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1
Musick, David C. "War by Other Means - the Development of United States Army Military Government Doctrine in the World Wars." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc68022/.
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Occupation operations are some of the most resource and planning intensive military undertakings in modern combat. The United States Army has a long tradition of conducting military government operations, stretching back to the Revolutionary War. Yet the emergence of military government operational doctrine was a relatively new development for the United States Army. During the World Wars, the Army reluctantly embraced civil administration responsibilities as a pragmatic reaction to the realities of total war. In the face of opposition from the Roosevelt administration, the United States Army established an enduring doctrine for military government in the crucible of the European Theater of Operations.
2
Matthews, James. "Conscripts in the Republican Popular Army and Nationalist Army in the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496585.
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Kelsey, John M. "Lev Trotsky and the Red Army in the Russian Civil War, 1917-1921." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/105.
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A study of Lev Trotsky's leadership role in constructing the Red Army during the Russian Civil War. Beginning with his appointment in March 1918, Trotsky transformed the Bolsheviks' military policy to adopt more conventional fighting techniques.
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Padilla, Jalynn Olsen. "Army of "cripples" northern Civil War amputees, disability, and manhood in Victorian America /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 255 p, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1397903671&sid=7&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Cooley, Jessica Allene. "An Inartistic Interest: Civil War Medicine, Disability, and the Art of Thomas Eakins." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/197655.
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Art HistoryM.A.
While there is an extensive and distinguished body of scholarship exploring the intersection of Thomas Eakins and medical science, his art has not been contextualized critically in relation to American Civil War medicine or the institutional practices of the Army Medical Museum. Within the context of Civil War medicine, Eakins's heroic portraits of surgeons and scientists become more than a reflection of his personal admiration of science and medicine, more than a reflection of the growing professionalization of the medical community in the United States, but implicates him in the narrative of offsetting the horrors wrought by the Civil War by actively enshrining the professionalization of medicine and claims to the advancement of body-based research. Furthermore, while there is an extensive and distinguished body of scholarship exploring the intersection of Thomas Eakins and the body from the perspective of race, gender, and sexuality, the consideration of his work from the perspective of critical disability theory has not been contemplated. Civil War medicine is critical to the art of Thomas Eakins because it demystifies his fascination with the human body, and engages him in the aesthetic reconstruction of disabled veterans and the cultural privileging of the healthy body during and after the American Civil War. By historicizing the science and medical practices that Eakins used and by critically examining his depictions of the body through the lens of disability studies, my thesis raises new critical questions about two of the most researched and theorized topics in Eakins scholarship: medicine and the body.
Temple University--Theses
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Head, Christopher Michael. "The Armor of Democracy: Volunteerism on the Home Front in World War II California." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2009. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/62.
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This paper is an in-depth study on the role of Home Front Volunteerism in California during World War II. It argues that Volunteerism was integral to America’s eventual victory. This paper fills a gap in historical writings on World War II and shows that Volunteerism is a topic worthy of study. Volunteerism played a major role in California. It helped to keep morale high even when the war was progressing poorly. Volunteerism also helped to create new communities out of those shattered by the upheaval of the Great Depression. It provided a patriotic outlet for Americans desperate to aid the war effort. Minority groups took part in volunteer activities in order to show that they too were Americans and in doing so raised their status in society. Throughout the war, volunteers collected scrap metal which was melted down into weaponry. “Radishy victory gardens” sprung up throughout California. The Red Cross experienced an unprecedented surge in volunteerism and new methods in preservation and transportation of donated blood saved thousands of lives. The USO, created during the war, provided entertainment to soldiers both on the home front and overseas. Celebrities and civilians volunteered with the USO. This paper discusses many other ways in which Californian’s volunteered. Each volunteer activity provided an outlet for Americans desperate to aid the war effort in any way that they could.
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Mack, Thomas B. "The Forty-fifth Illinois Volunteer Infantry Regiment: the Washburne Lead Mine Regiment in the Civil War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc822827/.
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Of the roughly 3,500 volunteer regiments and batteries organized by the Union army during the American Civil War, only a small fraction has been studied in any scholarly depth. Among those not yet examined by historians was one that typified the western armies commanded by the two greatest Federal generals, Ulysses S. Grant and William T. Sherman. The Forty-fifth Illinois Volunteer Infantry was at Fort Donelson and Shiloh with Grant in 1862, with Grant and Sherman during the long Vicksburg campaign of 1862 and 1863, and with Sherman in the Meridian, Atlanta, Savannah, and Carolinas campaigns in the second half of the war. These Illinois men fought in several of the most important engagements in the western theater of the war and, in the spring of 1865, were present when the last important Confederate army in the east surrendered. The Forty-fifth was also well connected in western politics. Its unofficial name was the “Washburne Lead Mine Regiment,” in honor of U.S Representative Elihu B. Washburne, who used his contacts and influences to arm the regiment with the best weapons and equipment available early in the war. (The Lead Mine designation referred to the mining industry in northern Illinois.) In addition, several officers and enlisted men were personal friends and acquaintances of Ulysses Grant of Galena, Illinois, who honored the regiment for their bravery in the final attempt to break through the Confederate defenses at Vicksburg. The study of the Forty-fifth Illinois is important to the overall study of the Civil War because of the campaigns and battles the unit participated and fought in. The regiment was also one of the many Union regiments at the forefront of the Union leadership’s changing policy toward the Confederate populace and war making industry. In this role the regiment witnessed the impact of President Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. Of interest then, are the members’ views on the freeing of the slaves. Also of interest are their views on the arming of the slaves into black regiments, and on the Copperhead, anti-war movement in the Union. With ample sources on the regiment, and with no formal history of the unit having been written or published, a scholarly, modern study of the Lead Mine regiment therefore seems in order, as it would provide further insight into the Civil War from the Union soldiers’ perspective and into the sacrifices the men made in order to preserve their country.
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Sherwin, Tamara A. "From total war to total force, civil-military relations and the Canadian Army Reserve (Militia), 1945-1995." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq23836.pdf.
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Paxton, James W. B. Jr. "Fighting for Independence and Slavery: Confederate Perceptions of Their War Experiences." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/36804.
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It is striking that many white southerners enthusiastically went to war in 1861, and that within four years a large number of them became apathetic or even openly hostile toward the Confederacy. By far, nonslaveholders composed the greatest portion of the disaffected. This work interprets the Confederate war experience within a republican framework in order to better understand how such a drastic shift in opinion could take place.
Southern men fought for highly personal reasons--to protect their own liberty, independence, and to defend the rough equality between white men. They believed the Confederacy was the best guarantor of these ideals. Southerners' experiences differed widely from their expectations. White men perceived the war as an assault against their dominance and equality. The military was no protector of individual rights. The army expected recruits to conform to military discipline and standards. Officers oversaw their men's behavior and physically punished those who broke the rules. Southerners believed they were treated in a servile manner. Legislation from Richmond brought latent class tensions to the surface, making it clear to nonslaveholders that they were not the planters' equals. Wives, left alone to care for their families, found it difficult to live in straitened times. Increasingly, women challenged the patriarchal order by stepped outside of traditional gender roles to care for their families.
Wartime changes left many men feeling confused and emasculated. Southerners, who willingly fought the Yankees to defend their freedoms, turned against the Confederacy when it encroached upon their independence. Many withdrew their support from the war. Some hid crops from impressment agents or refused to enlist, while others actually or symbolically attacked the planter elite or deserted.Master of Arts
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Hull, William Edward 1945. "The Many Battles of Glorieta Pass: Struggles for the Integrity of a Civil War Battlefield." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501007/.
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This study focuses on modern-day attempts to preserve the site where Union volunteers from Colorado defeated a Confederate army from Texas at the 1862 Battle of Glorieta Pass to curtail Confederate expansion westward. When construction workers in 1987 accidently uncovered remains of the war dead, a second battle of Glorieta Pass ensued. Texas and New Mexico officials quarreled over jurisdiction of the war casualties. Eventually Congress authorized the National Park Service to expand the Pecos National Park through purchase and donation of land to include the battlesite. Sources include local records, newspapers, federal and state documents, and interviews with preservation participants.
