I was nominated to be promoted to Grade 3 under the previous Mandate government,” עAli explained, noting that, “before my turn arrived the Mandate ended and the Arab Administration came to the Strip.”
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Graham, Matthew. "Covert Collusion? American and South African Relations in the Angolan Civil War, 1974–1976." African Historical Review 43, no. 1 (2011): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532523.2011.596619.
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PP, Roy. "Physical Trauma As Presesnted In Monica Ali’s Brick Lane." History Research Journal 5, no. 4 (2019): 156–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/hrj.v5i4.7167.
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Monica Ali was born in 1967 in Dhaka, Bangladesh, but grew up in England. Her English mother met her Bangladeshi father at a dance in northern England in the 1960s. Despite both of their families` protests, they later married and lived together with their two young children in Dhaka. This was then the provincial capital of East Pakistan which after a nine-month war of independence became the capital of the People`s Republic of Bangladesh. On 25 March 1971 during this civil war, Monica Ali`s father sent his family to safety in England. The war caused East Pakistan to secede from the union with West Pakistan, and was now named Bangladesh.
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Nevo, Joseph. "September 1970 in Jordan: A Civil War?" Civil Wars 10, no. 3 (2008): 217–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698240802168056.
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Tilley-Lubbs, Gresilda A. "Fear and Silence Meet Ignorance." Ethnographic Edge 3 (December 4, 2019): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15663/tee.v3i1.53.
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When I studied in Spain in 1969 and 1970, I knew about the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), briefly mentioned in my Spanish history books; General.simo Francisco Franco declared victory. I knew Spain through my graduate studies in Spanish literature and through Michener’s book Iberia (1968). In 2000, I met Jordi Calvera, a Catal.n whose post-war stories conflicted with that idyllic Spain. I returned to Spain in 2013, still with no idea of the impact of the totalitarian dictatorship based on fear and silence through which Franco ruled until his death in 1975, leaving a legacy of fear and silence. In Barcelona, I met a group of adults in their eighties who shared Jordi’s experience. My intrigue with these stories led me to learn more about the war, the dictatorship and the aftermath by interviewing people whose lives had been touched by those years. Through a layered account, I present some of the stories and examine my oblivion.
 Keywords: Critical autoethnography, autoethnography, ethnography, Spanish Civil War, Franco’s totalitarian dictatorship
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Posibi, Alore Preye, and Anna Canale. "Historical Analysis of the Position of African Countries in the Nigerian Civil War, 1967–1970." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 12, no. 2 (2020): 302–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2020.210.
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Waage, Hilde Henriksen, and Geir Bergersen Huse. "A Careful Minuet: The United States, Israel, Syria and the Lebanese Civil War, 1975–1976." International History Review 42, no. 5 (2019): 1081–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2019.1678507.
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Naor, Dan. "The Path to Syrian Intervention in Lebanon on the Eve of Civil War, 1970–1975." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 41, no. 2 (2014): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2014.884319.
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Henriot, Christian. "Shanghai Industries in the Civil War (1945-1947)." Journal of Urban History 43, no. 5 (2015): 744–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144214566977.
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This article examines the fate of Shanghai industries during the Civil War period in China. It argues that in spite of extreme difficulties in the later part of the war, Shanghai industries bounced back very quickly and reached early wartime levels within a year. Thereafter, a series of economic and political restrictions led to a slowdown, then a paralysis. The article is based on a large and unique survey of Shanghai industries published in October 1947, probably the peak of the economic recovery after the war. The data were processed in geographic information systems that the author implemented to examine what industry represented in the urban space, what its impact was, and how it defined the city of Shanghai. The author contends that issues of security more than economic factors determined the particular industrial geography in the city.