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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Civil war in Sri Lanka'

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1

Orjuela, Camilla. "Civil society in civil war : peace work and identity politics in Sri Lanka /." Göteborg : Göteborg university, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb400665147.

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2

Schubert, Stefan Andi. "A genealogy of an ethnocratic present: rethinking ethnicity after Sri Lanka’s civil war." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/32648.

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Master of Arts
Department of English
Gregory J. Eiselein
The presence and persistence of ethnicity in Sri Lanka has led scholars such as Jayadeva Uyangoda to describe Sri Lanka as an “ethnocracy” and is identified as one of the major challenges for attempts to reconcile communities after a 26-year-long civil war that ended in 2009. The emphasis on ethnicity, however, often makes it difficult for scholars to examine the discontinuities that have shaped the emergence of ethnicity as the most significant social category in the country. This thesis addresses this lacuna by providing a careful re-reading of the conditions under which ethnicity became the focus of both politics and epistemology at the turn of the 20th century in colonial Ceylon. Michel Foucault’s conceptualization of governmentality enables this examination by demonstrating how ethnicity became the terrain on which political rationalities and governmental technologies were deployed in order to shift how populations were constructed as the focus of colonial governance between 1901 and 1911. Colonial political rationalities are explored through an examination of the debate that emerged in the Census reports of P. Arunachalam (1902) and E.B. Denham (1912) over whether Ceylon is constituted by many nationalities or by one nationality—the Sinhalese—and many races. The emergence of this debate also coincided with the Crewe-McCallum Reforms of 1912 which aimed to reform the colonial state in response to the demands of the local population. Like the debate between Arunachalam and Denham, what is at stake in the reforms of 1912 is the question of whether the Island is constituted by many racial populations or a single population. The terms of these debates over ethnicity that took place over a century ago, continue to shape the tenor of Sri Lanka’s post-war political landscape and therefore provides a pathway for understanding how Sri Lanka’s post-war challenges are imbricated in the dilemmas of inhabiting its colonial present(s).
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3

Ratnam, Cheran. "A Textual Analysis of News Framing in the Sri Lankan Conflict." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc700020/.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate how local and foreign newspapers used the war journalism and peace journalism frames when covering the Sri Lankan civil war, and to uncover subframes specific to the conflict. The first part of the thesis provides an in- depth literature review that addresses the history of the conflict and media freedom in Sri Lanka. The newspaper articles for the textual analysis were selected from mainstream Sri Lankan and U.S newspapers: the Daily News (a state sponsored newspaper) and Daily Mirror from Sri Lanka, and the New York Times and Washington Post from the U.S. A total of 185 articles were analyzed and categorized into war journalism and peace journalism. Next, subframes specific to the Sri Lankan conflict were identified. The overall coverage is dominated by the peace journalism frame, and the strongest war journalism frame is visible in local newspaper articles. Furthermore, two subframes specific to the Sri Lanka conflict were identified: war justification subframe and humanitarian crisis subframe. In conclusion, the study reveals that in the selected newspapers, the peace journalism frame dominated the coverage of the Sri Lankan civil war. All in all, while adding to the growing scholarship of media framing in international conflicts, the study will benefit newspaper editors and decision-makers by providing textual analysis of content produced from the coverage of war and conflict during a dangerous time period for both journalists and the victims of war.
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4

Paramanathan, Mathivathana. "Could the Civil War Have Been Prevented in Sri Lanka? : In Comparison with the Swiss and Lebanese Political Models." Thesis, Jönköping University, Jönköping International Business School, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-627.

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The objective of this thesis is to analyse whether Sri Lanka could have avoided the civil war, if changes in the constitution, from 1948 to 1978, offered a political structure guaranteeing the minority rights. Furthermore, the thesis intends to study if the Swiss and Lebanese political models could offer any guidelines for the Sri Lankan conflict.

The stated purpose of the thesis is studied by analysing official documents, literatures and articles. The finding of the study is that Sri Lanka might have prevented the civil war if the constitutional arrangements had guaranteed the minority rights.

The Sri Lankan conflict is a unique case, which probably requires its own resolution model. The Swiss and Lebanese models may be applicable in the Sri Lankan case to some extent. However, a possible solution that could prevent the current political and ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka, by avoiding another fatal civil war, is to establish power-sharing political arrangements, under a federal state. Whether or not Sri Lanka can achieve a sustainable peace is a question of political willingness.

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5

Zunzer, Wolfram. "Diaspora Communities and Civil Conflict Transformation." Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4186.