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Atkins, Jack Lawrence. ""It Is Useless to Conceal the Truth Any Longer": Desertion of Virginia Soldiers From the Confederate Army." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33340.
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This study of Virginia desertion differs from other desertion studies in several respects. The statistical analysis of the patterns of desertion within the army is one of the most unique characteristics of this study. Several other scholars have attempted to track desertion across the Confederacy, but limited sources restricted their studies. By compiling data from compiled service records, this thesis attempts a comprehensive study of all Virginia's Confederate soldiers.
The first chapter examines the patterns of desertion both across the state and in Virginia's infantry, cavalry, and artillery regiments. This chapter has three specific aims. First, calculates how many soldiers deserted from Virginia's Confederate units during the Civil War. Uncovering when these men left the army, and the parts the state from which they hailed, will lay the foundation for a careful evaluation of what caused desertion and its consequences for the army.
The second chapter examines the causes of desertion among Virginia troops. No single reason was responsible for such desertion. Owing to the risks deserting carried, when a soldier left the army he did so for varied and intensely personal reasons. This chapter examines how conscription, concerns about home and family, morale and disaffection, and an ineffective policy for punishment, all combined to increase desertion from Virginia units.
The conclusions look at the effects of desertion on the Confederate military's ability to wage an effective war against the Union and how desertion affected the civilians behind the lines. Obviously desertion drained the army of manpower it could not afford to loose. In what other ways did its effects manifest themselves? Central to this aspect of the thesis will be the opinions of Confederate military leaders. What impact did they believe desertion was having on the army? By answering these questions, we can begin to learn desertion's impact on the Confederacy.Master of Arts
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Wishart, Alexandra Z. A. "No Such Thing as Collective Goods: The Political Utility of Low Level Civil War in Northern Uganda." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/36.
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With the extant work on civil war duration as a starting point, this project uses the Ugandan case to identify and address theoretical aporias in our existing understanding of the determinants of duration. The vast majority of existing work begins with the assumption that the rebel force is the determining factor in the duration of conflict. Challenging this assumption, I argue that civil war duration should be understood as a function of the calculations made by both the rebel units and the established state, a dynamic that has implications for the way in which we think of the preferences of the state. Finally, that incentive structures exist, given the nature of post-colonial states that lower the utility of peace for elected leadership and reduce their willingness to provide peace as a collective good to the broader population as civil war can be used as one of Jeffrey Herbst’s buffer mechanisms.
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Felton, Jeffrey Alan. "A Battle of Wills: Morale, Hope and the Army of Northern Virginia during the Last Year of the Civil War." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/91396.
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"A Battle of Wills" examines the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia during the final
year of the American Civil War. By investigating the reactions to events such as battles and
political happenings that occurred among the soldiers of the Confederacy's primary army we can
see how the end of the Civil War unfolded for these men. The Army of Northern Virginia was
the Confederacy's main hope for independence and the vehicle through which its identity
flowed. Victory or defeat of that army would dictate the outcome of the Civil War. This thesis
argues that by examining the fluctuations in morale, optimism, and hope among these soldiers
through their letters and diaries, along with a proper historical context of when they were
writing, can provide us a better understanding about the end of the Civil War. The ending was
not predetermined or inevitable and this is evidenced in the writings of the soldiers of the Army
of Northern Virginia during the final year of the war.Master of Arts
“A Battle of Wills” examines the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia during the final year of the American Civil War. By investigating the reactions to events such as battles and political happenings that occurred among the soldiers of the Confederacy’s primary army we can see how the end of the Civil War unfolded for these men.
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Nusbacher, Aryeh J. S. "The triple thread : supply of victuals to the army under Sir Thomas Fairfax 1645-1646." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391170.
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Clampitt, Brad R. "The Break-up of the Confederate Trans-Mississippi Army, 1865." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2764/.
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Unlike other Confederate armies at the conclusion of the Civil War, General Edmund Kirby Smith's Trans-Mississippi Army disbanded, often without orders, rather than surrender formally. Despite entreaties from military and civilian leaders to fight on, for Confederate soldiers west of the Mississippi River, the surrender of armies led by Generals Robert E. Lee and Joseph E. Johnston ended the war. After a significant decline in morale and discipline throughout the spring of 1865, soldiers of the Confederate Trans-Mississippi Department chose to break-up and return home. As compensation for months of unpaid service, soldiers seized both public and private property. Civilians joined the soldiers to create disorder that swept many Texas communities until the arrival of Federal troops in late June.
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Parker, Scott Dennis. ""The Best Stuff Which the State Affords": a Portrait of the Fourteenth Texas Infantry in the Civil War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277711/.
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This study examines the social and economic characteristics of the men who joined the Confederate Fourteenth Texas Infantry Regiment during the Civil War and provides a narrative history of the regiment's wartime service. The men of the Fourteenth Infantry enlisted in 1862 and helped to turn back the Federal Red River Campaign in April 1864. In creating a portrait of these men, the author used traditional historical sources (letters, diaries, medical records, secondary narratives) as well as statistical data from the 1860 United States census, military service records, and state tax rolls. The thesis places
the heretofore unknown story of the Fourteenth Texas Infantry within the overall body of Civil War historiography.
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Liong, Katherine Amie. "Cicero de re militari : a civilian perspective on military matters in the late Republic." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5616.
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Cicero‘s value as a military commentator has traditionally been obscured by his reputation as an unmilitary figure. This focus ignores the considerable quantity – and quality – of references to military matters in his writings, as well as the engagement demanded by his public profile as a senior senator and advocate during the war-torn final decades of the Republic. As a participant-witness writing as events unfolded, he provides unrivalled insight into developing contemporary issues from an equally unrivalled civilian/domestic perspective. Far from precluding meaningful discussion, this perspective draws attention to the wider consequences of the activities of the army, from their symbolic representation of Rome‘s might to their impact on domestic stability and role in imperial expansion. This thesis explores Cicero‘s contribution to the militarized culture of the late Republic, bringing together his military-themed comments in the first major study of its kind. Chapter 1 sets the scene with an examination of his military service, demonstrating that it met the standards of the day and identifying characteristics of his outlook that can be linked directly to his experience. Chapter 2 investigates his engagement with Rome‘s military heritage by way of his use of military exempla, specifically the priorities indicated by his choice and description of these figures. Chapter 3 presents a similar assessment of his relationships with contemporary military figures, noting the effect of their political influence on the interest he took in their military responsibilities. Chapters 4 and 5 assess his theory concerning military matters in the domestic and foreign spheres, respectively. Both highlight the focus on ethics which sets Cicero‘s theory apart from that of his contemporaries. Finally,chapter 6 addresses the tension between civic and military values in the previous chapters, contextualizing his pro-civic bias as a reaction to military despotism rather than anti-militarism for its own sake. The analysis of these themes confirms Cicero‘s awareness of military matters as well as his contemporary authority as a commentator. It moreover highlights the historical value of his remarks as the rhetorical product of a civilian context and an alternative discourse about the relationship between the army and the state. Although his views are broadly comparable to those of contemporary authors, his coverage of associated domestic concerns is not. The end result is an account of military matters which complements conventional military histories and manuals of military science, and deserves to be taken seriously as military commentary.
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Perkins, John Drummond. "Daniel's Battery: A Narrative History and Socio-Economic Study of the Ninth Texas Field Battery." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332573/.
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This thesis combines a traditional narrative history of a Confederate artillery battery with a socio-economic study of its members. A database was constructed using the Compiled Service Records, 1860 census, and county tax rolls. The information revealed similarities between the unit's members and their home area. Captain James M. Daniel organized the battery in Paris, Texas and it entered Confederate service in January 1862. The battery served in Walker's Texas Division. It was part of a reserve force at the Battle of Milliken's Bend and was involved in the battles of Bayou Bourbeau, Mansfield, and Pleasant Hill. The battery also shelled Union ships on the Mississippi River. Daniel's Battery officially surrendered at Natchitoches, Louisiana, in May 1865.
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Breerwood, Rhett G. "From Containing Communism to Fighting Floods: The Louisiana Army National Guard in the Cold War, 1946-1965." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2058.
