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Journal articles on the topic 'Civil War in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Anstey, Mark. "Zimbabwe in Ruins: Mediation Prospects in a Conflict Not Yet Ripe for Resolution." International Negotiation 12, no. 3 (2007): 415–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234007x240727.

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AbstractA confluence of conditions made the Rhodesian civil war ripe for resolution in 1979. However a 'despotic democracy' took early root in the new Zimbabwe, largely accepted by the international community in its first phase, but now condemned by many for its human rights abuses and political repression. Zimbabwe is a failed state with a massive humanitarian crisis. In the face of pressures to adopt a more robust approach, South Africa has stuck to an approach of 'quiet diplomacy' in relations with its neighbor. In March 2007, SADC states appointed South Africa's President Mbeki to mediate between parties to Zimbabwe's conflict. This article analyzes the prospects for this mediation in terms of 'ripeness' theory. It concludes that complex internal conditions and a divided international community do not yet make the crisis ripe for resolution. However, a shift from quiet diplomacy to an approach of principled mediation might assist in inducing the necessary conditions in a manner which limits continuation of the crisis.

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2

Jackson, Paul. "The Civil War Roots of Military Domination in Zimbabwe: The Integration Process Following the Rhodesian War and the Road to ZANLA Dominance." Civil Wars 13, no. 4 (December 2011): 371–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2011.629865.

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3

Stapleton, Tim. "The Composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment during the First World War: A Look at the Evidence." History in Africa 30 (2003): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003259.

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Several scholars of the First World War in Southern Africa have briefly looked at the composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment (RNR), which was formed in Southern Rhodesia in 1916 and fought in the German East Africa campaign until the armistice in November 1918. According to Peter McLaughlin, who has written the most about Zimbabwe and the Great War, “[b]y 1918 seventy-five per cent of the 2360 who passed through the ranks of the regiment were ‘aliens;’ over 1000 came from Nyasaland. The Rhodesia Native Regiment had thus lost its essentially ‘Rhodesian’ character.” This would seem to suggest that because the RNR had many soldiers who originated from outside Zimbabwe, this regiment was somehow less significant to Zimbabwe's World War I history. While McLaughlin admits that “the evidence on the precise composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment is not available”, he claims that “approximately 1800 aliens served in the unit.”In a recent book on Malawi and the First World War, Melvin Page agrees with McLaughlin's estimate that “probably more than 1000 Malawians joined the Rhodesian Native Regiment.” However, Page freely admits that the evidence on which this approximation is based is far from conclusive. By looking at the available evidence, particularly a previously unutilized regimental nominal roll in the Zimbabwe National Archives, it is possible to gain a clearer picture of the composition of the only African unit from Zimbabwe to have fought in the First World War. This analysis will not only deal with the nationality of the soldiers, which is what the two previous writers focused on, but also their ethnic/regional origin and pre-enlistment occupations.

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4

Stapleton, Tim. "Views of the First World War in Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) 1914–1918." War & Society 20, no. 1 (May 2002): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/072924702791201953.

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5

Preston, Matthew. "Stalemate and the Termination of Civil War: Rhodesia Reassessed." Journal of Peace Research 41, no. 1 (January 2004): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343304040050.

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6

Reed, Wm Cyrus, and Stephen John Stedman. "Peacemaking in Civil War: International Mediation in Zimbabwe." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 2 (1991): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219833.

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7

Chakawa, Joshua, and V. Z. Nyawo-Shava. "Guerrilla warfare and the environment in Southern Africa: Impediments faced by ZIPRA and Umkhonto Wesizwe." Oral History Journal of South Africa 2, no. 2 (February 4, 2015): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/6.

