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1

Williams, James Levon Jr. "Civil War and Reconstruction in the Yazoo Mississippi Delta, 1863-1875." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186065.

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Having constructed a plantation economy in the Yazoo Mississippi Delta, white Delta planters struggled to retain control of African-American labor after the start of the Civil War. In their effort, the planters manipulated the Freedmen's Bureau; passed the Black Code; sought out foreign labor; and condoned extralegal intimidation. The Civil War disrupted the plantation economy of the Yazoo Delta, prompting the planters to pursue innovative means to preserve the status quo. To achieve this end, they fought with the Confederate government for control of the militia, attempting to stabilize an economy rocked by military incursions, deserters, and outbreaks of lawlessness. Emancipation, the ultimate disruption to the plantation, precipitated a struggle between these former masters and African-Americans seeking to find the meaning of their freedom. The United States government also attempted to restructure the plantation economy of the Delta after the Civil War, but planters often manipulated federal authority to their advantage. Charged with protecting the interests of the freedmen, the Freedmen's Bureau, for example, frequently accommodated the labor needs of Delta planters, even transporting labor to the plantations when necessary. Similarly, Union military commanders frequently supported the planters in their attempt to control black labor. Delta planters, however, wished themselves entirely free of outside governance. Thus, in 1865, they helped formulate the Black Code, seeking to limit the labor options of the freedmen. When Congress negated this code, the planters sought foreign laborers to force African-Americans into economic desperation. Under congressional patronage, moderate Republicans, led by Delta planter James L. Alcorn, attempted to build a party led by white men and supported by African-American votes. When this moderate "Alcorn Republican" system failed in 1873, the planters aligned themselves with the "straight out" Democratic party, rather than support the pro-black Republicans led by Adelbert Ames. Using a system of fraud and brute violence, the white planters ultimately seized power from the Republican party in 1875. This "Mississippi Plan" allowed the planters to remove labor from politics, free the state from authority inimical to their interests, and ensure continuation of the plantation economy.
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2

Perrin, Teresa Thomas. "Crime and order in San Antonio during the Civil War and Reconstruction." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3035163.

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3

Johnson, Steven Kirkham. "Re-enacting the Civil War : genre and American memory /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9378.

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4

Heleta, Savo. "Post-war reconstruction and development: a collective case study." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008049.

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Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a surge in post-war stabilisation, reconstruction and development operations around the world. Externally driven efforts have been shaped by the liberal peace framework, which assumes that a rapid transmission or imposition of neo-liberal norms and values, combined with Western-style governance institutions, would create conditions for lasting peace and prosperity. Only in a few instances countries have attempted internally driven post-war reconstruction and development; in most cases, these efforts were either ignored or suppressed by international analysts, experts, academics and organisations. Despite all the expertise and funding spent since the early 1990s, externally driven operations have not led to lasting peace and stability, establishment of functioning institutions, eradication of poverty, livelihood improvements and economic reconstruction and development in war-torn countries. All too often, programmes, policies and „solutions‟ were designed and imposed by external actors either because they worked elsewhere or because they were influenced by geopolitical, economic and/or security interests of powerful countries. Furthermore, external actors have tended to assume that generic approaches based on the liberal peace framework can work in all places, while ignoring local actors, contexts and knowledge. Focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina, South Sudan and Somaliland, this exploratory qualitative study critically explores and assesses both externally and internally driven post-war reconstruction and development practices and operations in order to understand the strengths and shortcomings of both approaches and offer recommendations for future improvements. This is important since socio-economic recovery and economic development are crucial for lasting stability and peace in post-war countries.
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5

Barclay, Joanne Sarah. "Uncivil War: Memory and Identity in the Reconstruction of the Civil Rights Movement." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2005. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/999.

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Memory is constructed to solidify a certain version of the past in the collective identity. History and memory occupy a controversial role in the New South, with battles over the legacy of the Civil War and the reassertion of Confederate symbols in the wake of the Civil Rights Movement's challenge to the status quo. Memory of the Civil Rights Movement is entering public conscious through cultural mediums such as films and museums, as well as through politically contentious debates over the continued display of the Confederate battle flag and the creation of a federal holiday honoring Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. The process is still taking place to construct the Civil Rights Movement within the American collective memory. What aspects of this history are commemorated, and which aspects are neglected, will have impact in American society well into the twenty-first century.
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6

Crawley, Lisa M. "The 'double veil' African American women during the civil war and reconstruction period." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517363.

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7

Makarem, Hadi. "Actually existing neoliberalism : the reconstruction of downtown Beirut in post-civil war Lebanon." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3078/.

