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1
Marantzidis, Nikos. "The Greek Civil War (1944–1949) and the International Communist System." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 4 (October 2013): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00394.
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The involvement of the Soviet bloc in the Greek Civil War, especially the weapons and other aid provided by the Communist states to the Greek Communist Party (KKE), could not be studied in any serious way until very recently. Only a small number of historians addressed this question prior to the collapse of the Communist regimes in Europe and the opening of East European archives. The newly available documentary evidence shows that throughout the conflict the KKE acted in close cooperation with the Soviet bloc, particularly through permanent representatives who were responsible for coordinating the aid supplied to the KKE and ensuring maximal use of it. The Democratic Army of Greece (DAG) was completely dependent on weaponry, equipment, and training from the Soviet bloc. The insurgency in Greece would have been impossible without the external support of the Communist states.
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Chrisidu-Budnik, Agnieszka. "Z problematyki emigracji z Grecji do Polski Ludowej." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 291–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.22.
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The 1944–1949 Greek civil war between the supporters of the monarchy with the right-wing government and the left-wing forces with the Democratic Army of Greece resulted in the death of approximately 100,000 people and forced partisans and their families to migrate to countries of “people’s democracy.” It is estimated that the Polish People’s Republic accepted approximately 14,000 people (children and adults). The article describes the genesis of the conflict that led to the outbreak of the civil war as well as the increasing polarization of the Greek population. It presents the (political and social) complexity of the processes of emigrating from Greece to the people’s democracies and selected aspects of the organization of the Greek community’s life in the Polish People’s Republic.
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Goulter, Christina. "An International Civil War: Greece, 1943–1949." History: Reviews of New Books 46, no. 1 (November 17, 2017): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2018.1388123.
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Karydaki, Danae. "Freud under the Acropolis: The challenging journey of psychoanalysis in 20th-century Greece (1915–1995)." History of the Human Sciences 31, no. 4 (October 2018): 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118791719.
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Psychoanalysis was introduced to Greece in 1915 by the progressive educator Manolis Triantafyllidis and was further elaborated by Marie Bonaparte, Freud’s friend and member of the Greek royal family, and her psychoanalytic group in the aftermath of the Second World War. However, the accumulated traumas of the Nazi occupation (1941–1944), the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), the post-Civil-War tension between the Left and the Right, the military junta (1967–1974) and the social and political conditions of post-war Greece led this project and all attempts to establish psychoanalysis in Greece, to failure and dissolution. The restoration of democracy in 1974 and the rapid social changes it brought was a turning point in the history of Greek psychoanalysis: numerous psychoanalysts, who had trained abroad and returned after the fall of the dictatorship, were hired in the newly established Greek National Health Service (NHS), and contributed to the reform of Greek psychiatry by offering the option of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the non-privileged. This article draws on a range of unexplored primary sources and oral history interview material, in order to provide the first systematic historical account in the English language of the complex relationship between psychoanalysis and Greek society, and the contribution of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the creation of the Greek welfare state. In so doing, it not only attempts to fill a lacuna in the history of contemporary Greece, but also contributes to the broader historiography of psychotherapy and of Europe.
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Auernheimer, Gustav. "Der griechische Bürgerkrieg 1946 bis 1949. Ereignisse und Erinnerungen / The Greek Civil War 1946 to 1949. Facts and Memories." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 90–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0106.
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Abstract This article is dealing with an important chapter in the history of Greece that has hitherto received very little attention by the German research community: the Greek civil war from 1947 to 1949, whose consequences left their mark on the Greek society for a long time. The topic has to be addressed through its classification in two contexts. First in a historical context that comprises the past history and foremost the conflicts without which the armed struggle probably would not have erupted. This also includes the posthistory and the dealings with the civil war in the memory culture and politics of history, from the 1950s to the present time. A comparison with a, in some respects, similar development concerning the Spanish civil war further examines the Greek example. The second context is a theoretical one. Although research rather tends to neglect civil wars vis-a-vis wars between states, there numerous approaches to the topic of civil wars, some of which are dealt with in this article. The summary examines to which degree they apply in the case of Greece.
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Pedaliu, Effie G. H. "André Gerolymatos. An International Civil War: Greece, 1943–1949." American Historical Review 124, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 370–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy508.
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Close, David H. "Civil War and World War in Europe: Spain, Yugoslavia, Greece, 1936–1949." South European Society and Politics 16, no. 4 (December 2011): 604–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2011.571908.
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Martyukova, Elizaveta A. "Soviet-Greek church relations as a factor of post-war stabilization in the world (1946–1953)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 4 (2022): 1081–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-4-1081-1097.
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We consider the role of religion and religious leaders in the Soviet foreign policy towards Greece. The reasons for the conflict between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Greek Church were not rooted in religion, the cultural divide between the two autocephalous churches was transferred into the sphere of political regulation. On the issue of Russian monasteries on Mount Athos, we considered the Soviet-Greek church relations from 1946 to 1953. The events described took place during the Greek Civil War – 1944–1949, and the first years after it. Based on the documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the letters of Patriarch Alexy I to the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church, which are stored in it, the nature of the actions of Soviet representatives on the issue of Russian monasteries on Athos, we analyze and made an assessment of the actions of church representatives of the USSR in the line of external church relations. Based on the analysis of the source documentary material, we concluded that the USSR projected ideological dogmas on its foreign policy in the Orthodox world as well. Greek Civil War 1944–1949 showed the dependence of the confessional sector of Greek society on the political component. The political confrontation between the USSR and the USA turned out to be decisive in the adoption of the pro-Western state course of Greece, including in the religious society. It is shown that the peculiarities of the Russian and Greek Orthodox Churches, as participants in international relations, are the close coordination of their international activities with the work of the relevant state political institutions. The role of church diplomacy for establishing communications between the two states regarding the deplorable situation of Russian monasteries on Mount Athos is shown, and we make a conclusion about the peacekeeping potential of the Russian Orthodox Church. It is emphasized that based on the centuries-old experience of cooperation between politics and religion, we can talk about the existence of similar positions in the field of regulation of social activity.