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Zimbabwe Peoples’ Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) was the armed wing of Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) which waged the war to liberate Zimbabwe. It operated from its bases in Zambia between 1964 and 1980. Umkhonto Wesizwe (MK) was ANC’s armed wing which sought to liberate South Africa from minority rule. Both forces (MK and ZIPRA) worked side by side until the attainment of independence by Zimbabwe when ANC guerrillas were sent back to Zambia by the new Zimbabwean government. This paper argues that the failure of ZIPRA and Umkhonto Wesizwe to deploy larger numbers of guerrillas to the war front in Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia) and South Africa was mainly caused by bio-physical challenges. ZAPU and ANC guerrillas faced the difficult task of crossing the Zambezi River and then walking through the sparsely vegetated areas, game reserves and parks until they reached villages deep in the country. Rhodesian and South African Defense Forces found it relatively easy to disrupt guerrilla movements along these routes. Even after entering into Rhodesia, ANC guerrillas had environmental challenges in crossing to South Africa. As such, they could not effectively launch protracted rural guerrilla warfare. Studies on ZIPRA and ANC guerrilla warfare have tended to ignore these environmental problems across inhospitable territories. For the ANC, surveillance along Limpopo River and in Kruger National Park acted more as impediments than conduits. ANC also had to cope with almost all challenges which confronted ZIPRA guerrillas such as the Zambezi, Lake Kariba and various parks which Rhodesians always used as a first line of defense but had a geographically difficult task in South Africa where the environment was not attractive for a guerrilla warfare.

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8

Horn, Alison Van. "Redefining “Property”: The Constitutional Battle over Land Redistribution in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Law 38, no. 2 (1994): 144–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300005490.

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This article is about the appropriate role of the judiciary in the constitutional debate over land redistribution in Zimbabwe. The possession of land in Zimbabwe has been the most volatile political issue since the war for independence. White ownership of the most productive land fuelled the war against Rhodesia. A constitutional settlement in 1979 resulted in a cease-fire, but the Declaration of Rights prohibited the new government from acquiring land for resettlement purposes except on a “willing seller, willing buyer” basis. With the expiration of the decade-long entrenchment of the Declaration of Rights in 1990, President Robert Mugabe declared his intention to honour a promise made eleven years before: to resettle peasant farmers on previously white-owned land. Since then, Parliament has amended the Constitution of Zimbabwe three times to allow the state to acquire property for resettlement and to give Parliament the power to fix the amount of compensation without judicial review.

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9

Volman, Daniel, and Stephen John Steadman. "Peacemaking in Civil War: International Mediation in Zimbabwe, 1974-1980." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no. 2 (1994): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485769.

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10

Copson, Raymond W., Stephen John Stedman, Thomas G. Weiss, and Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe. "Peacemaking in Civil War: International Mediation in Zimbabwe, 1974-1980." African Studies Review 35, no. 3 (December 1992): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525142.

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11

Barber, James. "Peacemaking in civil war: international mediation in Zimbabwe, 1974–1980." International Affairs 68, no. 1 (January 1992): 196–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620558.

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12

Johnson, D. "Urban Labor, World War II, and the Revolt of the Working People in Colonial Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia)." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 15, no. 2 (September 1, 1995): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07323867-15-2-72.

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13

Manheim, Jarol B., and Robert B. Albritton. "Insurgent Violence Versus Image Management: The Struggle for National Images in Southern Africa." British Journal of Political Science 17, no. 2 (April 1987): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004701.

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The authors examine the countervailing effects of two forces on external news coverage of Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and South Africa during the 1970s. The first is purposeful government efforts at news management and information control undertaken by each of the two regimes. The second is the civil unrest which was present in the region during that period. They conclude that these effects and the policy consequences that flow from them are functions of the pre-existing image environment of each country in the foreign (US) press and of the character of its domestic unrest.

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14

Smith, Evan. "'A last stubborn outpost of a past epoch': The Communist Party of Great Britain, national liberation in Zimbabwe and anti-imperialist solidarity." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334825.

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The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had been involved in anti-colonial and anti-imperialist campaigns since the 1920s and in the late 1950s, its members were instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM). In the 1960s and 1970s, this extended to support for the national liberation movement in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. From the early 1960s to the mid-1970s, the CPGB threw its support behind the Soviet-backed Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), instead of their rival, the Chinese-backed Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). When both groups entered into a short-term military and political alliance in 1976, the Patriotic Front, this posed a possible problem for the Communist Party and the AAM, but publicly these British organisations proclaimed solidarity with newly created PF. However this expression of solidarity and internationalist links quickly untangled after the 1980 elections, which were convincingly won by ZANU-PF and left the CPGB's traditional allies, ZAPU, with a small share of seats in the national parliament. This article explores the contours of the relationship between the CPGB, the broader Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain and its links with the organisations in Zimbabwe during the war of national liberation, examining the opportunities and limits presented by this campaign of anti-imperial solidarity.