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Yes
This working paper deals with the nexus of diaspora communities living in European host countries, specifically in Germany, and the transformation of protracted violent conflicts in a number of home countries, including Sri Lanka, Cyprus, Somalia and Afghanistan. Firstly, the political and social role and importance of diaspora communities vis-à-vis their home and host countries is discussed, given the fact that the majority of immigrants to Germany, as well as to many other European countries, over the last ten years have come from countries with protracted civil wars and have thus had to apply for refugee or asylum status. One guiding question, then, is to what extent these groups can contribute politically and economically to supporting conflict transformation in their countries of origin. Secondly, the role and potentials of diaspora communities originating from countries with protracted violent conflicts for fostering conflict transformation activities are outlined. Thirdly, the current conflict situation in Sri Lanka is analyzed and a detailed overview of the structures and key organizations of the Tamil and Sinhalese diaspora worldwide is given. The structural potentials and levels for constructive intervention for working on conflict in Sri Lanka through the diasporas are then described. Fourthly, the socio-political roles of diaspora communities originating from Cyprus, Palestine, Somalia and Afghanistan for peacebuilding and rehabilitation in their home countries are discussed. The article finishes by drawing two conclusions. Firstly, it recommends the further development of domestic migration policies in Europe in light of current global challenges. Secondly, it points out that changes in foreign and development policies are crucial to make better use of the immense potential of diaspora communities for conflict transformation initiatives and development activities in their home countries. How this can best be achieved in practice should be clarified further through intensified action research and the launch of more pilot projects.
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6

Barbosa, Tânia Isabel Lopes. "A ajuda internacional e as guerras civis: uma relação perversa?" Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/646.

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Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional
No século XXI, continuam a predominar nos países pobres guerras civis travadas por razões como a ambição da secessão do Estado e luta pela inclusão, alimentadas por diversos factores (recursos naturais, clivagens étnicas, diáspora), e com graves consequências para essas sociedades. É nesse contexto que actua a ajuda internacional com o compromisso de salvar vidas e de minimizar o sofrimento humano. Esta dissertação reflecte sobre a possível influência da APD no agravamento e no prolongamento dos conflitos. Por um lado, a ajuda internacional está associada a interesses políticos, económicos e geoestratégicos que poderão determinar o comportamento dos doadores. Por outro, existem aspectos técnicos da distribuição da ajuda pelos actores humanitários que influenciam a dinâmica da paz e da guerra. Essa hipótese é testada à luz dos casos das guerras civis no Sri Lanka e em Angola. Apesar de ser indiscutível que, em ambos os casos, a ajuda internacional tenha desempenhado um papel fundamental na distribuição de bens básicos, ela terá sido marcada por alguns trâmites menos positivos na sua actuação e interferido em questões de carácter político, indo além dos seus objectivos básicos de distribuição de ajuda de forma neutra, imparcial e universal. A problemática da ajuda em contextos de guerra civil será sempre marcada por problemas e pela diversidade de posições sobre os seus princípios, os seus objectivos e os seus instrumentos. Esta dissertação visou apenas lançar algumas pistas para reflexão futura com o objectivo fundamental de melhorar o impacto da ajuda
At the beginning of the 21st century we are still faced with a bi-polarized world between poor and rich countries. The former are marked by civil war where conflict exists between local governments and groups of insurgents who are fighting for self-governance or inclusion. Civil war is sustained by several factors (natural resources, ethnic tension, diaspora) and causes serious damage to those societies. International aid generally intervenes in this context, the basic objective being to save lives and minimize human suffering. This dissertation reflects upon the impact Official Development Assistance has on prolonging such conflicts. On the one hand, international aid is linked to political, economic and geostrategic interests that might determine donors' behaviour and decisions. On the other hand, there are technical issues related to the role of humanitarian actors and development agencies which might negatively impact upon the dynamics of peace and war. The hypothesis of the negative influence of aid is analysed in the case studies of both the Sri Lankan and Angolan civil wars. Although it is undeniable that international aid has played a crucial role in both countries, it may have been characterized by some less positive aspects. International aid in these countries may have interfered in political issues, going beyond the basic aim of aid distribution in a neutral, impartial and universal way. The predicament of aid in the context of civil war is dominated by a range of problems and by the diversity of positions and approaches concerning principles, aims and instruments. This dissertation aims to explore ideas for future reflection with the primary objective of improving the success of aid
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7

Mendonça, António Sérgio Correia. "Distribuição do rendimento, pobreza e a eclosão de conflitos no contexto dos Países em Desenvolvimento : os casos do Sri Lanka e da R.D. Congo." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/16231.