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This thesis assesses neoliberal urban developments in post-civil war Lebanon. It does so by focusing on the reconstruction of Downtown Beirut, which contributed towards: firstly, increasing a public debt that was burdening the country at the time; and secondly, reproducing sectarian divisions in Lebanese politics and society. To explain this outcome, this thesis analyses the policies of specific agents who were involved in, and in control of, the reconstruction process. The agents being referred to were led by the former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri until his death in 2005. When analysed, these policies are found to follow the neoliberal logic of the late prime minister, but also to have been designed and implemented in a way to create and extract as much rent as possible for the benefit of those with invested interests in the reconstruction process. In this regard, it is argued that rent-seeking activities and behaviours heavily influenced the decision-making processes in key institutions concerned with reconstruction matters. Rent-seeking is used to refer to a wide range of social activities. In the case of Lebanon, we find a clear overlap between rent-seeking and two other processes that are endemic to the country: corruption and clientelism. The overlap between rent-seeking and these two other processes is a significant demonstration of how the nation-state and local politics shape the development and implementation of neoliberal economic policies, so that ‘actually existing neoliberalism’ is highly uneven from one region to another, and even from one country to the next. Because agency is placed at the centre of the analysis, this thesis adopts an approach that is more sociological in nature. It also makes use of two sets of literatures: those of liberal peacebuilding and new urban governance. This allows concepts and explanations to be used from both, in turn, complementing the analysis when delineating the patterns of neoliberalism that are specific to post-civil war Lebanon.
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8

Page, Alexander Robert. "Resurrecting the democracy : the Democratic party during the Civil War and Reconstruction, 1860-1884." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/70466/.

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This thesis places the Democratic party at the centre of the Reconstruction narrative and investigates the transformation of the antebellum Democracy into its postbellum form. In doing so, it addresses the relative scarcity of scholarship on the postwar Democrats, and provides an original contribution to knowledge by (a) explaining how the party survived the Civil War and (b) providing a comprehensive analysis of an extended process of internal conflict over the Democracy's future. This research concludes that while the Civil War caused a crisis in partisanship that lasted until the mid-1870s, it was Democrats' underlying devotion to their party, and flexibility over party principle that allowed the Democracy to survive and reestablish itself as a strong national party. Rather than extensively investigating state-level or grassroots politics, this thesis focuses on the party's national leadership. It finds that public memories of the party's wartime course constituted the most significant barrier to rebuilding the Democratic national coalition. Following an overview of the fractures exposed by civil war, the extent of these splits is assessed through an investigation of sectional reconciliation during Presidential and Radical Reconstruction. The analysis then shifts to explore competing visions of the party's future during the late 1860s and early 1870s when public confidence in the Democracy hit its lowest point. While the early years of Reconstruction opened the party to the possibility of disintegration, by the mid-1870s Democrats had begun to adopt a stronger national party organisation. Through a coherent national strategy that turned national politics away from issues of race and loyalty and towards those of economic development and political reform, while simultaneously appealing to the party's history, national Democratic leaders restored public confidence in the Democracy, silenced advocates of the creation of a new national party, and propelled the party back to power in 1884.
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9

Haggerty, Michael. "A NECESSARY CRUELTY: VIOLENCE AND DISCIPLINE IN NORTH CAROLINA’S POST-CIVIL WAR PRISONS." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1406223803.

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10

Verney, K. J. "Contrast and continuity : 'black' reconstruction in South Carolina and Mississipi 1861-1877." Thesis, Keele University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235182.

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11

Kelley, Ariel Leticia. "Fire Eater in the Borderlands: The Political Life of Guy Morrison Bryan, 1847-1891." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1707409/.

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From 1847 to 1891, Guy Morrison Bryan was a prominent Texas politician who influenced many of the policies and events that shaped the state. Raised in his Uncle Stephen F. Austin's shadow, he was a Texas nationalist who felt responsible for promoting the interests of his state, its earliest settlers, and his family. During his nineteen years in the Texas Legislature and two years in the United States House of Representatives, he safeguarded land grants, supported internal improvements and education, and challenged northern hostility towards slavery. Convinced that abolitionists would stop at nothing to destroy the institution and Texas, he led his state's walkout of the National Democratic Convention in 1860 and became a leading proponet of secession. During the Civil War, he served as a staff officer, and his ability to mediate conflicts between local and national leaders propped up the isolated Confederate Trans-Mississippi Department. Finally as Speaker of the House, he helped oust Governor Edmund J. Davis in 1874 and "redeem" the state from Republican rule before convincing President Rutherford B. Hayes to adopt a conciliatory policy towards Texas and the South. Despite the tremendous influence Bryan wielded, scholars have largely ignored his contributions. This dissertation establishes his significance, uses his willingness to transfer national allegiances to consider nationalism--whether Texan, American, or Confederate--in the United States-Mexico Borderlands, and sheds light on neglected subjects like the role of staff officers in the Civil War.
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12

Munnoz-Rojas, Oscarsson Olivia. "Wartime destruction and post-war urban reconstruction : case studies of Barcelona, Bilbao and Madrid in the Spanish Civil War and its aftermath." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2535/.