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15

Atlas, Pierre M., and Roy Licklider. "Conflict among Former Allies after Civil War Settlement: Sudan, Zimbabwe, Chad, and Lebanon." Journal of Peace Research 36, no. 1 (January 1999): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343399036001003.

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16

Klein, Keith. "Peacemaking in Civil War: International Mediation in Zimbabwe, 1974-1980 (review)." SAIS Review 11, no. 2 (1991): 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.1991.0053.

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17

NYAMBARA, PIUS S. "MADHERUKA AND SHANGWE: ETHNIC IDENTITIES AND THE CULTURE OF MODERNITY IN GOKWE, NORTHWESTERN ZIMBABWE, 1963–79." Journal of African History 43, no. 2 (July 2002): 287–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370100809x.

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In colonial Southern Rhodesia, administrative officials often couched the rhetoric of ‘modernization’ in ethnic terms. They regarded immigrant Madheruka master farmers as the embodiment of modernization because they had been exposed to forces of modernization in their areas of origin, while both officials and immigrants alike regarded indigenous Shangwe as backward and primitive. This article argues that the construction of Madheruka and Shangwe ethnic identities dates primarily to the early 1960s, with the coming of immigrants and the introduction of cotton. Shangwe defined the immigrants as madheruka, a term whose origins lay in the eviction of the immigrants from crown land by colonial officials in the 1950s, while Madheruka termed the indigenous peoples shangwe, or backward. Each group perceived itself differently, however, Shangwe claiming that the term Shangwe referred to a place rather than to their ethnic identity and Madheruka claiming to belong to authentic Shona groups. The guerrilla war of the 1970s witnessed an attack on modernity as the guerrillas and their sympathizers regarded immigrant farmers as colonial collaborators.

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18

JENKINS, CAROLYN. "The Politics of Economic Policy-Making in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1997): 575–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x97002589.

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There are two remarkable features of post-independence economic policy-making in Zimbabwe: the very limited nature of the changes made by the new government in 1980, and the complete reversal of policy announced in 1990. It was surprising that a more radical transformation had not been introduced soon after independence, since this had been achieved by a civil war prompted not only by the denial of even basic rights to the majority of the population, but also by an extremely inequitable distribution of economic resources. The volte-face in 1990 was also unexpected, because it required a repudiation of governmental rhetoric at a time when the economy was by no means in a state of crisis, even though under stress. This article attempts to understand these policy shifts.

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19

McFerson, Hazel. "Developments in African Governance since the Cold War: Beyond Cassandra and Pollyanna." African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0025.

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Abstract:Twenty years ago, most African countries seemed permanently mired in malgovernance and repression. The end of the Cold War triggered two contrasting developments: governance improvement associated with the end of superpower competition, and deterioration caused by the resurgence of suppressed ethnic conflicts. Based on a variety of evidence, three subperiods can be identified: fragile governance progress from 1989 to 1995; backsliding associated largely with civil conflict between 1996 and 2002; and resumption of progress in recent years. These broad trends mask major intercountry differences—with Ghana the best-known case of improvement and Zimbabwe the worst case of reversal. Overall, African governance is now somewhat better than it was two decades ago. However, the progress is fragile, and improvements in administrative and economic governance have lagged behind those on the political front. Consolidating democracy will thus require institutional capacity building through a combination of appropriate civil society efforts and constructive external pressure to strengthen accountability.

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20

Ibelema, Minabere, and Ebere Onwudiwe. "“Today” in Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 22, no. 1 (1994): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501747.