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Karpozilos, Kostis. "The Defeated of the Greek Civil War: From Fighters to Political Refugees in the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 62–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00471.
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In the fall of 1949, after the end of the Greek Civil War, the bulk of the defeated Greek Communist (KKE) fighters were covertly transported from Albania to Soviet Uzbekistan. This article addresses the covert relocation project, organized by the Soviet Communist Party, and the social engineering program intended to create a prototype Greek People’s Democracy in Tashkent. Drawing on Soviet and Greek Communist Party records, the article raises three major issues: first, the contingencies of postwar transition in the Balkans and the precarious status of the Albanian regime; second, the international Communist response to the military defeat of the KKE in 1949 and the competing visions of the Greek, Soviet, and Albanian parties regarding the future of the Democratic Army of Greece (DAG); third, the intentions of the KKE to establish military bases in Albania and the party’s ensuing effort to transform the agrarian fighters of the DAG into revolutionary cadres for a future victorious repatriation in Greece. Drawing these elements together, the article elucidates the relocation operation of 1949, positions the Greek political refugee experience within the postwar “battle of refugees,” and challenges the widespread historiographical assumption that the KKE immediately abandoned the prospect of a renewed armed confrontation.
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Fleming, K. E. "Greece 1940–1949: Occupation, Resistance, Civil War: A Documentary History." History: Reviews of New Books 31, no. 3 (January 2003): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2003.10527584.
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Mondini, Marco. ":Civil War and World War in Europe: Spain, Yugoslavia, and Greece, 1936–1949." American Historical Review 113, no. 4 (October 2008): 1227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.4.1227.
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NOWICKA, Ewa. "CIVIL WAR IN MEMORY OF GREEK REPATRIATES FROM POLAND AND OTHER EASTERN BLOC COUNTRIES." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 163, no. 1 (January 2, 2012): 238–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3258.
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The paper is based on anthropological study fieldwork conducted in Greece during the three subsequent research seasons of 2005-2009. The Greek Civil War (1946-1949) broke out after World War II and it reflected the conflict between communist (or at least leftist) Greek guerillas and the rightist power of the Royal authorities. On one side the war was supported from Moscow, and on the other by Great Britain and US military forces. As a result of the total defeat of communists, the Greek citizens who were actively involved in the military activity, their families and civilians inhabiting the territory of Northern Greece, were evacuated. They were transported by the communist army to different communist countries. For decades they were not able to return to their home villages. Most of the evacuated Greeks decided to come back home when it became possible after 1975. Their memory of the civil war differs from generation to generation and it depends on the role they played in the war. For ex-partisans the civil war was the manifestation of the struggle of the international powers representing class interests. For people who were children during the war the memory is concentrated on particular facts and accidents. People who were born outside of Greece tend to forget, though they also have some image of the war as a horror. The memory of the civil war in Greece have led to the permanent division of the Greek society, which exists till today.
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RODRIGO, JAVIER. "Under the Sign of Mars: Violence in European Civil Wars, 1917–1949." Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (February 22, 2017): 487–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000017.
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This article explores the comparative history of violence in European civil wars from 1917 to 1949, beginning with the war in Russia and ending with the one in Greece. Its main goal is to prepare a framework for a transnational comparative debate on the category of ‘civil war’ and its historical and analytical elements in order to better understand why internal conflicts are universally assumed to be particularly violent and cruel. Responding to the need for an inclusive approach in determining the nature of civil war, I discuss the theory of violence in connection with civil wars and conclude that if civil wars are, and are perceived as, especially violent, this is due to many and multidirectional elements, including the importance of symbolic conflicts, the juxtaposition of different conflicts within any civil struggle and, in the case of Europe between the world wars, the presence of radicalising elements such as fascism.
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Lialiouti, Zinovia. "Meeting the Communist Threat in Greece: American diplomats, ideology and stereotypes 1944-1950." Twentieth Century Communism 17, no. 17 (September 1, 2019): 90–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864319827751358.
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This paper focuses on four US officials serving in Greece at a critical period in both Greek and American political history. The Greek Civil War (1946-9) was decisive in the development of the Cold War confrontation. The Truman Doctrine (1947) represents an ideological milestone in this respect. In particular, the paper explores the views of Lincoln MacVeagh (ambassador 1944-7), Paul A. Porter (chief of the American Economic Mission to Greece, 1947), Dwight Griswold (chief of the American Mission for Aid to Greece 1947-8) and Henry Grady (ambassador 1948-50), namely their perceptions of the Greek post-war crisis in relation to the strategic goal of anticommunism. The emphasis of the analysis is on their understanding of the Greek social and political conditions - and especially of the nature of the communist threat – and of the goals involved in the American aid to the country. These four case studies highlight the interaction between the prevailing ideology in foreign policy objectives and the personal belief systems. Cultural preconditions and stereotypes constitute the framework in the context of which US officials sought to contain the communist challenge in Greece both though military as well as through economic and ideological means.