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Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional
A ocorrência de conflitos internos nos países em desenvolvimento ocorre num contexto fértil na incidência de fenómenos como a pobreza e a desigualdade na distribuição do rendimento, colocando a hipótese de associação entre os fenómenos. E nos continentes asiático e africano que se verifica a grande maioria dos conflitos mundialmente, apresentando também esses continentes das maiores incidências de pobreza. O estudo do caso do Sri Lanka permite-nos verificar que a existência de boas condições iniciais após a independência e de uma distribuição do rendimento relativamente equitativa, não se constituem como condições suficientes para a estabilidade social num ambiente livre de conflitos e guerras civis. No Sri Lanka a desigualdade na distribuição do rendimento e a pobreza constituem-se como possíveis factores de eclosão da guerra civil ocorrida, dado ter apresentado uma dinâmica crescente nos anos que antecederam a sua iniciação. A análise do caso da República Democrática do Congo revela que a existência de abundantes e valiosos recursos naturais não constitui uma condição suficiente para o estabelecimento de um processo de desenvolvimento económico e social estável. Apesar da coexistência de diversos factores explicativos dos conflitos na República Democrática do Congo, é na altura em que os indicadores de pobreza apresentam os piores níveis de sempre que a guerra civil deflagra no país.
The internai conflicts occur in developing countries in a context deeply characterized with poverty and inequality phenomena, asserting the possibility of association between these phenomena. The vast majority of internai conflicts occur in Africa and Asia that show the highest poverty incidence. The case of Sri Lanka allows us to notice that an initial good development standing after the independence and a relative equal income distribution, will not necessarily imply social stability in an environment clear of conflicts. In Sri Lanka, inequality and poverty constitute two possible causes of the civil war occurred in the country, since it has shown a growing pattem in the years previous to its initiation. The analysis of the case of the Democratic Republic of the Congo reveals that the existence of abundant and valuable natural resources will not imply the creation of a stable economic and social development process. We can consider the coexistence of different causes of the conflicts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but we can also observe that the civil war starts in the country when the poverty indicators show the worst ever performance.
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8

Cunningham, Andrew John. "The relationship between humanitarian international non-governmental organisations and states in periods of civil war : case study of Médecins Sans Frontières-Holland and the Government of Sri Lanka." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2016. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-relationship-between-humanitarian-international-nongovernmental-organisations-and-states-in-periods-of-civil-war(9eb90896-95db-4efd-bb42-5fc0c783d654).html.

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This research examines the relationship between a humanitarian international non-governmental organisation (INGO) and a state against the background of civil war. This relationship is established as two sets of norms in tension: The moral as represented and made operational by humanitarian INGOs and the political as articulated and practised by states, mediated through the discourse of identity. Specifically the study investigates the constructed relationship between the humanitarian INGO Médecins Sans Frontières-Holland (MSF-H) and the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) during two periods of the Sri Lankan civil war (2006 and 2008-2009). A negotiation structure is proposed where an external actor—a humanitarian INGO—attempts to operate within the internal environment of a state. For a state, civil war is a ‘state of exception’, where a government’s prerogative to act outside ‘normal’ legal and moral boundaries may be taken up and where international actors are securitised. For a humanitarian organisation a civil war is defined as a humanitarian crisis which must be responded to using humanitarian principles in a non-political manner. This case study relationship is viewed from both MSF-Holland’s and the GoSL’s perspectives. On the side of the GoSL the study describes and analyses the government’s decision-making when faced by international criticism, a humanitarian crisis, and international organisations attempting to work on its territory. The background for the GoSL’s actions is extensively explored. MSF-Holland’s response to the thinking and actions by the GoSL is also closely examined, as is its internal discussions concerning its role in the context as a humanitarian actor. A discourse analysis methodology is used to analyse the primary source material. It was found that when securitised MSF-H had various options in responding: Accommodation to the demands of the GoSL; withdrawal from the country; counter-attacking the government; or concealment—hiding itself from attention. Rejecting these MSF-H chose desecuritisation. In the 2006 period engagement between the actors was possible albeit difficult; the securitisation process was manageable through desecuritisation. However, in the 2008-2009 period securitisation prohibited action and speech, and desecuritisation was not effective. The thesis proposes a theoretical framework—a negotiation structure, within which to understand these interactions, based on the case study findings. The conclusion points to further research needs and discusses the usefulness of the proposed negotiation structure to other contexts.
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9

Conaway, Matthew Bolyn. "When "Boys Will Not Be Boys": Variations of Wartime Sexual Violence by Armed Opposition Groups in Sri Lanka, Sierra Leone, and Nepal." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1340376879.

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10

van, der Vlist Joanne. "When a natural disaster occurs during a conflict – Catalyst or obstacle for peace? : A comparative case study of the insurgency in Aceh, Indonesia and the Sri Lankan civil war in relation to the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-414202.