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There are few investigations that consider both the practical and symbolic dimensions of wartime destruction and post-war reconstruction of cities, and almost none that do so for the particular case of the Spanish Civil War and Franco's dictatorship. This thesis examines the wartime destruction and post-war rebuilding of three prominent sites in Barcelona, Bilbao and Madrid during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and the first two decades of the Franco regime (1939-1959) from an interdisciplinary perspective at the intersection of history, social and political theory, urban planning, and architecture. The thesis is based on extensive archival material, and includes primary textual sources (military reports, administrative documentation, and official publications), secondary textual sources (press material, political, academic and technical literature, and fiction), and primary visual sources (maps, plans, architectural drawings, and aerial photographs of the sites). The thesis introduces the selected sites as exemplary of three propositions on the relationship between history, political discourse, and the built environment during and in the aftermath of conflict and violent regime change. While Barcelona's Avinguda de la Catedral demonstrates that wartime destruction can act as a catalyst for urban redevelopment, Bilbao's bridges exemplify the way that postwar reconstruction can be used to mark a change of political regime, and the ruins of Madrid's Cuartel de la Montana reveal how post-war regimes tend to design ambitious reconstruction plans, which they are not necessarily able to implement. By considering the historical, military, political-administrative, and aesthetic aspects of the destruction and rebuilding of these sites, the thesis proposes an interdisciplinary approach to the study of urban destruction and reconstruction.
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13

Beall, Jonathan Andrew. "“"Won't we never get out of this state?”": western soldiers in post-civil war Texas, 1865-1866." Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/1498.

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After the Civil War, the government needed to send an occupation force into Texas to help rebuild the state government and confront the French Imperialist forces that had invaded Mexico. Unfortunately, the government was required to use volunteers because the Regular Army was not yet prepared to handle such a mission. Using citizen soldiers for peacetime occupation was a break from past military tradition, and the men did not appreciate such an act. Historians of Reconstruction Texas have focused on state politics, the rampant violence in the state throughout this period, and the role of freedmen in situating themselves to an uncertain and hostile society. Studies of the military in post-Civil War Texas have examined the army’s role in the state’s political reconstruction, but largely ignore the soldiers. Additionally, these works tend to over-generalize the experience and relations of the troops and Texans. This thesis looks at Western citizen soldiers, comprising the Fourth and Thirteenth Army Corps as well as two cavalry divisions, stationed in Texas after the war from the Rio Grande to San Antonio to Marshall. Beginning with the unit’s receiving official orders to proceed to Texas after the surrender of the principal Confederate forces in 1865, it follows the movements from wartime positions in Tennessee and Alabama to peacetime posts within Texas. The study examines Texan-soldier relations as they differed from place to place. It also investigates the Westerners’ peacetime occupation duties and the conditions endured in Texas. The thesis argues that there was diversity in both the Western volunteers’ experiences and relations with occupied Texans, and it was not as monolithic as past historians have suggested. Specifically, this study endeavors to supplement the existing historiography of the army in Texas during Reconstruction. Broadly, this thesis also hopes to be a more general look at the use of citizen soldiers for postwar occupation duty.
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14

Reed, Jordan Lewis. "American Jacobins revolutionary radicalism in the Civil War era /." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/23/.

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15

Viejo, Rose Dacia. "Reconstructing cultural heritage after civil war : making meaning and memory." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611739.

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16

Sims-Alvarado, Falechiondro Karcheik. "The African-American Emigration Movement in Georgia during Reconstruction." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/29.

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This dissertation is a narrative history about nearly 800 newly freed black Georgians who sought freedom beyond the borders of the Unites States by emigrating to Liberia during the years of 1866 and 1868. This work fulfills three overarching goals. First, I demonstrate that during the wake of Reconstruction, newly freed persons’ interest in returning to Africa did not die with the Civil War. Second, I identify and analyze the motivations of blacks seeking autonomy in Africa. Third, I tell the stories and challenges of those black Georgians who chose emigration as the means to civil and political freedom in the face of white opposition. In understanding the motives of black Georgians who emigrated to Liberia, I analyze correspondence from black and white Georgians and the white leaders of the American Colonization Society and letters from Liberia settlers to black friends and families in the Unites States. These letters can be found within the American Colonization Society Papers correspondence files and some letters reprinted in the ACS’s monthly periodical, the African Repository. To date, no single work has been published on the historical significance of black Georgians who emigrated to Liberia during Reconstruction. What my research uncovers is that that 31 percent of the 3,184 passengers transported to West Africa by the American Colonization Society from 1865 to 1877 were Georgians, thereby making Georgia, the leading states to produce the highest numbers of blacks to resettle in Liberia and the logical focal point for the African-American emigration movement during Reconstruction.
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17

Page, Brian Daniel. "Local Matters: Race, Place, and Community Politics After the Civil War." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1249417207.