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Koumas, Manolis. "Cold War Dilemmas, Superpower Influence, and Regional Interests: Greece and the Palestinian Question, 1947–1949." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2017): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00719.
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This article discusses official attitudes toward the creation of the state of Israel from the eruption of the postwar international crisis in Palestine until the end of Arab-Israeli War of 1948–1949. In 1947–1949, Greek policy toward the Middle East was determined by a mix of regional, political, and ideological factors: the Greek security problem during the early Cold War era, including the Greek civil war; the existence of the Greek Orthodox Church of Jerusalem; the Greek government's need to take into account the position of the Greek diaspora community in Egypt; commercial interests in the Eastern Mediterranean; anti-Semitism; the need to secure Arab votes in support of the Greek question before the United Nations; and relations between Greece and its new superpower patron, the United States. Greek decisions were dominated by Cold War needs, but the United States did not impose policy on its junior partner.
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Dimova, Marija Gjorgjieva. "Narrative postmemories. The relationship between postmemory and narrative in „ Kica Kolbe’s Aegeans” and „ The Snow in Casablanca”." Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 6 (October 10, 2017): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.6.14.
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Narrative Postmemories. The Relationship between Postmemory and Narrative in Kica Kolbe’s Aegeans and The Snow in CasablancaStarting from Marianne Hirsch’s thesis that the notion of postmemory can be generalised in various contexts of traumatic transfer, this paper aims to examine the interpretive validity of this concept in relation to the so-called Aegean Theme in Macedonian literature, which encompasses collective trauma caused by the exodus of Macedonians from Greece during the Greek Civil War 1944–1949. The paper focuses on two works — Egejci and Snegot vo Kazablanka by Macedonian authoress Kica Kolbe, a member of the so-called postgeneration. Considering that both books are of different genres an autobiography and a novel, the analysis is to offer a comparative presentation of the narrative conventions involved in the affirmation of their postmemorial dimension present in: the variant of postmemory, the elements of secondariness and of mediativeness of postmemory, as well as the postmemorial relation to the past through imagination, projection and creation. Нарративная постпамять Основываясь на тезисе Марианны Хирш о том, что понятие постпамять можно обобщить в различных контекстах травматического переноса, в данной статье мы ставим перед собой цель дать обоснование для использования понятия постпамять, относительно, так называемой эгейской темы в македонской литературе, т.е. темы коллективной травмы, вызванной исходом македонцев из Греции во время Гражданской войны в Греции 1944–1949. Предметом анализа являются два произведения Эгейцы и Снег в Касабланке македонского автора Кицы Кольбе, принадлежащего к так называемому постпоколению. Принимая во внимание тот факт, что книги разные по жанру — автобиография и роман — мы предлагаем сравнительный анализ данных произведений на уровне именно аспекта постпамяти, присуствующего в данных произведениях в виде собственно постпамяти, во второстепенных элементах, так или иначе касающихся постпамяти к прошлому через воображение, проекции и творчество.
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Kokosalakis, Yiannis. "Shattered States: Reconstituting Political Authority in the Aftermath of Civil War in Russia and Greece." Journal of Modern European History 20, no. 4 (November 2022): 498–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944221130221.
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This article examines the process of disintegration and reconstitution of political authority in civil war with reference to the Russian (1918–1921) and Greek (1946–1949) civil wars. These conflicts bracket the post-World War I period of revolutionary and counterrevolutionary conflicts that has been the core subject of historical scholarship on European civil strife. Both cases were highly polarised clashes between establishment and revolutionary forces, and much of the relevant historiography has been naturally coloured by this aspect of the conflicts. I argue that the interpretative focus on polarisation obscures a different dynamic that is equally important for our understanding of civil war as a type of military conflict and, crucially, its political aftermath. Civil war in Russia and Greece did not emerge as a result of functioning states splitting into two or more competing authorities. It was rather the product of a multifaceted fragmentation of political power as a result of war and revolution; a shattering of the state into an array of asymmetrical actors competing for control over both its territory and its administrative resources. Polarisation followed this fragmentation, as these disparate actors manoeuvred to form the camps of the civil wars. This form of coalition building was a dynamic process in which armed violence was not only the chief means of resolution of the competing claims to power but also an essential factor in the formation of the sides themselves. A corollary of this is that the process of political reconstruction that follows civil war is determined as much by the imperative to work out a functioning relationship between the various elements of the victors’ camp as by securing victory through the permanent exclusion or reintegration of the vanquished.
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Malai, Vera Vladimirovna, and Sofiya Bakhramovna Pazhvak. "Problems of the initial stage of the Greek Civil War (1946-1949) on the pages of the British press." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 10 (October 2023): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.10.43934.