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Superficial information of the civil wars in Aceh, Indonesia and Sri Lanka creates the idea that both conflicts were in similar situations when they were hit by the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004. It thus seems surprising that in the wake of the tsunami, the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia signed a peace agreement, while the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Government of Sri Lanka returned to war. This thesis aims to explore what factors related to the tsunami contributed to this difference and whether rational choice theory can serve as an explanation for this difference. In order to find out, I conducted a qualitative comparative case study though the analysis of secondary documents. The results suggest that the factors that contributed to the difference can be divided into four broad themes: (1) the timing of the tsunami and thus the pre-disaster context; (2) the geographical situation and with that, the military impact; (3) the types of guerilla groups, including their abilities to rule, their access to financial capital and their strategic; (4) the role of the international community, which can be further divided into firstly, the geopolitical relevance of these countries, and secondly, internationalization, community engagement and separating the tsunami and conflict. I believe that rational choice theory explains the difference in outcome between the two conflicts very well. This theory assumes that people, given the circumstances, and in view of all the possible options, will act in line with the option that is expected to satisfy them most and minimize their losses. Applying this theory to the case studies of Aceh and Sri Lanka following the tsunami, it was appealing for the Free Aceh Movement to settle, but this was not the case for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. As a result, the former chose to sign a peace agreement with the Government of Indonesia, whereas the latter chose to continue its fight against the Government of Sri Lanka.
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Lindeby, Susanna. "Processes of feelings in a society with a violent past : A qualitative study of the communication for Societal healing in the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Sri Lanka and Ghana between 2002-2011." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-13006.

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The research investigates in what extent and how communication for meeting feelings is provided in Truth Commission work. It examines if and in what way feelings are addressed in the communication officially published by the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Ghana and Sri Lanka, occurring between 2002-2011. The research is also looking at the healing processes in a time perspective to find out if there is a communication for Societal healing to be continued in a longer term. My conclusion is that two cases of three in my research, the TRCs in Ghana and East Timor, have communication clearly directed to meet feelings caused by the war. One of the three cases (East Timor) has a communication with a clear ambition to heal over a longer period, to continue after the existence of the Truth Commission. The research suggests that communication with a clear ambition to reach out widely in the society, a communication directed to meet and process feelings over a longer period, can make Societal healing more effective. It also concludes that, in the future, Societal healing, as a field in conflict resolution, will be more based on representational media than today, provided through web communication.
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Soosaithasan, Solène Nadia. "La quête de l’honneur apaisée de la « grandeur indienne ». : Déni de reconnaissance des « tigres tamouls » et événements catalyseurs au Sri Lanka. identité virile et inimitié des décideurs dans un conflit (1987-1990 puis 2000-2009)." Thesis, Lille 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LIL20028.

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La quêtede l’honneurpeut paraitre désuète de nos jours en Occident mais cela n’est pas forcément le cas si l’on poussait plus loin les analyses. Elle caractérise depuislongtemps les relations entre les décideurs indiens et les dirigeants de la région Asie du Sud. Les relations avec les belligérants sri lankais n’en font pas exception. L’honneur et la gloire sont souvent le produit d’un éthos guerrier et d’une démonstration de virilité de la part des dirigeants politiques et non pas uniquement des militaires.La virilité n’est donc pas biologique mais est un construit politique et social. Les heurts ont été nombreux quant à la résolution du conflit sri lankais.Les décisions, attitudes et actions prises par les Indiens ont été façonnées par les interactions avec leurs interlocuteurs sri lankais et par des éléments extrêmement importants que nous qualifions d’« événements catalyseurs».Après le départ de l’IPKF et l’assassinat de Rajiv Gandhi, les dirigeants indiens ont adopté une autre attitude et des discours plus apaisés vis-à-vis des dirigeants sri lankais tout en refusant de reconnaitre les « Tigres tamouls » (LTTE), une guérilla tamoule au Sri Lanka. La reconnaissance de la part des dirigeants indiens vis-à-vis des décideurs sri lankais a par ailleurs permis la résolution du conflit sri lankais par des moyens militaires. Vingt ans auparavant, cela aurait été totalement inconcevable pour les dirigeants indiens de laisser ainsi faire les décideurs sri lankais. La reconnaissance de part et d’autre a donc pu permettre d’améliorer les relations interpersonnelles et interétatiques indiennes et sri lankaises
Today, the quest for honor can seemoutdated in Western countries. But for a long timeit has characterizedthe relationships between the Indian decision-makers and the South Asian leaders. Relationships with Sri Lankan protagonists are also shaped by this question of honor but also of glory. Just as the military, political leaders are also influenced by honor and glory which are often produced by a warrior ethos So they want to show their manliness. Virility is not biological but a political and social construct. Throughout the resolution of the Indian-Sri Lankan conflict, numerous clashes took place between between their respective leaders. Decisions, attitudes and actions taken by the Indians have been shaped by their interactions with their Sri Lankan counterparts. And this evolution has also been possible because of “catalyst events”. After the IPKF’s withdrawal and Rajiv Gandhi’s murder,Indian decision-makers refused to recognize the“Tamil Tigers” guerilla (Liberation Tamil Tigers of Eelam, in Sri Lanka. But the Indian Political leaders’ recognition of the Sri Lankan rulersopened the way to a conflict resolution with military means. Twenty-years ago it would have been completely impossible for the Indians to allow the Sri Lankans to have their way.Recognition on both parts have largely improved the Indian and the Sri Lankan interpersonal and interstate relationships
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FIeld, Nayomi Gunasekara. "Making Extremism Pay? Centripetalism and Nationalism in Post-War Sri Lanka." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1461018330.