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In the decades following World War II, the Louisiana National Guard evolved due to world, national, and local events. In response to the United States’ Cold War policies to contain Communism, the Guard expanded, professionalized, and was occasionally called to federal service. In conjunction with Cold War fears of external attack and internal subversion, a civil defense mission brought coordination between federal, state and local response agencies. Despite the lack of large scale war service or an attack on the U.S. homeland , the skills and responsibilities acquired by the Louisiana Guard during this time period resulted in an enhanced ability to respond to Louisiana’s biggest practical threat, i.e. natural disasters.
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Hamaker, Blake Richard. "Making a Good Soldier: a Historical and Quantitative Study of the 15th Texas Infantry, C. S. A." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278431/.
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In late 1861, the Confederate Texas government commissioned Joseph W. Speight to raise an infantry battalion. Speight's Battalion became the Fifteenth Texas Infantry in April 1862, and saw almost no action for the next year as it marched throughout Texas, Arkansas, and the Indian Territory. In May 1863 the regiment was ordered to Louisiana and for the next seven months took an active role against Federal troops in the bayou country. From March to May 1864 the unit helped turn away the Union Red River Campaign. The regiment remained in the trans-Mississippi region until it disbanded in May 1865. The final chapter quantifies age, family status, wealthholdings, and casualties among the regiment's members.
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Williams, David J. (History teacher). "Company A, Nineteenth Texas Infantry: a History of a Small Town Fighting Unit." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699958/.
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I focus on Company A of the Nineteenth Texas Infantry, C.S.A., and its unique status among other Confederate military units. The raising of the company within the narrative of the regiment, its battles and campaigns, and the post-war experience of its men are the primary focal points of the thesis. In the first chapter, a systematic analysis of various aspects of the recruit’s background is given, highlighting the wealth of Company A’s officers and men. The following two chapters focus on the campaigns and battles experienced by the company and the praise bestowed on the men by brigade and divisional staff. The final chapter includes a postwar analysis of the survivors from Company A, concentrating on their locations, professions, and contributions to society, which again illustrate the achievements accomplished by the veterans of this unique Confederate unit. As a company largely drawn from Jefferson, Texas, a growing inland port community, Company A of the Nineteenth Texas Infantry differed from other companies in the regiment, and from most units raised across the Confederacy. Their unusual backgrounds, together with their experiences during and after the war, provide interesting perspectives on persistent questions concerning the motives and achievements of Texas Confederates.
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Underwood, Joshua C. "Game of Survival: External Actors' Support for Separatists." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1608154043704134.
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Destenay, Emmanuel. "Expériences de guerre et retours à la vie civile des combattants irlandais, 1914-1928." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040200.
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Le travail de recherche présenté ici a pour objectif de dégager les particularités des combattants irlandais engagés dans l’armée britannique pendant le Premier Conflit mondial et d’apprécier la singularité de leur sortie de guerre. Le champ chronologique est volontairement large dans la mesure où il dépasse 1918 pour traiter de la question des mémoires de guerre et de la démobilisation des unités irlandaises. Ainsi, notre travail entend montrer dans quelle mesure la situation endogène en Irlande influence la participation et les expériences de guerre des engagés volontaires et se répercute sur leur réinsertion dans le tissu urbain irlandais. En s’intéressant au retour des anciens combattants sous un angle socio-économique, politique et culturel notre travail enrichit l’historiographie de la période révolutionnaire irlandaise 1919-1924. L’étude des trajectoires des rescapés de la Première Guerre mondiale permet de traiter du réengagement d’anciens combattants irlandais dans les brigades républicaines et dans les unités de l’armée britannique tout en travaillant sur les actes de violence et de cruauté dont ils font l’objet. Les questionnements que suscite notre travail sont multiples, et se situent au croisement de l’histoire politique, de l’histoire sociale, de l’histoire culturelle et de l’anthropologie de l’expérience combattanteThis research work aims to identify the characteristics of the Irish soldiers who served in the British Army during the First World War and assess their peculiar post-war situation. We chose a wide chronological field, beyond 1918, in order to cover the war remembrance and demobilisation issues of Irish units. We aim to show how the endogenous situation in Ireland influenced the volunteers’ war effort and impacted their reintegration into Irish civil life. Our work enriches the 1919-1924 Irish revolutionary period’s historiography by focusing on socio-economic, political and cultural factors. Studying the life story of Irish First World War survivors enables us to span their enlistment in Republican brigades or British Army units, while also covering the acts of violence and cruelty committed against them. Our work lies at the crossroads of numerous political, social and cultural questions, as well as raising the anthropological issues of the Irish veterans’ experience
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Caprice, Kevin Ryne. "Won, but Not One: The Construction of Union Veteranhood, 1861-1917." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77944.
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Fifteen years following the end of the American Civil War, the identity of the Union veteran was in crisis. In 1879 Congress passed the Arrears Act, an immediately expensive pension bill that muddied the public's perception of veterans. Once considered heroes, the former soldiers of the Civil War became drains on the federal budget. At the same time, the membership of the Grand Army of the Republic, a Union veterans' organization, was increasing exponentially, making visible veterans commonplace. No longer was the Union veteran rare and honorable; by the 1880s the veteran was common and expensive. In response to the degradation of veteranhood, some former soldiers felt the blanket term 'veteran' needed to be reconsidered. These men went about creating the identity of "true"veteranhood in an attempt to reclaim the level of status attached to veterans immediately following the Civil War. Not all veterans were accepting of this "true" veteranhood, and actively fought back, forwarding instead a notion of inclusive veteranhood in which all former soldiers were represented. Neither side proved convincing, and the debate only ended in the early twentieth century as Union veterans died off and new veterans took their place. Through this debate, though, we can see the importance and complexity attached to identities, and the ways in which people actively reconsider themselves to cling to these identities in response to changes in their surroundings.Master of Arts
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Givens, Seth. "Cold War Capital: The United States, the Western Allies, and the Fight for Berlin, 1945-1994." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1515507541865131.
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Bocanegra, Maria Leigh. "The Citizen-Soldier in the American Imagination: Traces of the Myths of World War II in the "Army Strong" Recruitment Campaign." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/72992.
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The myth of the citizen-soldier resonates strongly in the American imagination and helps (re)construct America the nation. The construction of this myth in the historical context of World War II is especially prominent in contemporary American culture. The myth of the World War II citizen-soldier functions as an individualized discursive formation with specific rules of formation. I contextualize the construction of this individualized discursive formation within the historical era of World War II, and show how it excludes in direct contradiction to the ideals of civic nationalism that shaped the concept of national citizenship of that era. The United States military, which changed to an All Volunteer Force in 1973, functions as a neoliberal state apparatus in modern America. However, the United States Military still largely relies on the rules of formation and the ideals of civic nationalism in order to recruit volunteers for its forces.
Traces of the myths of World War II, particularly the myth of the citizen-soldier, can still be found in the United States Army's recruitment material in its current "Army Strong" campaign despite the contradictory ideals of civic nationalism and neoliberalism. I conduct a Critical Discourse Analysis of three recruitment television commercials from the "Army Strong" campaign aired in 2009. I explain how the United States Army uses both the ideals of civic nationalism and the characteristics of neoliberalism in order to encourage potential recruits to join its ranks.
Master of Arts
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Rodriguez, Ismael. "George S. Patton Jr. and the Lost Cause Legacy." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699940/.
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Historians have done their duty in commemorating an individual who was, as Sidney Hook’s Hero in History would describe, an “event making-man.” A myriad of works focused on understanding the martial effort behind George S. Patton Jr. from his ancestral lineage rooted in military tradition to his triumph during the Second World War. What is yet to be understood about Patton, however, is the role that the Civil War played in his transformation into one of America’s iconic generals. For Patton, the Lost Cause legacy, one that idealized the image of the Confederate soldier in terms of personal honor, courage, and duty, became the seed for his preoccupation for glory.
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Gosling, Edward Peter Joshua. "Tommy Atkins, War Office reform and the social and cultural presence of the late-Victorian army in Britain, c.1868-1899." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/4359.