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18

Carlin, Matthew P. "The Hydraulic Dimension of Reconstruction in Louisiana, 1863-1879." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2019. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2594.

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Louisiana developed an extensive system of levees throughout the Atchafalaya Basin and along its territorial Mississippi River. This system reached its zenith on the eve of the American Civil War. It went into dramatic decline following the conflict due to the confluence of military activity, protracted irregular warfare, and neglect stemming from labor and capital revolution. These shifts intensified with the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation and finally consolidated after the ratification of Louisiana’s Constitution of 1879. The shift of responsibility for the construction and maintenance of levees during the Reconstruction Era led to many significant changes in the character and function of many of the State’s institutions as it struggled to adapt to the postwar order it confronted.
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19

RHYNE, JAMES MICHAEL. "REHEARSAL FOR REDEMPTION: THE POLITICS OF POST-EMANCIPATION VIOLENCE IN KENTUCKY'S BLUEGRASS REGION." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1171374749.

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20

Hoskins, Patricia Ann Noe Kenneth W. ""The Old First is with the South " The Civil War, Reconstruction, and memory in the Jackson Purchase Region of Kentucky /." Auburn, Ala, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10415/1685.

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21

Reed, Erin Rachel. "Domestic Capacities for Building Post-Conflict Peace." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/22.

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The existing democratization and peacebuilding literature often neglects the important role the domestic realm plays in post-conflict peacebuilding. To explain why some post-conflict peacebuilding operations have a greater likelihood of success than others, some scholars have examined the impact of factors such as international coordination, external donor interest, democratic sequencing, and hostility levels. This analysis focuses on domestic capacities for building peace in the aftermath of civil conflict in order to systematically explore the relationship between the domestic sphere and peacebuilding success. Using Sambanis and Doyle’s (2006) peacebuilding triangle model, new local capacities indexes will be created and tested.
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22

Maiershofer, Erik Christian. "The city restored : memory, civic identity, and reconstruction in Augsburg, 1944-1955 /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3144339.

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23

Klemme, A. Christian. "The Rise, Fall, and Redemption of Oran M. Roberts." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4459/.

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This thesis analyzes the political career of Oran M. Roberts during the critical period from 1850 to 1873. Through a reassessment of Roberts's extensive personal papers in the context of modern historical scholarship, the author explains how Roberts's political philosophy reflected the biases and prejudices typical of his era, as well as his own material interests and ambitions. Topic areas covered include Roberts's position on the Compromise of 1850, his constitutional philosophy, his involvement in the secession movement in Texas (including his service as president of the state secession convention), his military career during the Civil War, his participation in Presidential Reconstruction, his views on Congressional Reconstruction, and his role in the process of "redemption" in Texas.
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24

Duursma, Allard. "African solutions to African challenges : explaining the role of legitimacy in mediating civil wars in Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:054ebfd1-ee08-4dee-b694-cb462361fece.

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The current scholarly literature on the international mediation of armed conflicts predominantly draws on a rationalist-materialist perspective. This perspective suggests that the ticket to mediation success is the material manipulation of the bargaining environment by third parties with a high degree of economic and military resources. In this dissertation I argue against those that highlight material power when explaining outcomes of international mediation processes. Indeed, this dissertation shows that legitimacy, far more than capacity, determines outcomes of mediation. The reason why legitimacy matters so much is that if a mediator has legitimacy, it can continue to look for a mutual satisfactory outcome and try to pull the conflict parties towards compliance, but if a mediator loses legitimacy, no amount of material resources will prove sufficient in mediating the conflict. In other words, material capacity in the form of economic and military resources may be useful to successfully mediate a conflict, but it is rarely sufficient. Through scrutinising international mediation processes in civil wars in Africa, I develop a theory that explains how mediators are effective because of a high degree of legitimacy rather than military or economic capacity. More specifically, I show how legitimacy matters through comparing the effectiveness of African and non-African third parties. African third parties are typically referred to as ineffective because of a low degree of economic and military capacity. However, African third parties are effective in mediating civil wars in Africa because of a high degree of legitimacy, which is a result of a strong conviction within the African society of states that African mediation is the most desirable type of mediation in conflicts in Africa. Drawing on data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program supplemented with unique data, which together cover all mediation efforts in Africa between 1960 and 2012, I find quantitative evidence supporting the effectiveness of African third parties. Compared to non-African third parties, African third parties are far more likely to conclude peace agreements and these peace agreements are more likely to be durable. Two case studies, in which several mediation efforts in civil wars in Sudan are examined, further probe the causal mechanisms that I put forward to explain the effectiveness of African mediation. While I do not claim causal generalisability on the basis of these two case studies, the mediation efforts in Sudan nevertheless suggest that third party legitimacy is central to mediation success. This is the first systematic study that compares African and non-African mediation efforts. Theoretically, this study deviates from much of the literature that solely puts forward rationalist-materialist explanations of mediation success. By bringing legitimacy to the forefront, this dissertation overcomes key limitations in the current mediation literature, in which material sources of power are emphasised and social structures are ignored.
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Rolman-Smith, Polly M. "Bacteria and Politics: The Application of Science to the Yellow Fever Crisis in Reconstruction New Orleans." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1768.