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Complaints about Africa’s media image have been voiced for years, and for long little seemed to change. Civil wars, famine, squalor and primitivity have continued to dominate the headlines and to paint a grim image of mankind’s ancestral home. The recent media fixation on Somalia is but one in a series of this one-dimensional coverage. In the early 1960s, the anarchy in Katanga (Zaire) dominated the news and defined Africa. In the late 1960s, it was the Nigerian civil war and the consequent misery in “Biafra.” In the 1970s, the real and conjured eccentricities of Uganda’s Idi Amin became the African news. Political conflict in Zimbabwe and South Africa dominated much of the 1980s, until the starvation of Ethiopians eclipsed everything else. Recently, the grim images were of Somalia. While these events warranted the press attention they received, their coverage to the near exclusion of non-crisis modem African life has left a severe knowledge gap and perpetuated a historical image problem.

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21

NYANGA, Takupiwa, and Rosemary SIBANDA. "IMPACT OF ONSITE HEALTH CARE CENTERS ON JOB SATISFACTION IN ARMED CONFLICT SOCIETIES: THE ZIMBABWEAN WAR OF LIBERATION PERSPECTIVE." Business Excellence and Management 9, no. 3 (September 15, 2019): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/beman/2019.9.3-04.

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Employee wellness is one of the key and most essential antecedents to employee and organizational performance. Organisational performance heavily depends on the health and wellness of employees and their attitude towards their work. The study explored the relationship between wellness programs and job satisfaction for workers in armed conflict societies. The study focused on one wellness program; that is the establishment of organizational onsite health centers. A quantitative research methodology was employed to carry out the study. A questionnaire was used to solicit data from 50 people who witnessed or directly or indirectly participated in the war of liberation in Zimbabwe and the civil war in Mozambique. Descriptive statistics was used to analyze the collected data. The study established that there is a strong relationship between the establishment of onsite health centers and job satisfaction. All the major services of health clinics such as provision of health services to the injured during the war, provision of counseling services, provision of physical fitness programs and provision of ill-health prevention services showed a strong relationship with job satisfaction. It was recommended that all organizations operating in armed conflict societies should establish health centers within their premises to provide health services to the physically and emotionally injured employees.

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22

Tamm, Henning. "The Origins of Transnational Alliances: Rulers, Rebels, and Political Survival in the Congo Wars." International Security 41, no. 1 (July 2016): 147–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00252.

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Despite their catastrophic proportions, the Congo Wars have received little attention from international relations scholars. At the heart of these conflicts were alliances between rebel groups and neighboring rulers. What are the origins of such transnational alliances, which have been a major feature of nearly all civil wars in post–Cold War Africa? Recent scholarship on external support for rebel groups does not offer a clear answer, either providing long lists of the goals that state sponsors may have or avoiding the question of motives altogether. A focus on political survival reveals that African rulers form alliances with rebels in nearby states to reduce the threats of rebellions and military coups that the rulers themselves face at home. Transnational alliances serve either to weaken a ruler's domestic enemies by undermining their foreign sponsors or to ensure the continued allegiance of key domestic supporters by providing them with opportunities for enrichment. Case studies of the alliance decisions made in the two Congo Wars by the rulers of Angola, Rwanda, Sudan, Uganda, and Zimbabwe show that their struggles for political survival account for why they sided either with their Congolese counterparts or with Congolese rebels.

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23

ALENCE, ROD. "POSSIBILITIES AND LIMITS OF NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENTS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA AND ELSEWHERE Negotiated Revolutions: The Czech Republic, South Africa and Chile. By GEORGE LAWSON. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005. Pp. xii+272. £47.50 (ISBN 0-7546-4327-1). Ending Civil War: Rhodesia and Lebanon in Perspective. By MATTHEW PRESTON. London and New York: Tauris Academic Studies, 2004. Pp. xiv+322. £49.50 (ISBN 1-85043-579-0)." Journal of African History 47, no. 3 (November 2006): 514–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706362433.