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This thesis examines the development of the soldier in late-Victorian Britain in light of the movement to rehabilitate the public image of the ordinary ranks initiated by the Cardwell-Childers Reforms. Venerated in popular culture, Tommy Atkins became a symbol of British imperial strength and heroism. Socially, however, attitudes to the rank-and-file were defined by a pragmatic realism purged of such sentiments, the likes of which would characterise the British public’s relationship with their army for over thirty years. Scholars of both imperial culture and the Victorian military have identified this dual persona of Tommy Atkins, however, a dedicated study into the true nature of the soldier’s position has yet to be undertaken. The following research will seek to redress this omission. The soldier is approached through the perspective of three key influences which defined his development. The first influence, the politics of the War Office, exposes a progressive series of schemes which, cultivated for over a decade, sought to redefine the soldier through the popularisation of military service and the professionalisation of the military’s public relations strategy and apparatus. A forgotten component of the Cardwell-Childers Reforms, the schemes have not before been scrutinised. Despite the ingenuity of the schemes devised, the social rehabilitation of the soldier failed, primarily, it will be argued, because the government refused to improve his pay. The public’s response to the Cardwell-Childers Reforms and the British perception of the ordinary soldier in the decades following their introduction form the second perspective. Through surveys of the local and London press and mainstream literature, it is demonstrated the soldier, in part as a result of the reforms, underwent a social transition, precipitated by his entering the public consciousness and encouraged by a resulting fascination in the military life. The final perspective presented in this thesis is from within the rank-and-file itself. Through the examination of specialist newspaper, diary and memoir material the direct experiences of the soldiers themselves are explored. Amid the extensive public and political discussion of their nature and status, the soldier also engaged in the debate. The perspective of the rank-and-file provides direct context for the established perspectives of the British public and the War Office, but also highlights how the soldier both supported and opposed the reforms and was acutely aware of the social status he possessed. This thesis will examine the public and political treatment of the soldier in the late-nineteenth century and question how far the conflicting ideas of soldier-hero and soldier-beggar were reconciled.
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Burke, Eric Michael. "Decidedly Unmilitary: The Roots of Social Order in the Union Army." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1398935271.
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Pinaud, Clémence. "Les armes, les femmes et le bétail : une histoire sociale de la guerre civile au Sud Soudan (1983-2005)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010604.
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Cette thèse montre que la violence a suivi une géographie et un calendrier particuliers au cours de la deuxième guerre civile au Sud Soudan. Elle n'a par conséquent pas affecté les Sud Soudanais de manière uniforme, en particulier les femmes. Dans les zones contrôlées par le SPLA (Sudan People 's Liberation Army), la guérilla entretenait une relation essentiellement extractive avec les civils, en particulier avec les femmes. Même si la guérilla essaya de limiter les violations des droits de l'homme, elle instrumentalisa et marchandisa néanmoins les femmes pour soutenir sa lutte. Elle créa aussi, à terme, de nouvelles classes sociales, grâce à l'expansion des liens de parenté. L'inclusion des femmes au sein du SPLM/A confirma la marchandisation des femmes et la formation de nouvelles classes sociales. Le SPLA ne remit pas en cause les structures sociales du Sud Soudan, et les femmes participèrent à la lutte essentiellement dans des rôles de soutien au combat. Néanmoins, la guérilla créa une élite féminine à travers les liens de parenté. Cette nouvelle élite féminine agrandit son statut au milieu des années 1990 grâce à la démocratisation du mouvement, à son accès aux arènes internationales favorables au SPLA, et à l'expansion du rôle des femmes dans les processus de paix. Après la guerre, les différences sociales entre les femmes furent amplifiées par la constitution de l'Etat semi-autonome. Le comportement des troupes du SPLA pendant la guerre influença par la suite les nouvelles structures de pouvoir et, combiné à l'accès nouveau aux ressources de l'Etat, il participa à la consolidation des classes socialesThis dissertation illustrates that violence followed a particular geography and timeline during the second civil war in Southern Sudan. Therefore it did not affect Southerners, and women in particular, uniformly. In the SPLA-held areas, the guerilla had a mostly extractive relationship with civilians and particularly women. Although it tried to curb human right abuses, the guerilla still instrumentalized and commodified women to support its struggle and to ultimately create new social classes through the expansion of kinship ties. The inclusion of women in the SPLM/A continued to demonstrate women's commodification and the formation of new social classes. Given its superficial and circumstantial Marxism ideology, the SPLA did not question the Southern Sudanese social structures, and women supported the struggle mostly in combat-support roles. Nevertheless, the guerilla created a female elite through kinship ties. This new female elite expanded its status in the mid-1990s, thanks to the movement's democratization and to their access to international arenas that were favorable to the SPLA and to expanding women's roles in peacemaking. After the war, social difference between women were amplified through the formation of the semi-autonomous state. The legacy of the SPLA troops behavior during the war influenced new power structures and, combined with access to new state resources, consolidate social classes
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Sidwell, Robert William. "Maintaining Order in the Midst of Chaos: Robert E. Lee's Usage of His Personal Staff." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1239652034.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Kent State University, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 16, 2009). Advisor: Kevin Adams. Keywords: military history; U. S. Civil War; Confederate army; Army of Northern Virginia; Lee, Robert E.; staff. Includes bibliographical references (p. 134-141).
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Porte, François. "Le ravitaillement des armées romaines pendant les guerres civiles (49-30 avant J.-C.)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PESC0030/document.
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Les guerres civiles des dernières décennies de la République, de 49 à 30 avant J.-C., mettent en avant le savoir faire des élites romaines dans la conduite des opérations militaires, éclairent les limites et précipitent les transformations de l’outil militaire et des pratiques guerrières.À partir des effectifs comptabilisés et des besoins ensuite estimés, il apparaît que le ravitaillement sur le terrain ne constitue qu’un complément occasionnel et conjoncturel à un approvisionnement depuis l’arrière.À l’échelle stratégique, la mobilisation des ressources de l’Empire romain connaît alors une ampleur sans précédent. Aucune province n’est épargnée. Le partage du monde romain entre l’Occident et l’Orient, modifie les schémas habituels de mobilisation des ressources et sollicite des régions récemment intégrées au monde romain dans de nouveaux réseaux logistiques. L’ampleur et la nature des besoins des effectifs engagés vont nécessiter des bases stratégiques étendues et faire du transport maritime un axe essentiel des systèmes logistiques.À l’échelle opérationnelle, les infrastructures indispensables pour supporter le réseau logistique réduisent les choix possibles pour l’établissement des bases arrières. Les armées romaines ne bénéficient visiblement pas de structures déjà constituées à cet effet.Enfin, l’acquisition des fournitures et le financement de la logistique nécessitent des bouleversements fiscaux, parfois accompagnés d’exactions et du pillage des ressources provinciales, en raison de l’absence d’une fiscalité efficace. Ces conflits mettent en lumière la perte de pouvoir du Sénat au profit d’imperatores autonomes et indépendants, jusqu’à la confiscation définitive du pouvoir par l’un d’entre euxThe civil wars that took place during the last decades of the Roman Republic (49-30 B.C.) reveal the expertise of Roman elites in the art of war, along with its limits, and accelerate the transformations of the military tool and Roman warfare.After the manpower and needs of the Roman armies estimation, living off the land doesn’t seem to have been more than an occasional mean of supply, supplemented by a more effective logistical support from the rear.The resources of the Roman Empire are mobilized at an unprecedented scale, sparing no province, as the split of the Roman world between western and eastern sides transforms the usual patterns of logistical mobilization. Recently conquered provinces are therefore added to newly raised logistical systems in the Eastern Mediterranean. The maritime transportation plays a central role, as the amount of the supplies needed requires large strategic bases across the Mediterranean sea.The infrastructures needed to support the logistical network at an operational scale are rare among the Mediterranean cities and restrain the choice of operational bases. The Roman armies can obviously not rely on previous established military structures.Finally, the Roman tax system has to go through deep changes to face the financial needs of the logistical system, along with plunder and spoil. The Senate loses its power during the civil wars to the benefit of independent imperatores, until Octavian’s final rise to supreme power
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Fry, Zachery A. "Lincoln's Divided Legion: Loyalty and the Political Culture of the Army of the Potomac, 1861-1865." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1492292669458662.