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The emergence of germ theory during the nineteenth century transformed Western medicine. By the 1870s, public health officials in the American South used germ theory to promote sanitation efforts to control public health crises, such as yellow fever epidemics. Before the discovery of mosquito transmission of yellow fever, physicians of the late nineteenth century believed the disease was spread by a highly contagious germ. Prominent medical practitioners of New Orleans, such as Confederate Army veteran Dr. Joseph Jones, used available scientific knowledge and investigation to attempt to control yellow fever during the Reconstruction period, a period rife with political and racial tension in New Orleans. This paper will analyze nineteenth century Southern medicine through the work of Dr. Joseph Jones and will argue that despite the use of cutting edge scientific methods of the era, the political challenges of the Reconstruction period shaded the public health policies in New Orleans.
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Baumann, Andrea Barbara. "Clash of organisational cultures? : a comparative analysis of American and British approaches to the coordination of defence, diplomacy and development in stability operations, 2001-2010." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80c8f9c6-fb4f-4c03-9f8f-26d89fcb8339.

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This thesis examines the challenge of coordinating civilian and military efforts within a so-called ‘whole-of-government’ approach to stability operations. The empirical analysis focuses on British and American attempts to implement an integrated civilian-military strategy in Afghanistan and Iraq between 2001 and 2010. Unlike many existing analyses, the thesis consciously avoids jumping to the search for solutions to fix the problem of coordination and instead offers a nuanced explanation of why it arises in the first instance. Empirical data was gathered through personal interviews with a wide range of civilian and military practitioners between 2007 and 2011. Together with the in-depth study of official documents released by, and on, the defence, diplomatic and development components of the British and American governments, they provide the basis for a fine-grained analysis of obstacles to interagency coordination. The thesis offers a framework for analysis that is grounded in organisation theory and distinguishes between material, bureaucratic and cultural dimensions of obstacles to interagency coordination. It identifies organisational cultures as a crucial force behind government agencies’ reluctance to participate and invest in an integrated approach. The empirical chapters cover interagency dynamics within the government bureaucracy and in operations on the ground, including the role of specialised coordination units and Provincial Reconstruction Teams in the pursuit of coordination. The thesis concludes that stabilisation remains an inherently contested endeavour for all organisations involved and that the roles and expectations implied by contemporary templates for coordination clash with prevailing organisational identities and self-perceptions. These findings caution against the procedural and technocratic approach to interagency coordination that permeates the existing literature on the subject and many proposals for reform. While the thesis examines a specific empirical context, its conclusions have broader implications for civilian-military coordination and the quest for an integrated approach to security in the twenty-first century.
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Tompkins, Amanda C. ""Life under Union Occupation: Elite Women in Richmond, April and May 1865"." VCU Scholars Compass, 2016. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/4099.

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This paper crafts a narrative about how elite, white Richmond women experienced the fall and rebuilding of their city in April and May 1865. At first, the women feared the entrance of the occupying army because they believed the troops would treat them as enemies. However, the goal of the white occupiers was to restore order in the city. Even though they were initially saddened by the occupation, many women were surprised at the courtesy and respected afforded them by the Union troops. Black soldiers also made up the occupying army, and women struggled to submit to black authority. With occupation came the emancipation of slaves, and this paper also examines how women adjusted to new relationships with freed blacks. By the end of May, white women and white Union soldiers bonded over their attempt to control the black population, with some women and soldiers even beginning to socialize.
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Vrzal, Tomáš. "Hospodářské a politické důsledky občanské války v USA." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76823.

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This diploma thesis aims to show, whether main changes introduced to American economy due to Civil War in 1861 to 1865 had or had not positive effect on post-bellum economic development. were following antebellum development, or whether they go against it. To reach this objective, ante-bellum development of policies, which were changed the most during or after the war, is outlined; main political and social changes are introduced; application of the American system and its effects, mostly of protectionism and national banking system, are presented; and changes in size and role of federal government and effects of war on economy, mainly in the South, are analysed. I draw a conclusion from this evidence, that emancipation did not lead to immediate economic development in South, but rather due to other reasons. Also, I find that neither policy of protective tariffs, nor changes to the banking system had any positive effect on American economic growth in the last third of 19th century, and that their contribution was probably negative. Therefore, it can be stated, that American system, brought by the war, was not the cause of country's economic success.
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29

Glover, Jacob Alan. "ONE DEAD FREEDMAN: EVERYDAY RACIAL VIOLENCE, BLACK FREEDOM, AND AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP, 1863-1871." UKnowledge, 2017. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/47.