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24

Pélissier, René. "Le Mozambique et ses « cousins » [Benjamin Nûnez : Dictionary of Portuguese-African Civilization, vol. 1 : From discovery to independence ; Jaroslav Cerny & Otakar Hulec (eds) : Africana Bohemien. Bibliographia 1918-1988 ; Tim Youngs : Travellers in Africa. British travelogues, 1850-1900 ; Sven Lindqvist : « Exterminate all the brutes » ; Nils Chr. Stenseth, Kjetil Paulsen & Rolf Karlsen (red.) : Afrika. Natur, samfunn og Bistand ; Abdulai Sila : L'ultime tragédie ; Colin Darch : Tanzania. Revised edition ; Pierre Macaire : L'héritage makhuwa au Mozambique ; Andrew C. Ross : Blantyre Mission and the making of modern Malawi ; Allen Isaacman : Cotton is the mother of poverty. Peasants, work and rural struggle in colonial Mozambique, 1938-1961 ; Ricardo de Saavedra : Os dias do fini ; Carlos Vale Ferraz : Os lobos nâo usam coleiras ; Rachel Waterhouse : Mozambique. Rising from the ashes ; Satu Ojanperâ : When people have to move away. Ressettlement as part of erosion control in Nacala, Mozambique ; Jean Dominique Durand et Régis Ladous : Andréa Riccardi, Sant'Egidio, Rome et le Monde ; Éric Morier-Genoud : Of God and Caesar : The relation between Christian Churches and the State in colonial Mozambique, 1974-1981 ; Nations unies : The emergency situation in Mozambique. Priority, requirements for the period 1990-1991 ; Philippe Val : Allez-y, vous n 'en reviendrez pas (la suite) ; Joseph Hanlon : Peace without profit. How the IMF blocks rebuilding in Mozambique ; Brazâo Mazula : Educaçâo, culturel e ideologia em Moçambique : 1975-1985 ; Stephen John Stedman : Peacemaking in civil war. International mediation in Zimbabwe, 1974-1980 ; Thomas Ohlson, Stephen John Stedman & Robert Davies : The new is not born. Conflict resolution in Southern Africa ; Edmond J. Keller & Donald Rothchild (eds.) : Africa in the new international order. Rethinking State sovereignty and régional security ; hester A. Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson & Pamela Aall (eds.) : Managing global chaos. Sources of and responses to international conflict ; Paul B. Rich (éd.) : Reaction and renewal in South Africa ; Jakkie Cilliers & Greg Mills (eds.) : Peacekeeping in Africa, vol. 2]." Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer 84, no. 317 (1997): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/outre.1997.3592.

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25

Chakawa, Joshua S. "Indigenous Medical Knowledge and the Experiences of ZIPRA Guerrillas in Zimbabwe’s Liberation Strugg." Oral History Journal of South Africa 7, no. 1 (April 17, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/3878.

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This article aims to examine the importance of indigenous medical knowledge during the 1970s when guerrillas from the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) negotiated their way to the front to fight the Rhodesian white minority regime. From the 1960s until the ceasefire at the end of 1979, ZIPRA was one of the two liberation movements that waged war to liberate Zimbabwe. This article traces the experiences of guerrillas who moved from the Zambian side of the Zambezi Valley into Rhodesia. The terrain that the guerrillas had to navigate on foot was punctuated by many devastating and life-threatening challenges. Some of these included malaria, sleeping sickness, venereal diseases, snake bites, mental disorders, injuries and even fatigue. Given that the guerrillas had no hospitals and other medical facilities at their disposal, it is important to establish how local knowledge assisted them to survive, especially when ailments struck them. The purpose of this study was to determine the role the fighters’ knowledge of indigenous medicines played in dealing with these difficulties. The author collected information by conducting interviews with former ZIPRA guerrillas who had operated in Zimbabwe during the war. Some civilians who were in ZIPRA operational areas were also interviewed. The importance of the study lies in understanding the continued use and existence of indigenous medical remedies in Zimbabwe. Findings from the study are valuable in widening knowledge horizons on indigenous medical knowledge as a useful alternative in times of need.

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26

Mwatwara, Wesley. "The “logic” of Renamo civil war violence: Trans-border communities and Renamo incursions in Eastern Zimbabwe, 1980s-1992." Journal for Contemporary History 45, no. 1 (July 14, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.18820/24150509/sjch45.v1.8.

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27

Rwafa, Rumbidzayi. "The “Curse’’ of Mineral Resources in Africa: Internationalising Conflict and Civil War in the DR Congo." Commonwealth Youth and Development 15, no. 2 (June 13, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/3294.