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Ferguson, Benny Pryor. "The Bands of the Confederacy: An Examination of the Musical and Military Contributions of the Bands and Musicians of the Confederate States of America." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc798486/.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate the bands of the armies of the Confederate States of America. This study features appendices of libraries and archives collections visited in ten states and Washington D.C., and covers all known Confederate bands. Some scholars have erroneously concluded that this indicated a lack of available primary source materials that few Confederate bands served the duration of the war. The study features appendices of libraries and archives collections visited in ten states and Washington, D.C., and covers all known Confederate bands. There were approximately 155 bands and 2,400 bandsmen in the service of the Confederate armies. Forty bands surrendered at Appomattox and many others not listed on final muster rolls were found to have served through the war. While most Confederate musicians and bandsmen were white, many black musicians were regularly enlisted soldiers who provided the same services. A chapter is devoted to the contributions of black Confederate musicians.
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Lynch, Robert John. "The Northern IRA and the early years of partition 1920-22." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1517.
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The years i 920-22 constituted a period of unprecedented conflct and political change in Ireland. It began with the onset of the most brutal phase of the War ofIndependence and culminated in the effective miltary defeat of the Republican IRA in the Civil War. Occurring alongside these dramatic changes in the south and west of Ireland was a far more fundamental conflict in the north-east; a period of brutal sectarian violence which marked the early years of partition and the establishment of Northern Ireland. Almost uniquely the IRA in the six counties were involved in every one of these conflcts and yet it can be argued was on the fringes of all of them. The period i 920-22 saw the evolution of the organisation from a peripheral curiosity during the War of independence to an idealistic symbol for those wishing to resolve the fundamental divisions within the Sinn Fein movement which developed in the first six months of i 922. The story of the Northern IRA's collapse in the autumn of that year demonstrated dramatically the true nature of the organisation and how it was their relationship to the various protagonists in these conflcts, rather than their unceasing but fruitless war against partition, that defined its contribution to the Irish revolution.
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Todd, Maurice L. "Rhetoric or reality : US counterinsurgency policy reconsidered." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6431.
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This study explores the foundations of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine in order to better understand the main historical influences on that policy and doctrine and how those influences have informed the current US approach to counterinsurgency. The results of this study indicate the US experience in counterinsurgency during the Greek Civil War and the Huk Rebellion in the Philippines had a significant influence on the development of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following World War II through the Kennedy presidency. In addition, despite a major diversion from the lessons of Greece and the Philippines during the Vietnam War, the lessons were re-institutionalized in US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following the war and continue to have significant influence today, though in a highly sanitized and, therefore, misleading form. As a result, a major disconnect has developed between the “rhetoric and reality” of US counterinsurgency policy. This disconnect has resulted from the fact that many references that provide a more complete and accurate picture of the actual policies and actions taken to successfully defeat the insurgencies have remained out of the reach of non-government researchers and the general public. Accordingly, many subsequent studies of counterinsurgency overlook, or only provide a cursory treatment of, aspects that may have had a critical impact on the success of past US counterinsurgency operations. One such aspect is the role of US direct intervention in the internal affairs of a supported country. Another is the role of covert action operations in support of counterinsurgency operations. As a result, the counterinsurgency policies and doctrines that have been developed over the years are largely based on false assumptions, a flawed understanding of the facts, and a misunderstanding of the contexts concerning the cases because of misleading, or at least seriously incomplete, portrayals of the counterinsurgency operations.
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Augier, Bertrand. "Homines militares : les officiers dans les armées romaines au temps des guerres civiles (49-31 a.C.)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA100178.
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Lors de la période de guerres civiles (49-31 a.C.) qui marqua la fin de la République, les armées, guidées par des imperatores rivaux, jouèrent un rôle central sur la scène politique romaine. Notre étude s’est portée sur l’encadrement des armées dans cette période. Comme dans toute armée, l’obéissance, la discipline voire le dévouement des troupes étaient assurés par des cadres militaires que l’on pourrait qualifier d’officiers, préfets, tribuns militaires, questeurs et légats. On a créé une base de données recensant l’ensemble des conduites individuelles de ces cadres des armées tardo-républicaines. On s’est livré d’abord à une analyse de la position institutionnelle de ces personnages, de leurs fonctions et de la chaîne de commandement dans laquelle ils s’inséraient. On a ensuite examiné les compétences et la formation de ces personnages, qui ne connurent pas de professionnalisation et n’étaient pas des techniciens. Enfin, le rôle politique de ces officiers qui étaient des partisans politiques des imperatores, a fait l’objet d’un examen d’ensembleDuring the Civil Wars which marked the end of the Republican Period in Rome, armies, led by rival imperatores, were important actors of the Roman political scene. This study is about the military cadres during this period. As in any army, obedience, discipline and loyalty were based on the action of military cadres, who can be considered as officers, such as prefects, military tribunes, quaestors and legates. I have created a database, grouping the whole individual actions of these military cadres in late-republican armies. First, I have made an analysis of the institutional positions of these officers, I have studied their functions, and the command chain they were part of. Then, I have studied the competences and the military formation of these individuals, who were not professionals nor technicians. Finally, the political role of these officers, who were kinsmen of the great imperatores, is analysed
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Searle, Deane. "Low Intensity Conflict: Contemporary Approaches and Strategic Thinking." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2591.
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Low Intensity Conflict (LIC) is a significant feature of the contemporary world and it is a particular challenge to the armed forces of many states which are involved is such conflict, or are likely to become so. This thesis is not concerned with how such difficult conflict situations arise. Rather it is concerned with how, from the point of view of the state, they may be contained and ultimately brought to a satisfactory resolution. The work is thus concerned with the practicalities of ending LIC. More specifically, the purpose of this research is to establish a framework of doctrinal and military principles applicable to the prevention and resolution of LIC. The principles of this thesis are based in numerous historical examples of LIC and six in depth case studies. These distilled principles are analysed in two central chapters, and are then applied in two latter defence force chapters so as to ensure there practicality and resilience. Numerous defence academics and military practitioners have been consulted in the production of this thesis; their contribution has further reinforced the functionality of the principles examined in this research. The research illustrates the criticality of a holistic approach to LIC. The function of this approach is to guarantee the stability of the sovereign state, by unifying civil, police, intelligence and military services. The effectiveness of the military elements must also be ensured, as military force is central to the suppression of LIC. Consequently, the research makes strategic and operational prescriptions, so as to improve the capability of defence forces that are concerned with preventing or resolving LIC.
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Braka, Florence. "Gustave Cluseret : de l’Internationale au Nationalisme 1823-1900." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040131.