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This dissertation is the first comprehensive study of “everyday” racial violence in the postbellum South. Taking as its focus the states of Louisiana and Kentucky, One Dead Freedman juxtaposes the practical enactment of black citizenship against daily racial terrorism by incorporating personal, familial, and community testimony left behind by African Americans who had a direct experience with such violence. Within this dissertation, the terminology of “everyday violence” is employed to differentiate the more mundane forms of white violence from the more spectacular forms of Reconstruction-era violence such as lynching, the Ku Klux Klan, and race riots. Thus, the definition of everyday violence includes anything from verbal threats all the way to the brutal beatings, whippings, and murders that were so commonplace as to not draw attention from the local and national media. One Dead Freedman is organized both thematically and chronologically, and it examines everyday racial violence in five distinct “spaces”: military enlistment; the workplace; the household; schools; and voting stations. This dissertation pays close attention to what each of these spaces meant to black Southerners during the first years of emancipation, and, then, digs into what forms, or types, of violence were utilized by white Southerners in each. One Dead Freedman concludes that white Southerners used racial violence in an effort to circumscribe the practical enactment of black citizenship on a daily basis during Reconstruction. This violence was, ironically, both pervasive and diffuse, and served to undercut the position of African Americans in the South, and America at large, far beyond 1877 by limiting black mobility and autonomy in both private and public spaces in which African Americans defined the meaning of their own freedom. The persistence of this violence, and its legacy, was central to the enduring power of racism in America through the Civil Rights Movement and even into modern America.
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McMahon, Ryan P. "Unfinished, Unloved, UNKRA: The Formation, Life, and Financial Enervation of the United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency (1950-1954)." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1494300015902377.

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31

Marshall, Michael C. "Foreign Sponsorship and the Development of Rebel Parties." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc822815/.

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This dissertation examines the emergence, survival, performance, and national impact of rebel parties following negotiated settlements. Building on a growing literature examining the environmental and organizational factors affecting insurgent-to-party transformations, this dissertation asks why some insurgent organizations thrive as political parties in post-conflict environments and others fail to make such a transformation. I propose that foreign actors play a pivotal role in the formation of what I call “protégé parties,” which are better equipped to make the transformation into political parties than other rebel groups. Further, different kinds of sponsors have varying effects on transformation. Empirical analysis supports these propositions, finding that protégé parties with authoritarian sponsorship are better equipped to develop than those backed by democracies or no one.
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32

Zharkevich, Ina. "'Changing times' : war and social transformation in Mid-Western Nepal." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:64d6de22-631c-4bb6-988a-d416eeb897fd.

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This thesis is an ethnographic account of social change, triggered by the civil war in Nepal (1996-2006). Based on an ethnographic fieldwork in the village of Thabang, the war-time capital of the Maoist base area, this thesis explores the transformative impact of the conflict on people’s everyday lives and on the constitution of key hierarchies structuring Nepali society. Rather than focusing on violence and fear – the commonly researched themes in warzones – the thesis examines people’s everyday social and embodied practices during the war and its aftermath, arguing that these remain central to our understanding of war-time social processes and the ways in which they shape the contours of post-conflict society. By focusing on mundane practices – such as meat-eating and alcohol-drinking, raising livestock and worshipping gods – the thesis demonstrates how change at the micro-level is illustrative of a profound transformation in the social structures constituting Nepali society. Theoretically, the thesis seeks to understand how the situation of war re-orders society: in this case, how people in the Maoist base area interiorized formerly transgressive norms and practices, and how these practices were normalized in the post-conflict environment. The research revealed that much of the change triggered by the conflict came as a result of the ‘exceptional’ times of war and the necessity to follow ‘rules that apply in times of crisis’. Thus, in adopting transgressive practices during the conflict, people were responding to the expediency of war-time rather than following Maoist war-time policies or ‘propaganda’. Furthermore, while adopting hitherto unimaginable practices and making them into habitual action, people transformed the rigid social structures, without necessarily intending to do so. The thesis puts particular stress on the centrality of unintended consequences in social change, the power of embodied practice in making change real, and the ways in which agency and structure are mutually constitutive.
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33

Edmondson, Taulby Hawthorne. "The Wind Goes On: 'Gone with the Wind' and the Imagined Geographies of the American South." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/82863.