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The subject of the study is the reflection of the problems of the initial stage (1945-1947) of the Greek Civil War of 1946-1949 in the publications of the British media on the example of the central British publications: the Daily Herald (a newspaper that supported the Labour Party), The Times and The Daily Mirror (a supporter of the British Labour Party) and the Yorkshire Observer (a British publication of liberal views). The questions raised are considered in a problem-chronological plan. The article analyzes the topics of articles and problems on Greece raised by these publications, their attitude to the events in this country and the conflicting parties, the depth of coverage of the topic. The main conclusions of the research conducted for the first time in Russian science are that in the British press, in the face of selected publications, when covering issues of the Greek internal political conflict, objectivity and impartiality were not present in all cases. Sometimes the ascertaining side prevailed over the analytical one. In some cases, publications ignored the most important issues for Greece at that time. The reflection of the international aspects of the Greek war in the context of the "cold war" ("promotion" of anti-communist, anti-Soviet motives) was traced. The research materials can be used for further study of the Greek Civil War of 1946-1946, the propaganda aspect of the Cold War and regional conflicts of the postwar period.
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Ristovic, Milan. "The December revolt in Athens British intervention and Yugoslav reaction: December 1944 - January 1945." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 271–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637271r.
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The revolt that members and supporters of the leftist movement EAM-ELAS staged in Athens in early December 1944 against the Greek royal and British forces ushered into the second "round" of the civil war in Greece. The developments in the neighborhood draw much attention in Yugoslavia, where the war of liberation was in its final phases in parallel with the elimination of political rivals to the new government in which communists played a central role. This attention was not only a result of ideological solidarity, it also had to do with the "Macedonian Question", i.e. the position of Slavic Macedonian minority in northern Greece, an issue that had aroused a debate between Greek and Yugoslav communists in 1944. Difficulties in relations between the Yugoslav partisan leadership and the British, pressure from London, the passivity of the Soviet Union as regards the developments in Athens, a stalemate on the Srem Front, fights with the remaining collaborationist forces, compelled Yugoslavia to take a reserved position and avoid direct involvement in Greece. Appeals of Greek communists for aid in military supplies, promised on the eve of the revolt, failed to provoke a tangible response of the Yugoslav leadership. Once the revolt was crushed by the British and a truce between the EAM-ELAS and the royal government signed a wave of migration to Yugoslavia ensued of the borderland civilian Slavic Macedonian population but also of several thousand radical Greek leftists unwilling to accept the Varkiza agreement.
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Sfikas, Thanasis D. "War and Peace in the Strategy of the Communist Party of Greece, 1945–1949." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 3 (September 2001): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701750419493.
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Using archival sources that only recently have become available, this article fo-cuses on the interplay between the concepts of war and peace in the strategy of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) during the Greek Civil War of the late 1940s. The article demonstrates that the choices facing the KKE and its opponents changed quite dramatically in the period from 1945 to 1949. The active role of Great Britain in Greek domestic affairs and the relatively limited role of the Soviet nion meant that the KKE was increasingly ostracized in the international community. The unwillingness of the Greek Liberal Party to forge a political alliance with the KKE prompted the Communists to resume their armed struggle for power. This article presents the alternatives facing the KKE in light of the postwar domestic and international contexts.
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Rossos, Andrew. "Incompatible Allies: Greek Communism and Macedonian Nationalism in the Civil War in Greece, 1943-1949." Journal of Modern History 69, no. 1 (March 1997): 42–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/245440.
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Petrunina, Olga. "Heroes and Anti-Heroes of the 1940s: Pendulous Swings in Greek Historiography." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2023): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024157-0.
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In this article, the author examines the evolution of Greek historiography's approaches to the study of one of the most controversial periods of national history, namely the 1940s, covering World War II and the following Greek Civil War, 1946–1949. Firstly, she demonstrates how the development of historiography after the end of the Civil War was influenced by the social and political situation in the country and how subsequent political development of Greece influenced historical research. The Communists who were defeated in the Civil War were repressed and their contribution to the national resistance movement during the years of occupation was glossed over or negatively assessed. A softening of the official perspective on the issue came in the 1960s, and a comprehensive examination of the events of World War II took place in the 1980s, when the socialists came to power in Greece. However, a consensus perception of the controversial issues in Greek society did not emerge even after the rehabilitation of the Left in the 1980s. These factors set the stage for its revision, which was carried out by a historiographical movement calling itself “New Wave” or post-revisionism, which emerged at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The article analyses the methodological positions of this movement and the most important works of its founders, the political scientist Stathis Kalyvas and the sociologist Nikos Marandzidis. But the debate on controversial issues is far from being over, as the views of the neo-conservatives are gradually making their way into Greek society.
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Nilaj, Marsel. "The Civil War in Greece and Relations with Albania According to the Communist Press During 1948 – 1949." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i1.p94-103.
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During 1948-1949 relations with Greece were very tense in the postwar period of World War II. The positioning of the two countries in two different camps, respectively Albania in the Socialist Camp and Greece in the Western Camp, lead to even more severe relations between these two countries. The Greek Civil War, fought between two Greek groups, the democratic and the communist one, also involved Albania in the propaganda as supporting the right wing of the Communist Greek. Such a propaganda was retaliated by the Greeks in the Albanian territory, for a few days in the Albanian land. The Albanian press of that time was very much involved by mainly giving information of the propaganda oriented towards Moscow, rather than about the immediate risk the country was directly facing. In many cases, the war and the threat it imposed was transformed and far away from reality. The press of that time mostly transmitted what Stalinist Moscow directed, rather than the truth. It was Stalinist Moscow the place which Enver Hoxha held as the orienting point, especially after breaking relations a few months ago with the Communist Yugoslavian state. The Communist press of that time was more preoccupied about the advancement of the Greek communist forces, rather than the threat the democratic wing imposed by approaching the Albanian border. This showed that the Albanian State was displaying itself since the first steps as being indoctrinated and related to the ideology and not to the threat imposed to the Albanian nation. The communist press of that time varied in numbers and kinds, displayed in every newspaper or magazine the success of the Greek communism. Such a problem is also presented in the British parliament as an unfair action from the Albanian state
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Tsoutsoumpis, Spyros. "An International Civil War: Greece 1943–1949 by Andre Gerolymatos, and: The Greek Civil War: Strategy, Counterinsurgency and the Monarchy by Spyridon Plakoudas." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 37, no. 2 (2019): 431–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2019.0025.