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The aim of this article is to explore the impact of conflict and civil wars in DR Congo and their ramifications on international relations among African and European nations. For many scholars of African history and internationals studies, DR Congo has remained a ‘powder keg’ or ‘an active volcano’ that can explode anytime mainly because the country possesses vast mineral resources which make it irresistible for countries to intervene thereby undermine the national sovereignty of DR Congo. Countries such as Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Angola, Chad, Burundi and Eritrea have been involved in the conflict in DR Congo for factors that are essentially political, social, economic and strategic in nature. Rwanda and Uganda are accused of destabilizing the internal peace and stability of DR Congo although both countries deny the allegations. By extension, the two countries are also accused of working in cohort with America and France to extend capitalism in DR Congo. The article shall argue that although countries involved justified their intervention in DR Congo for reasons such as maintaining national sovereignty, promoting peace, stability and democracy, the reality is that all of them have shown a keen interest in taking control over mineral resources. Thus, it is hoped that this article shall reveal the economic and political dynamics that underpinned the conflict and civil wars fought for years in DR Congo with the aim of explicating the hypocrisy exhibited by countries involved in the DR Congo debacle.

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28

Grigoryan, Gevorg. "The Effectiveness of Economic Sanctions Implementation Against the Apartheid Regime in South Africa." Journal of the Institute for African Studies, March 10, 2020, 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2020-50-1-48-58.

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The article covers history and practice of the development of economic sanctions as a mechanism of influence on countries that do not comply with the norms of international law. The objectives of the sanctions may include preventing wars, promoting freedom and democracy, combating environmental pollution, protecting human and labor rights, ensuring non-proliferation of weapons, releasing captured citizens, and countering land grab. Everything connected with sanctions (e.g. size, form, etc.) is determined by their acceptability by the community, and they are influenced by technology and the existing relations of power between social groups within countries. However, unlike well-defined rules concerning declared war and blockade of wartime, international law doesn’t establish any legal or formal restrictions on coercive measures with the exception of war. The first written economic sanctions were imposed in 432 BC by the Athens Maritime Union on the city of Megara. Sanctions were aimed at stopping the Megara’s practice of accepting runaway Athenian slaves and plowing sacred border territories. Sanctions were ineffective, due to which the Peloponnesian War began. Athens suffered a crushing defeat, and the Athenian union was destroyed. In the 19th century sanctions generally took the form of sea blockades. The question of the international legitimacy of sea blockades did not arise until the formation of the League of Nations in the 20th century. Article 16 of the Charter of the League of Nations allowed collective economic and military action against a state that turned to war in disregard of the League Agreement, which required states to settle disputes peacefully. In the Charter of the United Nations, the right to apply sanctions is enshrined in Articles 2 (4), 39, 41, 42, 43 and 46 of the Charter of this organization and in the “Unification for Peace resolution” 1950. In the period between 1946 and 1990 the UN imposed sanctions on North Korea, South Africa, Portugal, Rhodesia and Iraq. In the subsequent period, the UN began to apply sanctions more actively, especially against African states. Effectiveness of the implemented economic sanctions in most cases was dubious, since the desired results were not achieved or at least deviated from the initial purpose. After the massacre in Sharpeville, where civilians who protested against the apartheid became victims of inhuman police crimes, the problem of South African racist politics became a hot topic on the world agenda. Some countries led by India in the following years began to actively raise this issue with the UN Security Council. Western countries did their best to prevent the use of sanctions against South Africa, because of the country’s important role for NATO in advancing its strategic goals. After the Soweto Uprising, on November 4, 1977, when the photographs of young people killed by the police appeared in major newspapers worldwide, the UN Security Council finally adopted mandatory sanction measures. Nevertheless, governments of some of the Western powers sought to maintain their traditional tolerance for the apartheid regime, counting on South Africa to counter the Soviet-Cuban intervention in the civil wars of Angola and Mozambique. Since 1977 till 1994 The UN Security Council had repeatedly demanded that all states comply with the sanctions restrictions, which throughout this time gradually tightened and comprehensively affected all spheres of life of the South African society.

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