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Published in 1936, Margaret Mitchell's Gone with the Wind achieved massive literary success before being adapted into a motion picture of the same name in 1939. The novel and film have amassed numerous accolades, inspired frequent reissues, and sustained mass popularity. This dissertation analyzes evidence of audience reception in order to assess the effects of Gone with the Wind's version of Lost Cause collective memory on the construction of the Old South, Civil War, and Lost Cause in the American imagination from 1936 to 2016. By utilizing the concept of prosthetic memory in conjunction with older, still-existing forms of collective cultural memory, Gone with the Wind is framed as a newly theorized mass cultural phenomenon that perpetuates Lost Cause historical narratives by reaching those who not only identify closely with it, but also by informing what nonidentifying consumers seeking historical authenticity think about the Old South and Civil War. In so doing, this dissertation argues that Gone with the Wind is both an artifact of the Lost Cause collective memory that it, more than anything else, legitimized in the twentieth century and a multi-faceted site where memory of the South and Civil War is still created. My research is grounded in the field of memory studies, in particular the work of Pierre Nora, Eric Hobsbawn, Andreas Huyssen, Michael Kammen, and Alison Landsberg. In chapter one, I track the reception of Gone with the Wind among white American audiences and define the phenomenon as rooted in Benedict Anderson's conception of the nation. I further argue that Gone with the Wind's Lost Causism provided white national subjects with a collective memory of slavery and the Civil War that made sense of continuing racial tensions during Jim Crow and justified white resistance to African American equality. Gone with the Wind, in other words, reconciled the lingering ideological divisions between white northerners and southerners who then were more concerned with protecting white supremacy. In chapter two and three, I analyze Gone with the Wind's continuing popularity throughout the twentieth century and its significant influence on other sites of national memory. Chapter four uses contemporary user reviews of Gone with the Wind DVD and Blu-ray collector's editions to reveal that the phenomenon remains popular. Throughout this study I analyze the history of black resistance to the Gone with the Wind phenomenon. For African Americans, Gone with the Wind's Lost Causism has always been understood as justification for racism, imbuing the white national conscious with a mythological history of slavery and black inferiority. As I argue, black protestors to Gone with the Wind were correct, as the phenomenon has always resonated most during moments of increased racial tension such as during the civil rights era and following the Charleston Church Massacre in 2015.
Ph. D.
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34

Demba, Guy-Eugène. "Élites dirigeantes, sortie de crise et reconstruction post-conflit dans les États africains de la Région des Grands Lacs.1990-2013." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30008/document.

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Depuis plus de deux décennies, un nombre d’Etats africains dits du champ de la Conférence Internationale sur la Région des Grands Lacs sont enlisés dans des conflits armés à la fois intra-étatiques et internationalisés. Du génocide rwandais aux guerres civiles au Congo-Brazzaville, en Angola, en Ouganda, au Burundi, ou encore aux violences politiques armées incessantes en Centrafrique, en passant par la Grande Guerre Africaine en RDC, nombreux et importants sont les mécanismes de résolution de conflits qui ont été expérimentés, de nature aussi bien bilatérale, communautaire, régionale, qu’onusienne. Malheureusement, les concepts de sortie de crise et de reconstruction post-conflit demeurent de vains mots, eu égard aux résurgences et aux prolongements des conflits dans cette Région. Ainsi, en mobilisant l’approche néo-élitiste s’inscrivant dans un dépassement de la réalité empirique, après avoir passé en revue toutes les grandes théories philosophico-politico-sociologiques des élites, défendues par les auteurs classiques comme Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca etc., d’un côté, et en recourant à la théorie de Johan Galtung de paix négative versus paix positive, d’autre part, cette étude se propose de mettre en évidence le rôle des élites dirigeantes dans la dynamique de pacification de la Région. Et après avoir défini et déterminé celles-ci, le travail démontre la difficulté de résoudre les conflits due à l’hétérogénéité sociologique caractérisant la Région. Puis, il souligne les mécanismes de l’entretien d’une paix négative par les élites dirigeantes, en interaction avec les autres protagonistes
For more than two decades, a number of African States within the scope of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region have sunk into both armed intrastate and domestic conflicts. From the Rwandan genocide to civil wars in Congo-Brazzaville, Angola, Uganda, and Burundi, or the constantly armed political violence in the Central African Republic (CAR), through the Great African War in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), numerous and important mechanisms for conflict resolution have been experienced, bilateral, communitarian, regional, as well as Onusian. Unfortunately, the concepts relative to the end of crisis and post-conflict reconstruction still remain empty words, given the revivals and extensions of conflicts in that Region. Thus, by mobilizing the neo-elitist approach which goes the empirical reality, after reviewing all the major elitist philosophical, political and sociological theories defended by the classical authors such as Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, etc. On one hand, and by resorting to Johan Galtung’s theory on negative peace versus positive peace, on the other, this dissertation aims at highlighting the role played by governing Elites in the peace process within the Region. After defining these elites, this monography shows the difficulties of solving conflicts due to the regional sociodemographic heterogeneity. Then, it emphasizes mechanisms for keeping negative peace by the governing Elites, in interaction with other protagonists
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35

Ashley, Daniel. "Civil War Photographs Considered." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/AshleyD2004.pdf.