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Gustave Cluseret est né à Paris en 1823 et mort près d’Hyères dans le Var en 1900. Il suit comme son père la carrière militaire. Sorti de Saint-Cyr en 1843, il prend part à la répression des insurgés en juin 1848.et obtient à ce titre la Croix de Chevalier de la Légion d'honneur. Mis en non activité par retrait d’emploi en mars 1850, il reprend du service dans l’armée en 1853 et participe à la guerre de Crimée et aux campagnes de Kabylie. Il est nommé capitaine. Il démissionne de l'armée française en 1858. Républicain, Cluseret s’engage dans l’Expédition des Mille en 1860 aux côtés de Garibaldi, qui le nomme colonel, puis participe à la guerre de Sécession en 1862 aux côtés des Etats du Nord. Il est alors nommé général de brigade et démissionne en 1863. Il prend part également au mouvement fénian. A la fin du Second Empire, Cluseret adhère à l’AIT. En 1870, il prend part aux communes révolutionnaires de Lyon et Marseille, puis s’engage dans la Commune de 1871 et occupe, pendant près d’un mois, le poste de délégué général à la Guerre. Condamné à mort en 1872, Cluseret s’exile en Suisse puis à Constantinople, où il mène conjointement trois activités : la peinture, le journalisme et la propagande. Son retour en France a lieu au début de l’année 1886, à La Crau dans le Var. Commence alors pour lui une carrière politique comme député, de 1888 jusqu’à sa mort. Il défend principalement les intérêts des paysans. Il crée également un journal, La Voix du Peuple du Var. Après 1889, Cluseret rompt avec l’Internationale, puis à partir de 1893, il s’éloigne des socialistes français collectivistes et s’oriente vers un socialisme nationaliste.Antidreyfusard, il finit sa vie en défendant des thèses nationalistes, teintées de xénophobie et d’antisémitismeGustave Cluseret was born in Paris in 1823 and died near Hyères in the Var region in 1900. Like his father he pursued a military career. Leaving Saint-Cyr in 1843, he took part in the suppression of insurgents in June 1848, and was awarded the Croix de Chevalier de la Légion d'honneur. Removed from service in March 1850, he returned to serve in the Army in 1853 and participated in the Crimean War and the Kabylia campaigns. He was appointed captain. He resigned from the French Army in 1858. A Republican, Cluseret joined the Expedition of the Thousand in 1860 alongside Garibaldi, who appointed him colonel, he then took part in the Civil War in 1862 on the side of the Northern States. He was appointed brigadier general, and he resigned in 1863. He also took part in the Fenian movement. At the end of the Second Empire, Cluseret joined the International Workingmen's Association. In 1870 he took part in the revolutionary communes of Lyon and Marseille, then in the Commune of 1871 and served for nearly a month as General Delegate for War. Sentenced to death in 1872, Cluseret moved to Switzerland and then to Constantinople, where he pursued three different activities: painting, journalism and propaganda. Returning to France in early 1886 to La Crau in the Var Region. He embarked on a political career as a member of parliament from 1888 until his death. He mostly represented the interests of farmers. He also founded a journal, The Voice of the People of the Var. After 1889 Cluseret broke with the International, and from 1893 he distanced himself from the French socialist collectivists and moved towards anationalist socialism. Anti-dreyfusard, he ends his life defending nationalist positions tinged by xénophobie and antisemitism
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Prémonville, de Maisonthou Antoine-Louis de. "Chronopathie. La crise mémorielle et ses lois dans l'Espagne contemporaine de 1931 à nos jours." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30032.
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Depuis plus d’une dizaine d’année, l’on assiste à une résurgence de la mémoire historique en Espagne. Qu’il s’agisse des contemporains ou de leurs héritiers, la mémoire des vaincus de la Guerre Civile, autrefois passée sous silence, est devenue incontournable aussi bien sur le plan historiographique que culturel et même politique (loi dite de « mémoire historique »). Les nombreux succès éditoriaux et cinématographiques relatifs à cette période douloureuse ont contribué à la diffusion d’épisodes méconnus et à la réappropriation d’un passé qui n’avait pas toujours été transmis aux générations successives. Toutefois, l’activisme des uns ne fait pas l’unanimité. Entre ceux qui ne souhaitent pas rouvrir les blessures du passé au nom d’une concorde nationale difficilement obtenue, et ceux qui se sentent mis en accusation par un « triomphe des vaincus » qui tend à ne présenter le conflit civil que sous l’angle de la lutte des « bons » contre les « méchants », l’on a pu observer une crispation partisane des débats au détriment de la science historique. La question mémorielle a atteint de telles proportions que certains commentateurs se sont demandés si la Guerre Civile était ou non terminée. Quoique l’évolution de l’historiographie soit indéniable depuis 1931, elle ne saurait s’expliquer entièrement par la lutte partisane des héritiers des deux camps. En effet, il nous faut nous intéresser également à des causes plus profondes qui en sont à l’origine. Si le cas espagnol s’inscrit dans un contexte européen d’irruption de la mémoire dans l’histoire, il s’explique aussi par des raisons propres qui touchent bien d’autres domainesOver the past decade, the question of Spanish historical memory has been debated a lot. Whereas the memory of the Spanish Civil War’s defeated had been kept silenced for years, nowadays, the story of direct witnesses – often told by themselves or their heirs – has become inevitable from a historical, cultural and political point of view (see the “historical memory” Act). Many best-selling books and box-office hit films dealing with this painful historical period have contributed to generalise some neglected events which had not always been properly transmitted to the younger generations. However, the memorial activism of various individuals is not unanimously accepted. Indeed, some people consider that such a revival of a painful past might pose a threat to a national harmony which was not easy to obtain. Others, belonging to the national fraction, feel directly accused by the late “triumph” of yesterday’s defeated. The frequent parallel drawn between the Civil War and a would-be fight of the “goods” against the “evils”, has fuelled a partisan debate at the expense of historical truth. The debate on historical memory has become so serious that some analysts do wonder if the Civil War is over or not. The evolution of historiography since 1931 is real, but it should not be explained exclusively by the biased opposition of the heirs of both camps. In fact, we have to take into account deeper reasons at the roots of the problem. The Spanish case cannot be dissociated from a European context, even if it has to be explained by its own particular reasons which affect many other knowledge domains
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Nguyen, Triet M. ""Little Consideration... to Preparing Vietnamese Forces for Counterinsurgency Warfare"? History, Organization, Training, and Combat Capability of the RVNAF, 1955-1963." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23126.
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This dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems.
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Onana, Auguste Charles. "Rwanda, l'Opération Turquoise et la controverse médiatique (1994-2014) : analyse des enquêtes journalistiques, des documents secret-défense et de la stratégie militaire." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3083.
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Le 22 juin 1994, le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU vote la résolution 929 autorisantle déploiement d’une force multinationale humanitaire, neutre et impartiale au Rwandaayant pour mission de mettre fin aux massacres. Concrètement, c’est la France, àl’initiative de ce projet, qui va assurer le commandement de la mission dénomméeOpération Turquoise. Celle-ci se heurte à l’opposition des rebelles tutsis du FrontPatriotique Rwandais, aux réserves des organisations humanitaires mais elle reçoit lesoutien appuyé du gouvernement intérimaire rwandais hutu. L’Opération Turquoisesuscite surtout une vague d’accusations dans la presse française, le président FrançoisMitterrand et les militaires français étant accusés de « complicité de génocide », voire de« participation au génocide ». Ces accusations perdurent et reviennent régulièrementdepuis plus de vingt ans, relayées par des journalistes qui disent avoir découvert puisrévélé « l’inavouable » rôle de la France au Rwanda.Cette étude analyse les enquêtes journalistiques menées de 1994 à 2014 et lesconfronte aux documents confidentiels et secret-défense issus des archives américaines,françaises, rwandaises et onusiennes, ainsi qu’à la stratégie militaire mise en oeuvredurant l’Opération Turquoise. Elle permet ainsi d’identifier les sources sur lesquellesreposent ces accusations et d’en évaluer le bien-fondé. Ce faisant, elle met en évidence lafaçon dont la recherche s’est concentrée sur le génocide au détriment de la lutte arméeinitiée par le FPR de 1990 à juillet 1994, laissant de côté des aspects essentiels à lacompréhension de la tragédie rwandaiseOn the 22nd June 1994, the UN Security Council passes the resolution 929authorising the deployment of a multinational humanitarian, neutral and impartial force toRwanda having as its mission to put an end to the massacres. In concrete terms, it isFrance, on initiative of this project, who goes to carry out the command of the missionnamed Operation Turquoise. This comes up against the opposition of the Tutsis rebels ofthe Rwandan Patriotic Front, to the reservations of the humanitarian organisations but itreceives the backup support of the acting Rwandan Hutu government. OperationTurquoise incites above all a wave of accusations in the French press, with the PresidentFrançois Mitterand and the French military soldiers being accused of 'complicity ingenocide', even of taking part in the genocide. These accusations have endured and havebeen regularly coming back for more than twenty years, relayed by journalists who claimto have discovered then revealed the shameful role of France in RwandaThis study analyses the journalistic inquiries led from 1994 to 2014 and comparesthem with confidential secret defence documents stemming from American, French,Rwandan and UN records, as well as the military strategy put in place during OperationTurquoise. It also allows identification of the sources on which these accusations lie andevaluation of their validity. In so doing, it brings to the fore the way in which the researchhas focused on the genocide to the detriment of the armed struggle initiated by the RPFfrom 1990 to July 1994, leaving aside essential aspects in the comprehension of theRwandan tragedy
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Bergman, Leo. "Ukraїnas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323861.