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Committee, Editorial. "2. The Second World War and Its Aftermath." Historein 12 (April 6, 2013): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.210.
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<p>Giorgos Antoniou, review of <em>A war without end: the 1940s in political discourse, 1950-1967</em>, by Eleni Paschaloudi.</p><p>Kateřina Králová and Konstantinos Tsivos, review of <em>Children of the Greek Civil War: Refugees and the Politics of Memory</em>, by Loring M. Danforth and Riki van Boeschoten.</p><p>Christina Alexopoulos, review of <em>Staying temporarily: Greek political refugees in the People's Republic of Bulgaria, 1948-1982</em>, by Katerina Tsekou.</p><p>Eugenia Bournova, review of <em>Famine and death in occupied Greece, 1941-1944</em>, by Violetta Hionidou.</p><p>Iordanis Psimmenos, review of <em>Construction workers: The people who built Athens, 1950-1967</em>, by Dimitra Lambropoulou.</p>
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Hussain, Norasmahani, and Mohamad Khairul Anuar Mohd Rosli. "BRITISH FOREIGN SECRETARY’S ROLE AND INFLUENCE IN THE EXCLUSION OF GREECE AND TÜRKIYE FROM NATO, 1948–1949." Journal of International Studies 19, no. 2 (August 30, 2023): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.2.6.
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When NATO was created on 4 April 1949 by the United States, Britain, Canada, and several Western European countries with the aim tocontain the Soviet Union’s expansion of power, it was rather peculiar that Greece and Türkiye were excluded, while their Mediterranean neighbour, Italy, was included in this new military organisation. As Greece suffered from the communist insurgents in the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), and Türkiye was unceasingly under Soviet military and diplomatic threat over the provinces of Kars and Ardahan and the Turkish Straits settlements (1946–1953), both seemingly had valid reasons for being included in NATO. However, Britain, one of the renowned founding members of NATO, determinedly repudiated to invite Greece and Türkiye to join NATO. This paper analyses the reasons for Britain to deny these countries NATO membership. The existing literature on this exclusion subject argues that the geographical location and the forthcoming Mediterranean Pact were two apparent causes that influenced Britain to reject Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership. This paper however, investigates other rejection reasons that have yet to be studied by previous scholars. This paper offers an analysis of Britain’s objections to Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership during NATO’s creation years through the study of British primary historical records. The finding shows that Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin was eager to have NATO promptly formed, and he believed the proposal for Greece and Türkiye’s inclusion in NATO would hamper this aim, since these two countries were in a dispute over Cyprus. Bevin reckoned that the bitter relationship between Greece and Türkiye over Cyprus would alarm the delegations, hence prolonging the discussions that would lead to further postponement of NATO’s ratification. Thus, Bevin’s démarche was not to propose the inclusion of Greece and Türkiye in NATO at the time.
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Hussain, Norasmahani. "The Cold War Tension in Greece and the Continuation of British Rule in Cyprus, 1945-1950." SEJARAH 31, no. 1 (June 25, 2022): 106–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol31no1.6.
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Cyprus officially became a British Crown Colony in 1925. However, the Greek Cypriots had consistently fought for enosis which was a union with Greece. As the biggest population in Cyprus, the Greek Cypriots felt that Cyprus was qualified to be a part of the Greece state; hence they revolted against British rule. This paper will expound on the decision of the British to remain in Cyprus despite the Greek Cypriots’ effort for enosis. The existing literature concerning this issue illustrates that the strategic geographical location of Cyprus, being near to the British communication route to the Middle East and the Eastern Empire, is the apparent reason for the British retaining its sovereign power in Cyprus. The main objective of this paper is to examine the other reason for Britain to remain in Cyprus that is still absent from the literature. This paper has focused on the perspective of British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and his Foreign Office through the method of the archival research of British records such as Bevin’s Private Papers (FO800), the Cabinet Office Papers (CAB), the Foreign Office Papers (FO371), the Colonial Office files (CO), the Defence Ministry Papers (DEFE) and the House of Commons Parliamentary Debate (HANSARD). The finding shows that the Cold War tension in Greece, which was the Greek Civil War (1946-1949), had encouraged Bevin and the Foreign Office to reject any proposals or initiatives that favoured the idea of Cyprus being returned to Greece. There was a possibility of the communist insurgents took over Greece given they had successfully formed a provisional government in northern Greece. Bevin worried that Cyprus would also turn communist if it was ceded to Greece during this crucial time. This matter would also endanger the British geostrategic in Cyprus. This was the most likely event that Bevin wanted to avoid happening.
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Marantzidis, Nikos, and Rori Lamprini. "Sinistra e destra in Grecia dal XX al XXI secolo." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041005.