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Algar-Faria, Gilberto John. "State-society relations and the international-local nexus in post-war Sri Lanka." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2018. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.743046.

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Rajah, Ayshwarya Rajith Sriskanda. "Liberal peace/ethno-theocratic war : a biopolitical perspective on Western policy in the Eelam war." Thesis, Brunel University, 2014. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/8313.

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This thesis develops a biopolitical perspective on Western states’ longstanding opposition to the formation of a Tamil state (Tamil Eelam) in the northeastern parts of the island of Sri Lanka (Ceylon). It does so by adopting and applying the concept of biopolitics as developed by Michel Foucault in the 1970s. Foucault used the idea of biopolitics to explain power relations and to consider peace through the matrix of war. He was especially interested in using this to understand power relations that emerged in the eighteenth century and especially in terms of the tensions between military confrontation and commercial expansion. This thesis adopts and applies the idea of biopolitics to the concept of liberal peace and its core principle, the security of global commerce, to offer a new interpretation of the rationale behind the opposition of Western states to the Tamil demand for political independence and their collaboration in Sri Lanka’s biopolitical transformation of the island into a Sinhala-Buddhist ethno-theocracy. As practitioners of the biopolitics of liberal peace, Western states have waged wars and collaborated in the wars of their Southern counterparts, allowing populations, including liberalised ones, to be killed, condoning the subversion of civil liberties, human rights and other democratic freedoms, including the right to selfdetermination of nations, that they simultaneously promote. The thesis explores the extent to which the collaboration of the West with the Sri Lankan state’s racist policies and counterinsurgency efforts is a continuation of the colonial policies of the British Empire in Ceylon. In developing a biopolitical perspective on the liberal state-building practices of the British Empire in colonial Ceylon, Sri Lanka’s adoption of the same practices, and the West’s own efforts to neutralise the Tamils’ armed struggle, the thesis explores the ways that power relations produce the effects of battle, and thus the way that peace becomes a means of waging war. When the power relations of law, finance, politics, and diplomacy produce the effects of battle, they become ways of waging war by other means. As well as being a thesis on Western policy in the war in Sri Lanka, the work is therefore also to some extent an attempt to see how far Foucault’s work on biopolitics might be pushed and developed and thus, at the same time, an attempt to turn the Foucauldian focus to an area thus far unexplored by those who have sought to engage with Foucault’s work.
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Mölleli, Emelie. "Sri Lanka Unites and reconciliation. Transformation through change agents of a war infected nation." Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, Sektionen för management, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-4082.