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This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of countries oppressed by Moscow, who now saw their chance of freedom. June 1918 became the end of the investigation because it was just when the peace agreement between Ukraine and the Soviet Union was signed. The source material has been chosen to represent a multitude of ideological orientations. It was liberal, moderate, conservative, liberal and left-wing orientations. The source material consisted of newspaper articles from the following newspapers: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar Tidning and Norrskensflamman. Quantitative methodology was used on the source material. This method consisted of a reviewing of newspaper articles in searching of news reports from Ukraine or articles which had something to do with the events in Ukraine. Every newspaper was searched day after day. The crawled material was presented in two chapters representing different periods. The first chapter of the results presented the results from 1917, and more precisely from March to December 1917. The second chapter presented the results from 1918, but also from December 1917, that is, the result from December 1917 through June 1918. The whole result was then discussed in a separate chapter where the qualitative analysis was also discussed. The result of the quantitative analysis showed that it has been written relatively sparcely about Ukraine's independence although the volume of articles increased from December 1917 and even more in 1918. Sometimes there were articles on the first page. But for the most part, the articles with Ukraine issues were placed among other foreign articles. It was also found in the survey that it was the first World War that drew attention to the newspapers, even though the events in Petrograd and then in Ukraine took more space. This survey also showed that what was written about Ukraine's independence was also what appears in the reference literature. The news reports reported how Ukraine proclaimed independence in March 1917 and later on proclaimed an independent republic in November 1917 when the Bolsheviks conducted their coup d'état in Petrograd. The newspapers also wrote how the Russian Communists sent a declaration of war to Ukraine in December 1917 and about the war that followed. The articles also tell us how negotiations on Ukraine Peace went on in Brest-Litovsk, and how they ended up with alliance between Germany and Ukraine with the campaign against the communists. It was told how the German army marched into Ukraine to free it from the bolsheviks. Until May 1918 there were battles between the German-Ukrainian Army and the Communists. In June 1918 the peace agreement was signed and this survey’s investigation ended. The survey showed that it was written about Ukraine's independence in all newspapers. Dagens Nyheter had the most news articles linked to the survey. Although the number of articles was not subject for analysis in this survey. The qualitative analysis was based on using Höjelid's theoretical concepts "positive sound" and "negative sound" on the quantitative analysis material. The qualitative analysis’ result showed that it was almost impossible to see the differences between the newspapers because the articles were traded between the newspapers, i.e. the content was copied straight away. It should be noted that not all content was the subject of copying between the newspapers. Copying occurred to a greater extent, but there were still original articles derived from the respective newspaper. Most of the articles were also direct telegrams that were communicated abroad to the newspaper's editors. A lot of these telegrammic articles were sent with a purpose to mislead society. These angled articles were published without further examination in Swedish press. There were articles from, for example, Dagens Nyheter whose editors noted the "strange Petrograd reports" and informed about it for the purpose of enlightening the public. However, as most newspapers were occupied with World War I, as was shown in the source material, the newspaper editorial office was less interested in other foreign events. Therefore, such angled articles could be found in Swedish press on a larger scale.Denna avhandling är en kvantitativ studie med inslag av kvalitativ analys. Syftet med denna kvantitativa studien var att undersöka VAD som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918. Den kvalitativa delen av undersökningen ämnade att besvara frågan om tidningens politiska hållningen påverkade nyhetsrapporteringen under den valda perioden. Den exakta periodiseringen fastställdes att vara mellan den 1 mars 1917 och den 30 juni 1918. Denna periodisering valdes på grund av marsrevolutionen 1917 som utlöste självständighets-förklaringar i en rad länder som var förtryckta av Moskovitien och som nu såg sin chans till frihet. Juni 1918 blev slutpunkten i undersökningen därför att det var just då som fredsavtalet mellan Ukrajina och Sovjet undertecknades. Källmaterialet har valts att representera en mångfald ideologiska inriktningar. Det var liberal, moderat, konservativ, frisinnad samt vänstersocial inriktningar. Källmaterialet bestod av tidningsartiklar från följande tidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar tidning och Norrskensflamman. Det användes kvantitativ metod på källmaterialet som bestod i en genomsökning av tidningsartiklarna efter nyhetsrapporter från Ukrajina eller som hade något med händelserna i Ukrajina att göra. Varje tidning genomsöktes dag för dag. Det genomsökta materialet presenterades i två kapitel som representerade olika perioder. Det första resultatkapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1917, och mer exakt från mars till december 1917. Det andra kapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1918, men även från december 1917, det vill säga resultatet från och med december 1917 till och med juni 1918. Det hela resultatet diskuterades sedan i ett eget kapitel där även den kvalitativa analysen diskuterades. Resultatet från den kvantitativa analysen visade att det har skrivits relativt sparsmakat om Ukrajinas självständighet även om artikelmängden ökade från december 1917 och ännu mer under 1918. Ibland förekom det artiklar på första sidan. Men för det mesta placerades artiklarna med Ukrajina-frågor bland andra utlandsartiklar. Det framgick också i undersökningen att det var mest första världskriget som upptog tidningarnas uppmärksamhet, även om händelserna i Petrograd och sedan i Ukrajina tog allt mer plats allt eftersom. Denna undersökning visade också att det som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet var också det som förekommer i referenslitteraturen. Nyhetsrapporterna berättade hur Ukrajina utropat sin självständighet i mars 1917 tills landet proklamerat en oberoende republik i november 1917 när bolsjevikerna genomförde sin statskupp i Petrograd. Tidningarna skrev också hur de ryska kommunisterna skickade krigsförklaring till Ukrajina i december 1917 och om det kriget som följde efter det. Artiklarna berättar även om hur förhandlingarna för Ukrajinafreden gick till i Brest-Litovsk samt hur dessa avslutades med att Tyskland allierade sig med Ukrajina i kampen mot kommunisterna. Det berättades hur den tyska armén marscherade in i Ukrajina för att befria det från bolsjevikerna. Fram till maj 1918 pågick det strider mellan tysk-ukrajinska armén och kommunisterna. I juni 1918 undertecknades fredsavtalet och där slutade undersökningen. Undersökningen visade att det skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet i samtliga tidningar. Dagens Nyheter hade flest nyhetsartiklar kopplade till undersökningen. Även om antalet artiklar ej var i syfte att analysera i denna undersökning. Den kvalitativa analysen gick ut på att använda Höjelids teoretiska begrepp ”positiv klang” och ”negativ klang” på den kvantitativa analysens resultatmaterial. Det kvalitativa resultatet visade att det var nästintill omöjligt att se skillnad mellan de olika tidningarna eftersom artiklarna traderades mellan tidningarna, det vill säga innehållet kopierades rakt av. Det bör påpekas att inte allt innehåll var ämne för kopiering mellan tidningarna. Kopieringen förekom i större utsträckning men det fanns ändå originella artiklar som härstammade från respektive tidning. De flesta av artiklarna var dessutom direkta telegram som kommunicerades i utlandet till tidningens redaktioner. En hel del av dessa telegraferade artiklar skickades med ett givet syfte att vilseleda samhällsopinionen. Dessa vinklade artiklar publicerades utan vidare granskning i svensk press. Det förekom artiklar från exempelvis Dagens Nyheter vars redaktion uppmärksammat de ”märkliga Petrogradrapporter” och informerat om det i möjligt syfte att upplysa allmänheten. Men eftersom de flesta tidningarna var upptagna med första världskriget, som det visades i källmaterialet, var tidningsredaktionerna mindre intresserade av andra utländska händelser. Därför kunde sådana vinklade artiklar förekomma i svensk press i en större omfattning.
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Barone, Ann. "Springfield, the armory and the Civil War: Using local history resources to develop best practice field trips for middle school social studies students." 2008. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI3325149.