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Left and Right in Greece from the 20th into the 21st century The article explores the evolution of left/right division in Greece, drawing upon macro sociological theories regarding social and political cleavages. It analyses the major historical divisions that have given meaning to the left/right dichotomy and have structured Greek party system over a century. Among a series of wars, civil quarrels, economical and political crises, which have taken place throughout the Twentieth century, two civil conflicts have marked political rivalries and configured political identities: the National Schism (1915-1917) and the Civil War (1943-1949). They have established a three-camp party system, which had endured until the 1967-1974 military dictatorship. The democratization of the country and the liberalization of political institutions in the post-junta era gave birth to new coalitions and political formations, which established a two-party system on the basis of right/anti-right dichotomy. The outbreak of economic crisis in 2010 and the austerity measures that came as a consequence have divided society and politics in two camps: the advocates and opponents of the Memorandum. The political stances regarding the management of the crisis has magnified the significance of pro/anti-memorandum cleavage and, thus, weakened the importance of the left/right division.
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Kassaveti, Ursula-Helen, and Nikolaos Papadogiannis. "‘The Azure Generation’: Liberal Youth Politics in Greece and the Politicization of Music, 1982–1984." European History Quarterly 52, no. 2 (March 30, 2022): 296–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221085122.
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This article focuses on the years 1982–1984, which witnessed the first systematic effort to establish a moderate right-wing youth organization in Greece during the Cold War. It shows that the invention of the political songs of the Liberal youth ONNED underpinned its mass mobilization in 1982–1984. In this vein, our analysis enriches recent historiographical approaches that focus on cultures of Conservatism and on political and cultural changes in post-authoritarian Southern Europe in the 1970s to 1980s. Those political songs were linked to both the rhetoric and the practices of ONNED cadres and members. Their lyrics conveyed anti-Communist post-memories of the Civil War in Greece (1943/1946–1949), as reconfigured and filtered through the experiences of ONNED cadres and members in the aftermath of the 1967–1974 dictatorship and the electoral victory of the Socialists in 1981. Thus, the study of the Liberal youth complements the analysis of moderate right-wing subjects in Spain, for whom the Civil War was no reference point after democracy was restored in 1975. Simultaneously, the article enriches research on the Greek Liberal youth so far, which has neglected how this subject reconfigured its approach to the Greek Civil War in comparison to the Right in the preceding decades. Our article also shows that the songs under study accompanied a wide range of ritualistic and prosaic practices of ONNED cadres and members. Listening to and singing those songs was part of a double demarcation process between ONNED cadres and members and their left-wing opponents, as well as within ONNED. For instance, in Thessaloniki, the more Conservative members embraced those songs in their leisure activities and their everyday spaces. By contrast, the more centre-right members were more critical, but still tolerated such music. The everyday life and spatial history approach is crucial to illuminating the varying reception of the political songs of ONNED within this organization.
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Iatrides, John O. "Greece, 1941–1949: From Resistance to Civil War, the Strategy of the Greek Communist Party (review)." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 13, no. 1 (1995): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2010.0401.
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Papailias, Michail. "Research on the Social and Economic Differentiations in the Greek Rural Sector During the Period 1830-2030." Zeszyty Naukowe SGGW w Warszawie - Problemy Rolnictwa Światowego 14, no. 4 (December 31, 2014): 116–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/prs.2014.14.4.76.
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In 1830 farmers constituted the majority of the Greek population. Part of these was small landowners or small livestock farmers, while the largest part of them was landless. The large farms were few. In the 1920s the entrance of 1.5 million refugees from Asia Minor and the departure of 600 thousands Muslims (with the exchange of populations) had as a result the dissolution of the manors, which were in the hands of the Turks. In the year 1950 due to the German occupation (1941-1944) and civil war (1946-1949) the agriculture returned in the level of the 1930s. In 2000, almost twenty years from the Greece’s accession to the EU (in 1981), the massive subsidies and the clear agricultural policy, led to disruption of productivity of rural sector. The estimates for 2030 are formulated both from the changes that have occurred over time and from the consequences of the accession of Greece in the support mechanism (2010), after the silent bankruptcy of the country. The purpose of this paper is to reflect the changes in the social structure of agriculture from independence (1830) until today and to make estimations for 2030. The Greek case differs from that of European countries, as it has not developed the institution of manor and similar as extensive feudal relations. It also differs from the countries of the Balkans as it maintained the institution of the small private property. The methodology of this study uses the historical approach and is based on evaluation of secondary sources, but also in primary research by the author for the economic efficiency of agriculture. It uses also comparative analysis interpreting the social relations that existed in Greece and in the rest of the Balkans. The paper is structured in four parts. The first refers to the history of the research objective. In the second and the third, economic and social differentiations are presented. In the fourth the above findings are evaluated.
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Bederman, David J. "Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission: Albania Claims." American Journal of International Law 106, no. 2 (April 2012): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.2.0271.
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Albania ranks among the smallest and poorest countries in Europe, located on the Adriatic and Ionian Seas just north of Greece. It gained its independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1912 (accounting for the fact that a majority of the population is Muslim) and subsisted as a monarchy for much of the interwar period. Albania was occupied by Italy (and then Nazi Germany) for all of the Second World War. Communist partisans expelled the Germans in 1944, without the assistance of Soviet forces, and thus began nearly a half-century of a totalitarian, isolationist rule by an extremely repressive Communist regime under the leadership of Enver Hoxha and Ramiz Alia. This regime was definitively overthrown in 1991. Since that time, Albania has been periodically wracked by civil and political unrest, leading to substantial violence in 1997 that was quelled only with the brief deployment of a UN multinational protection force.