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This qualitative master essay has taken place as a field study in the Sri Lankan post-war environment. The official peace started in 2009 and the country has had almost 30 years of war between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Sri Lankan government. The island is very segregated into clearly different ethnic and religious groups, which belonging has a big importance for the individuals. Very little contact takes place between the different groups and the prejudices between them have been built up for a long time and are hard to change. The focus in this research is the youth movement Sri Lanka Unites (SLU). Their vision is to bring youth together that are from different backgrounds and different geographical location in Sri Lanka. SLU does invite school prefects, evenly distributed from all over the island, to their annual Future Leaders Conference (FLC). There will possibilities be given to create friends from all over the country no matter background and through games and teamwork activities break down stereotypes about each other. When the FLC is over the prefects will go back to their school and starts create riffles on the water to their context regarding their new experience. In this study I have chosen to change the name prefects to change agents. The aim with this study is to gain understanding of the change agents’ experiences and attitudes regarding the reconciliation initiatives provided by Sri Lanka Unites including what the initiative mean for the change agents’ and their country’s future road to peace. The methodological approach has been ethnography and semi structured interview has been used as the method of data collection. Theories that have been applied are about culture, change process and attitude change. Earlier research has been focused on change agents, peace initiatives and attitude change. The major findings in this essay are that Sri Lanka Unites has a very big influence and do change a lot of the change agents’ attitudes. The change agents experience that they are a part of the solution on Sri Lanka´s road towards a peaceful country. Hence only time will tell how big the effects of the change agents and Sri Lanka Unites will have on the nations road to reconciliation.
Denna kvalitativa magisteruppsats har tagit plats i en efterkrigstid på Sri Lanka i form av en fältstudie. Den officiella freden deklarerades år 2009 och landet hade då haft nästan ett 30 år långt krig mellan de Tamilska Tigrarna (LTTE) och den Sri Lankesiska staten. Nationen är mycket segregerad i etniska och religiösa grupper vars tillhörighet har en stor betydelse för individen. Väldigt lite kontakt sker mellan de olika grupperna och fördomarna dem emellan har byggts upp under lång tid och är svåra att överbygga. Fokus i denna studie ligger på en ungdomsrörelse vid namn Sri Lanka Unites (SLU). Rörelsen har som vision att förena ungdomar från alla bakgrunder och geografiska platser på Sri Lanka. SLU bjuder in skolprefekter jämnt fördelat från hela Sri Lanka, till deras årliga event Future Leader Conference (FLC). Där ges möjlighet att skapa vänner från hela landet oavsett bakgrund och genom tävlingar och teamarbete bryta ned stereotyper om varandra. När FLC är slut åker skolprefekterna sedan tillbaka till deras skola för att ge ringar på vattnet till deras omgivning om deras nya erfarenheter. Dessa skolprefekter har jag i denna studie döpt om till förändringsagenter. Syftet med denna studie är att få förståelse för förändringsagenternas upplevelser och attityder rörande försoningsinitiativen som Sri Lanka Unites har initierat samt vad dessa initiativ betyder för förändringsagenterna och deras nation på deras framtida väg till fred. Den metodologiska ansatsen har varit etnografisk och semisstrukturerade intervjuer har använts som metod för datainsamling. Teorier som har applicerats i denna studie är framförallt om kultur, förändringsprocesser och attitydförändringar. Tidigare forskning har fokuserats på förändringsagenter, fredsinitiativ och attitydförändringar. De främsta slutsatserna i denna studie är att rörelsen Sri Lanka Unites har en mycket stor påverkan på och förändrar många av skolprefekternas attityder. Förändringsagenterna upplever att de är en del av lösningen på att Sri Lanka ska fortsätta och i framtiden vara ett fredligt land. Dock är tiden det som får utvisa hur stora effekter förändringsagenterna och Sri Lanka Unites har på nationens väg till försoning.
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Sanjithkumar, Nishanth V. "WAR CRIME VICTIMIZATION EXPERIENCES OF SRI LANKAN TAMIL MAKAL: A QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS." OpenSIUC, 2017. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1495.

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Researchers have given considerable attention to war crimes across nations. Numerous anthropologists, political scientists, and economists have conducted research on the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka; however, there is scant literature exploring violations of international law as experienced by the minorities (i.e., Tamils) from sociological and criminological perspectives. The purpose of this study is to offer an insight into how masculinity and war crimes by the military and the paramilitary forces affected the Tamils from the Northern and the Eastern provinces in Sri Lanka. I explored victimization experienced by the Tamil Diaspora populations, the construction of victimization avoidance strategies, the social forces that motivated them to leave Sri Lanka, the short and the long-term effects of victimization (i.e., sexual, economic, physical, mental), the process the refugees adopted to assimilate themselves into new space, and the resources available from Sri Lanka and place of new residence to meet their needs. Finally, I explored within gender differences and similarities of victimization as experienced by the refugees. I employed qualitative methods to collect the data, where I gathered a sample of Tamils Diaspora population from Canada and the United States of America by way of snowball sampling via advocates who worked with refugees. I used open-ended questionnaires during the face-to-face interviews. I audio-taped most of the interviews and I manually transcribed them. I took written notes of a couple of the interviews when the participants did not permit audio recording. Finally, I analyzed the collected data and present the findings. This approach informs the scientific community of how people understand and give meanings to their life experiences (Orbuch, 1997; Mishler, 1986). The findings indicate that several types of social forces contributed to how families operated during the war. For instance, the war impacted the quality of available education, the quality of available shelter, and the social and family pressures for expected roles within the community. I specifically looked at victimization experiences, the social forces that motivated them to leave Sri Lanka, the short and long-term effects of war related victimization, the process of assimilation, resources available in Sri Lanka and their new place of residence, and gender differences or similarities of war crime victimization as experienced by the refugees. The research question I explored revealed that many faced financial/economic strain, secondary victimization, sexual abuse, mental/ emotional abuse, and physical abuse. When I explored victimization avoidance strategies, the data revealed that some participants submitted while others’ social bonds allowed them to evade victimization. Next, I explored the coping strategies employed by the participants during and post-civil war. The themes that emerged to explain their coping strategies were medical/counseling assistance, deference to God, and gendered roles. I also explored the social forces that drove the participants out of the country. The data revealed that it was the impact of the internal conflict on various infrastructures that stimulated the participants’ exodus from the country. I also explored the assistance the participants received in Sri Lanka and their new place of residence. The data revealed that many of the participants received most of their help from the paramilitary. All of the participants indicated they received aid from their new place of residence. Finally, I conclude by providing theoretical discussions of the findings, limitations of the study, future recommendations, and implications. This study unveils how the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees experienced and gave meaning to their lived experiences due to the war.
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Wanigasinghe, Lakshila. "Consequences of Terrorism: The Effects of Terrorism on Education in Sri Lanka." OpenSIUC, 2019. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/2537.