Full textAbstract:
This descriptive study identifies best practice for field trips for middle school social studies students, applies these principles in collaboration with the National Park Service at the Springfield (Massachusetts) Armory National Historic Site to offer a Civil War program to area students based on local documents and artifacts, and creates a model for other practitioners to develop local history programs. Based on the research, it describes elements of a successful field trip, defined as an effective learning experience which is fun and runs smoothly. The Civil War—Soldiers, Civilians and Armory Workers program was considered successful by the 736 middle school participants from urban, suburban, private and homeschool groups over three years. The basic program was modified for each group to address student needs and revised over time. Responses to the open-ended 3-2-1 Reflections measure were remarkably consistent across groups and years; participants considered the program successful. Participants reported learning about each major educational objective; longer activities were most often mentioned. Most respondents offered historical facts with very few errors. Most spontaneously offered positive comments while only 10% made negative remarks. Suggestions for improvement included having more and longer activities and less talking. Based on this research and the literature, models for best practice are presented for classroom teachers, for the Civil War program, and for historic sites. These each describe in detail the phases of effective field trips: (1) collaboration between teacher and site to set educational objectives, connect the setting and its resources to academic goals including state standards, and determine logistics; (2) classroom pre-trip activities to relate the trip to the curriculum and become familiar with activities; (3) during the field trip to engage in hands-on, authentic learning activities; and (4) post-trip activities to process what was learned. Recommendations for sites include offering one basic program tailored to individual needs, attending to volunteers, updating the program, and providing 21st century amenities. For participants, a successful field trip has activities that are hands-on, connected to curriculum, inquiry-based, authentic, set in the past, new, collaborative, multi-sensory, and creative; it also has good timing, passionate presenters, and welcoming facilities.
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Hsieh, Wayne. "The old army in war and peace : West Pointers and the Civil War era, 1814-1865 /." 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3149123.
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Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "Forging the Biafran State: Law and Crime in the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1976." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8RF5VMN.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation brings together the history of law in postcolonial Nigeria with the history of the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970), analyzing how wartime violence shaped crime and the ethics surrounding it. Using legal records from the Republic of Biafra’s courts, I examine how the secessionist state was governed, and how armed robbery and other criminal activities became means of survival there in the context of the fighting. These cases reveal how Biafrans and their government negotiated what kinds of survival tactics, many of them “criminal,” were permissible or ethical in the context of the war and the humanitarian crisis attending it. Biafra’s courts also became a space where individuals could assert themselves as moral actors in the face of political ataxia and enormous humanitarian strain. The war shaped Nigeria’s postcolonial experience profoundly. As in many conflicts, acts of violence and deception became ordinary – in some cases honorable – when surviving and winning the war trumped all other considerations. When the fighting ended in January 1970, the practices that Biafrans had used to endure the war did not end with it. In the years that followed, fraud and armed violence would become major features of life in reunified Nigeria. Biafra had declared independence in the name of preserving law and order, but the result of the war was to create conditions in which forms of illegality that would later become endemic – forgery, armed robbery, and the body of fraudulent activities known as “419” – could take root. For this reason, the Biafra War is an important episode in both the history of Nigeria after independence, and for the larger study of the dialectics of law and disorder in contemporary Africa.
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HOPE, IAN CLARENCE. "A SCIENTIFIC WAY OF WAR: ANTEBELLUM MILITARY SCIENCE, WEST POINT, AND THE ORIGINS OF AMERICAN MILITARY THOUGHT." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/7326.
Full textAbstract:
This work examines what constituted 19th century American military science, why it was framed within government policy and taught within the United States Military Academy, and how it became the early American way of war. The work uses as evidence a wide array of documents including biographical records of 2046 West Point graduates. It tracks the evolution of military science from Enlightenment Europe to the United States during the American Revolution and its relative obscurity until after the War of 1812. It then explains why a deliberate decision was made to transplant a French Napoleonic version of military science to serve as the curriculum of the military academy and to support the formulation of a national defense policy that called for militarized coastal frontiers and an “expansible army.” The work then follows how and why military science was modified during the period 1820-1860 in response to changes to the threats to the United States, changes related to state and federal plans for “internal improvements,” Indian wars, westward expansion, war with Mexico, and advances in military technology. Specifically it tracks how the doctrine of military science evolved from the teaching of specific Napoleonic applications to embrace subjects needed for war in North America. Inculcation in this American military science eventually came to provide the army with an officer corps that shared a common all-arms doctrine and common skill in using mathematics for military problem-solving. The majority of long-service graduates went on to spend years of their career fulfilling general staff, engineering, or academy instructor functions. The proliferation of military science through their work, and through published texts available to state volunteers, ensured that on the eve of the Civil War there existed a distinctly American, and scientific, way of war. This work challenges two late 20th century liberal arts revisionist schools, championed by Samuel Huntington and Russell Weigley, that have unfairly reduced military science to near oblivion.Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2012-05-28 10:47:55.375
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Grayson, Ronald I. Ward Cheryl A. "Investigations into civil war medicine through some artifacts recovered from the U.S. Army transport Maple Leaf." 2004. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04132004-163322.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Florida State University, 2004.Advisor: Dr. Cheryl Ward, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of Anthropology. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 16, 2004). Includes bibliographical references.
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Hung, Pei-Ying, and 洪培英. "The Factors Facilitating Sexual Violence against Women Perpetrated by the Army during the Peruvian Civil War (1980-2000)." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/x2qde4.
Full textAbstract:
碩士淡江大學
拉丁美洲研究所碩士班
106
In the late 20th century, sexual violence in armed conflict drew wide attention in both the academic field and in the masses. Since then, unlike the conventional explanations, this kind of violence has been interpreted as a complicated interaction of the social, biological and psychological elements. Meanwhile, because of a great variety of confrontations and their contexts, it is necessary to examine the specific causes of every perpetrator group and the circumstances that they are immersed. As a result, taking the Peru’s Civil War as a case study, the dissertation is aimed at investigating the social factors facilitating the sexual violence perpetrated by the counterinsurgency Peruvian Army during the 1980s and the 1990s. Since the sexual violence could constitute several felonies according to the International Law, the Social Learning Theory of Ronald Akers is applied for analyzing this criminal conduct. Three actors are focused through the documental analysis: the army, the feminine victims and the Peruvian State. On the premise of the intensification of the conflict, it is found that the definitions constructed by the Army and its military cultures, such as the hegemonic masculinity and the necessity of constructing male bonding and internal cohesion, facilitated their members’ perpetration of sexual violence against some women with specific identities. Due to their unfavorable situations, the victims often cooperated or chose not to denounce their aggressors; in addition, the State’s faults led to a serious malfunction of judicial system as well. Both parties fueled a climate of impunity, which later encouraged the sexual violence. In consequence, a vicious circle was formed, and the sexual violence became generalized particularly in the areas in a state of emergency during 1983-1984 and 1989-1990. Finally, taking the factors mentioned above into consideration, the empowerment of feminine coalitions and a feasible and guaranteed access to an effective judicial system for the women especially vulnerable in front of sexual violence could prevent the recurrence of the same tragedy, and could be worth further studies in the future.
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Chiang, Li-Wei, and 姜理惟. "Using the factions views to research to develop of The National Revolutionary Army since the Northem Expedition from the Chinese Civil War." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/27172743629385857726.
Full textAbstract:
碩士淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士班
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The main purpose is to research during 1926 the Northem Expedition start to 1950 the Chinese Civil War about the army organized system to develop of The National Revolutionary Army. And using the factions view to classify the armys that observes it brought what influence to the factions of The National Revolutionary Army. This study is divided into five chapters. First of all, there is an introduction of indicating the purpose, area, limitation, methodology and structure. Secondly, the first chapter to narrate the general situation of force build of The National Revolutionary Army, and to narrate the process of the Northem Expedition about The National Revolutionary Army. Chapter two analyzes after the Northem Expedition, broken a force conflict during about the center govement and locality power. Chapter three analyzes since Central Plains War from Xian Incident, Chiang kai-shek leaders center government got into position of The National Revolutionary Army. Chpater four analyzes the general situation of factions contral force of The National Revolutionary Army during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Chapter five analyzes the general situation of factions contral force of The National Revolutionary Army during the Chinese Civil War.