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Sfikas, Thanasis D. "Spanish Echoes in Greece, 1946-1949: The Myth of the Participation of an "International Brigade" in the Greek Civil War." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 15, no. 1 (1997): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1997.0008.
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Konstantinakou, Despina-Georgia. "The Expulsion of the Italian Community of Greece and the Politics of Resettlement, 1944–52." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (December 13, 2018): 316–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418815329.
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At the beginning of the twentieth century, there was a rapid development of Italian communities in Greece, with their members being regarded as integral parts of local societies, especially in the Ionian Islands and the Peloponnese. This changed after the fascist Italian attack against Greece in October 1940 and the subsequent Italian occupation. Members of the Italian community were deemed as de facto enemies, with the Greek authorities deciding to immediately expel them after Greece's liberation. The removal policy, however, would also be extended to the Italians of the Dodecanese after the islands were ceded in 1947. This article will document the Italians' expulsion from Greece after the end of the Second World War by examining the different ways in which mainly the Greek state, but also the authorities in Italy and the Great Allies, handled the Italian community's fate in the unfolding Cold War. At the same time, it will also explore the policy followed and the incentives that led Athens to accept the resettlement of a number of expelled Italians in Greece in 1949.
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Karpozilos, Kostis. "Review of Rika Benveniste's, Αυτοί που επέζησαν; Dimitris Kousouris', Δίκες των δοσίλογων, 1944-1949; Menelaos Haralabidis', Δεκεμβριανά 1944; Polymeris Voglis', Η αδύνατη επανάσταση." Historein 15, no. 2 (July 17, 2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.8753.
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<p>Rika Benveniste. Αυτοί που επέζησαν: Αντίσταση, εκτόπιση, επιστροφή. Θεσσαλονικείς Εβραίοι στη δεκαετία του 1940 [Those who survived: Resistance, deportation, return. Thessaloniki Jews in the 1940s]. Athens: Polis, 2014. 444 pp.<br />Dimitris Kousouris. Δίκες των δοσίλογων 1944-1949: Δικαιοσύνη, συνέχεια του κράτους και εθνική μνήμη [Trials of the collaborators, 1944-49: justice, state continuity and national memory]. Athens: Polis, 2014. 688 pp.<br />Menelaos Haralabidis. Δεκεμβριανά 1944: Η μάχη της Αθήνας [December events, 1944: The battle of Athens]. Athens: Alexandria, 2014. 374 pp.<br />Polymeris Voglis. Η αδύνατη επανάσταση: Η κοινωνική δυναμική του εμφυλίου πολέμου [The impossible revolution: the social dynamics of civil war]. Athens: Alexandria, 2014. 424 pp.</p>
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Романов, В. В. "A new look at the Greek aspect of the Cold War Genesis." Вестник гуманитарного образования, no. 4(16) (June 16, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.19.045.
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В статье представлены размышления над книгой А. А. Калинина «На переднем рубеже холодной войны: СССР, США и гражданская война в Греции (1944–1949 гг.)». В книге на основе архивных материалов, опубликованных документов и мемуарных свидетельств представлена системная картина эволюции американской и советской политики в отношении Греции с начала 1944 г. до окончания гражданской войны в августе 1949 г. в увязке с генезисом холодной войны. Несомненной заслугой автора является использование материалов Национального архива США. В монографии исследуются истоки и причины возникновения греческого конфликта, показано влияние на его протекание изменений ситуационного контекста, охарактеризованы временное измерение конфликта, мотивы и механизмы принятия решений в США и СССР, а также его итоги и последствия. Существенное внимание уделено греческому аспекту послевоенного урегулирования и процессу вовлечения США в решение политических и экономических проблем Афин. Издание адресовано историкам, политологам, специалистам в области международных отношений и всем, кого интересует исторический опыт Греции, России и США. The article presents reflections on the book by A. A. Kalinin "On the front line of the Cold War: the USSR, the United States and the civil war in Greece (1944–1949)". Based on archival materials, published documents, and memoir evidence, the book presents a systematic picture of the evolution of American and Soviet policy toward Greece from the beginning of 1944 to the end of the civil war in August 1949, in conjunction with the genesis of the Сold War. The author's undoubted merit is the use of materials from the US National archives. The monograph examines the origins and causes of the Greek conflict, shows the influence of changes in the situational context on its course, describes the time dimension of the conflict, the motives and mechanisms of decision-making in the United States and the USSR, as well as its results and consequences. Considerable attention is paid to the Greek aspect of the post-war settlement and the process of involving the United States in solving political and economic problems in Athens. The publication is addressed to historians, political scientists, specialists in international relations and anyone interested in the historical experience of Greece, Russia and the United States.
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Auernheimer, Gustav. "Der griechische Bürgerkrieg 1946 bis 1949. Ereignisse und Erinnerungen / The Greek Civil War 1946 to 1949. Facts and Memories." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (January 8, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2016-0106.
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AbstractThis article is dealing with an important chapter in the history of Greece that has hitherto received very little attention by the German research community: the Greek civil war from 1947 to 1949, whose consequences left their mark on the Greek society for a long time. The topic has to be addressed through its classification in two contexts. First in a historical context that comprises the past history and foremost the conflicts without which the armed struggle probably would not have erupted. This also includes the posthistory and the dealings with the civil war in the memory culture and politics of history, from the 1950s to the present time. A comparison with a, in some respects, similar development concerning the Spanish civil war further examines the Greek example. The second context is a theoretical one. Although research rather tends to neglect civil wars vis-a-vis wars between states, there numerous approaches to the topic of civil wars, some of which are dealt with in this article. The summary examines to which degree they apply in the case of Greece.