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This study aims to analyze the impact of terrorism on the educational sector of Sri Lanka. We focus our attention on Eelam War IV, the final phase of the 26-yearlong Sri Lankan conflict and the period of peace (period under the Norwegian government mediated ceasefire agreement) prior to it. We use data from the 2012 National Population and Housing Census and war related fatality counts from the South Asia Terrorism Portal to divide the island’s 9 provinces into high and low war intensity provinces in order to analyze the impact of terrorism on the educational attainment of individuals residing in each of these provinces during the two periods; peace and war. We use an Ordinary Least Squares Model to estimate the average years of schooling and a Logit Model to estimate the levels of individual grade completion. Our results find that the conflict did not have a diminishing impact on education, in fact educational outcomes for individual grade completion increased during the conflict period in areas deemed highly intense.
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19

Korf, Benedikt. "Conflict, space and institutions : property rights and the political economy of war in Sri Lanka /." Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013221856&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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20

Kovinthan, Thursica. "Education for Social Cohesion? A Gender Analysis of Citizenship Education in Post-War Sri Lanka." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/42131.

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In conflict-affected and divided societies, citizenship education has gained considerable attention for its potential to promote democratic peace and address issues of identity and societal divisions. This study demonstrates the vital role of gender equality for social cohesion by illustrating how aspects of inclusive democratic citizenship needed for social cohesion are undermined by hierarchical social relations and harmful masculinities fostered through the patriarchal aspects of education and schooling. This inquiry examines if and how policies for social cohesion through education, specifically citizenship education, contribute to peace in conflict-affected Sri Lanka, a county plagued by 30 years of war. Through a document analysis of the grade 6-9 citizenship textbooks, interviews and surveys with teachers and students, and classroom and school observations, this study explores how policies related to education for social cohesion are appropriated and enacted within schools and classrooms and how students consequently understand their role as citizens in a conflict-affected society. The study design is a transformative design mixed methods study of 13 schools across four provinces in post-war Sri Lanka. Using a post-colonial feminist approach, this study draws conclusions on how gender roles and relations intersect with citizenship education and its potential to contribute to gender transformative peacebuilding. Qualitative and quantitative findings reveal that attitudes on gender equality are closely related to attitudes on social cohesion. Many of the factors associated with patriarchy, including harmful masculinities, not only reduced gender equality, but they also undermined the egalitarian foundations of democracy needed for peace and social cohesion. However, when educators were able to engage in practices that fostered the knowledge and skills to empathize across differences (gender, ethnic, and religious) and build egalitarian relationships, they fostered inclusive democratic citizenship among students and contributed to social cohesion. At the same time, results indicate that education’s capacity to promote social cohesion, through the formal and informal curriculum, is limited due to a state-centric belligerent approach to citizenship and citizenship education, which is primarily focused on developing a personally responsible citizen.
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de, Silva Purnaka Lohendra. "Political violence and its cultural constructions representations & narrations in times of war /." [S.l. : Amsterdam : s.n.] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2000. http://dare.uva.nl/document/83697.

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22

Biyanwila, Janaka. "Trade unions in Sri Lanka under globalisation : reinventing worker solidarity." University of Western Australia. Faculty of Economics and Commerce, 2004. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2004.0045.