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36

Hawley, Jennifer J. "Florida's Civil War soldiers." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001375.

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37

Sweet, Cynthia Rae Huffman. "Cedar Falls Civil War /." Diss., View electronic copy, 2007. http://cdm.lib.uni.edu/cdm4/item_viewer.php?CISOROOT=/cfwe.

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38

Brennan, Matthew Philip. "The Civil War Diet." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33262.

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The soldierâ s diet in the Civil War has been known as poor, and a number of illnesses and disorders have been associated with it. However, a nutritional analysis placed within the context of mid-nineteenth century American nutrition has been lacking. Such an approach makes clear the connection between illness and diet during the war for the average soldier and defines the importance of nutritionâ s role in the war. It also provides a bridge from the American diet to the soldier diet, outlining correlations between the two and examining the influence of physicians, chemists, and health reformers on the Civil War diet.
Master of Arts
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39

Barakat, Sultan. "Reviving war-damaged settlements : towards an international charter for reconstruction after war." Thesis, University of York, 1993. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4661/.

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This study is concerned with the issue of reviving settlements after war. It focuses on the formulation of reconstruction policies and programmes. The aim is not to propose ready made solutions but rather to identify a set of 'practical' and 'effective' reconstruction recommendations, that could in the future constitute a morally based international reconstruction philosophy. The problem we are addressing is that: Often, the task of rebuilding war-devastated settlements is seen entirely as a 'series of short-term quick fix projects'; carried out by central governments; and often imposed from above to serve 'hidden political agendas', with the ultimate result of the disaster of war being followed by the 'disaster of reconstruction '. The hub of this research is based on field investigations and literature studies and, is presented to support the following hypothesis: Settlement reconstruction should be an integral part of the nation-wide post-war development strategy, and within that reconstruction policies should foster the incremental learning process by the affected local communities. This dissertation sets out to understand the nature of armed conflicts and the complexity of reconstruction after war. It attempts to catalogue and discuss the different tasks involved in the process of reconstruction by establishing, from the available (cross-cultural) literature, a conceptual framework of some of the main planning and implementation issues and dilemmas. It then examines in detail the three cases of Iraq, Yemen and Belfast. Finally, it focuses on the concept of community participation In reconstruction which has widely been claimed to be the answer to many reconstruction problems. And concludes by: (1) drawing up a set of 'policy and practice' recommendations, that would enable 'careful' decision-makers, professionals and community leaders to ensure that the 'disaster of war' will not be followed by a 'catastrophe of reconstruction', and (2) 1aying the basis for an internationally respectable 'Charter for Reconstruction after War', that would help to involve governments and international bodies in the development and application of sound reconstruction policies, with the ultimate result of them being responsive to the needs of people. Both are translations of the insights gained from this research into practical solutions.
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40

Welter, Franklin Michael. "The American Civil War: A War of Logistics." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1434019565.

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41

Brooke, Stephen James. "Labour's war : party, coalition and reconstruction 1939-45." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.291291.

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42

Akbar, Haji Ebrahim Zargar. "Reconstruction of war-damaged rural areas of Khuzestan, Iran." Thesis, University of York, 1989. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4266/.

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43

Riesenberg, Michael. "An Assessment of Cincinnati Civil War Resources: Preparing for the 150th Anniversary of the Civil War." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1277000984.

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44

Forsberg, Sanna. "Violence Against Civilians in Civil War : A Comparative Case Study of the Sierra Leone Civil War." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-314790.

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45

Shapoatov, Sayfiddin. "The Tajik Civil War: 1992-1997." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605036/index.pdf.

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This study aims to analyzing the role of Islam, regionalism, and external factors (the involvement of the Russian Federation, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Iran) in the Tajik Civil War (1992-97). It analyzes all these three factors one by one. In the thesis, it is argued that all of the three factors played an active and equal role in the emergence of the war and that in the case of the absence of any of these factors, the Tajik Civil War would not erupt. As such, none of the factors is considered to be the only player on its own and none of the factors is considered to be the basic result of other two factors.
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46

Cunningham, David E. "Veto players and civil war duration /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3241818.

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47

Kathman, Jacob D. Crescenzi Mark J. C. "The geopolitics of civil war intervention." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1129.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 27, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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48

Preston, Matthew. "Rhodesia, Lebanon and civil war termination." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368655.

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49

Petrou, Michael. "Canadians in the Spanish Civil War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432182.

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50

Marshall, Melanie. "Tacitus and Lucan on Civil War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.533799.

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