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"Civil war and world war in Europe: Spain, Yugoslavia, and Greece, 1936-1949." Choice Reviews Online 45, no. 03 (November 1, 2007): 45–1673. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.45-1673.
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Anagnostaki, Lida, and Alexandra Zaharia. "“Children don’t think about these things.”: A qualitative research on the relationship views and experiences of former unaccompanied refugee children." Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, May 11, 2023, 026540752311756. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02654075231175633.
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Αlthough unaccompanied refugee minors have sadly been and still are a part of the movements observed worldwide of hundreds of thousands of migrants fleeing persecution, violence and war, there seems to be limited research on their relationships from their viewpoint. The present study explored the relationship experiences of former unaccompanied refugee children (now older adults). During the Greek civil war (1944–1949) thousands of children between the ages of three to 14 were taken from their villages in Greece and settled as unaccompanied refugees in institutions in countries of the former Eastern Bloc. The research sought to gain a rich understanding of their views and experiences regarding personal relationships. Nine older adults (8 men and 1 woman), who were separated from their families when they were younger than 10 years of age, were interviewed. Their narratives were analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). The themes that emerged from the analysis demonstrated that attachment ties to their parents were severely affected by separation raising questions as regards the existence of attachment representations, the importance of relationships seemed generally undermined, while the role of peers was accentuated. The participants’ resilience and coping mechanisms are also discussed.
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Beze, Eleni. "Being Leftist and Jewish in Greece during the Civil War and its Aftermath: Constraints and Choices." Historein 18, no. 2 (June 19, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.14601.
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After the end of the Second World War, and as a result of the ensuing Greek Civil War (1946–1949), former resistance members went through a period of generalised, severe persecution. In this context, Jews who had survived the Shoah by taking part in the resistance in some way or by going into hiding under the protection of the resistance forces had to denounce their former comrades or communist rescuers. How did Greek Jews who had been influenced by leftist ideology respond to the politics of the civil war and its aftermath? How were their responses affected by the attitudes of the Greek state, Jewish community and State of Israel towards them? Following the traces left mainly in a) the archives of the Jewish Museum of Greece, the Jewish communities of Athens and Salonica, and the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee; b) the Greek Jewish press of the period; c) personal accounts, essays and literature, I will attempt to explore the multiplicity of responses of leftist Greek Jews to the political and personal dilemmas of the post-Shoah period. I argue that despite different postwar (and prewar) political attitudes and experiences, leftist Greek Jews expressed two main tendencies: a tight relationship with the country’s Jewish communities and, at the same time, a strong tendency to leave for other countries, mainly Israel.
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ÇAKICI, Derya. "Turks of Western Thrace During The Second World War And The Greek Civil War (1944-1949)." History Studies, July 4, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.9737/historystudies.1296292.
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İkinci Dünya Savaşı Almanya’nın 1 Eylül 1939’da Polonya’ya saldırması ile başlamıştır. 1940’ta İtalya’nın, 1941’de Almanya’nın saldırısına uğrayan Yunanistan, kısa bir süre içerisinde işgal edilmiştir. Yunanistan’ın işgali ile birlikte ülke içerisinde direniş amaçlı örgütler kurulmuş ve işgalci kuvvetlere karşı mücadele başlamıştır. Ancak savaşın sonuna doğru örgütler arasında başlayan iktidar mücadelesi, örgütlerin birbirleriyle çatışmasına sebep olmuş ve ülke bir iç savaşa sürüklenmiştir. İç savaş boyunca Batı Trakya Türkleri bir yandan komünist çete mensuplarının saldırılarına maruz kalırken, diğer taraftan da hükümet kuvvetleri ve sağ görüşlü çete üyelerinin tazyikinden kendilerini kurtaramamışlardır. Mücadeleyi sürdüren taraflardan her biri Batı Trakya bölgesini ve burada yaşayan Türkleri, kendi hedeflerini gerçekleştirebilmek için bir vasıta olarak görmüşlerdir. Türklerin yaşadıkları şehir, kasaba ve köyler baskına uğramış ve Türkler büyük can ve mal kayıpları vermiştir. Bu çalışmada arşiv belgeleri ve dönemin basın-yayın organları kullanılarak, Yunan İç Savaşı boyunca çetelerin Batı Trakya Türklerine yönelik baskı ve yıldırma faaliyetleri ile Türklerin bu faaliyetleri karşı tutumu ele alınmıştır.
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Fytili, Magdalini, Manos Avgeridis, and Eleni Kouki. "Heroes or Outcasts? The Long Saga of the State's Recognition of the Greek Resistance (1944–2006)." Contemporary European History, August 3, 2023, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777323000395.
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This article explores how the Greek state created and implemented the legislation relating to recognition of the National Resistance during three different transitional periods of the country's postwar history: civil war, dictatorship and democracy. The article's principal argument is that recognition served as the main tool for building consecutive national narratives not only of the resistance but also of Greekness, determining who was included in and excluded from the nation. By addressing one of the most loaded political issues in Greek society and politics in its entirety, this article revisits Greece's postwar history, highlighting the ruptures and continuities over a long period.