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This study examines trade union resistance to the post 1977 Export Oriented Industrialisation (EOI) strategies in Sri Lanka, and the possibilities of developing new strategic options. In contrast to perspectives that narrow unions to political economic dimensions, this study emphasises the cultural and the movement dimensions of unions. The purpose of the study is to understand the ways unions can regain their role as civil society actors on the basis of building worker solidarity. The study is divided into two main parts. The first part focuses on the features and tendencies of social movement unionism as advancing new possibilities towards revitalising unions. Under globalisation, unions are faced with an increasingly casualised labour force with more women absorbed as wage workers. The promotion of labour market deregulation and privatisation, endorsed by neo-liberal ideologies of competitive individualism, illustrates the narrowing of unions to the workplace while undermining worker solidarity. The first part of this research describes the impact of :neo-liberal globalisation on trade unions; conceptualisation of and resistance to globalisation; the essence of trade unions; social movement unionism and labour internationalism. According to social movement unionism perspectives, party independent union strategies, based on elements of internal democracy and structured alliances open the possibility of emphasising the movement dimension of unions. The second part explains the context of unions in Sri Lanka, focusing on three unions - the Nurses, Tea Plantation workers, and Free Trade Zone workers. In terms of the structural context, Sri Lankan unions faced a multi-faceted weakening under the post-1977 EOI policies. The assertion of an authoritarian state, promoting interests of capital, enhanced the fragmentation of unions along party differences that were further compounded by divisions along ethnic identity politics. Moreover, the increasing militarisation of the state, which maintains a protracted ethnic war, reinforced coercive state strategies restraining union resistance and shrinking the realm of civil society. In confronting state strategies of labour market deregulation and privatisation, the enduring party subordinated unions are increasingly inadequate. In contrast, the three unions in this study express forms of party-independent union strategies. By analysing their modes of resistance related to the articulation of worker interests, their organisational modes, and their engagement in representative and movement politics the study explores the possibility of developing a social movement unionism orientation in order to regain their role as civil society actors
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23

Dharmaindra, Angeline S. "Coping with experiences of war in Sri Lanka : perspectives from Tamil immigrants living in the UK." Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/17611/.

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Sri Lanka was involved in war for nearly three decades, which has had a profound effect on the Tamil community. The number of Tamil people living in the UK continues to grow, yet the mental health needs of Tamil immigrants and their coping behaviours remain poorly understood. Understanding the needs of war-affected communities seems particularly important given the current migrant crisis and potentially high levels of unmet mental health need. This study aimed to understand how Tamils living in the UK have coped with their experiences of war, exploring coping both in Sri Lanka and the UK. A total of 10 participants with experience of war in Sri Lanka were recruited from a variety of Tamil community organisations across London. Snowball sampling was also utilised given participants came from a hidden population. Semi-structured interviews were conducted and a critical realist perspective was adopted during the research process. Data was analysed using thematic analysis with the assistance of MAXQDA software. Results identified six key themes: survival at all costs, the power of the mind, with the help of others you survive, the value in talking, improving life for yourself and others and searching for a different life in the UK. Within these themes, 16 sub-themes were identified. The findings suggest that Tamils in the UK utilise a range of individual, spiritual, and social coping strategies. Coping strategies differed between Sri Lanka and the UK and the findings suggest limited use of professional help-seeking. The findings highlight the particular importance placed on collective coping within this community through resource accumulation and membership to Tamil community organisations. For many Tamils their personal struggles increased their desire to contribute to their host country and country of origin through education and work. Given coping is largely facilitated through social support, community interventions should focus on increasing social capital and promoting coping strategies at both an individual and group level.
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Nelson, Katrina Nicole. "Sri Lankan Widows' Mental Health: Does Type of Spousal Loss Matter?" BYU ScholarsArchive, 2019. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/7489.

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This study examined mental health outcomes for widowed Tamil women in Sri Lanka to identify any associations between type of spousal loss and several outcomes, including internalized stigma as a result of widowhood, anxiety symptoms, depressive symptoms, and posttraumatic stress symptoms. A sample of 381 Tamil female widows living in Eastern Sri Lanka were surveyed in 2016 to understand their experiences in a post-disaster and post-war context. Type of spousal loss was separated into seven categories: war-related death, death as a result of tsunami, illness-related deaths, accidental death, suicide, disappearance, and other. Path analysis was used to assess whether type of spousal loss predicts variations in symptom outcomes, controlling for time they have been bereaved, number of children, social problems, and perceived sense of community. The Conservation of Resources (COR) theory (Hobfoll, 1989) was used to conceptualize how spousal loss is connected to distress symptoms and to explain the findings. Analysis revealed that the only types of spousal loss which associated with significant variation in symptom distress were spousal loss as a result of accident and "other" causes. Specifically, accidental causes of spousal death were associated with lower levels of depression, and "other" causes of death were associated with lower levels of depression and anxiety as compared to all other causes of death. In addition, the control variables of sense of community and social problems predicted significant variation in symptom distress such that higher levels of sense of community were associated with lower levels of depression, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress symptoms, and social problems were associated with higher levels of all measured types of mental health distress symptoms.
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25

Korf, Benedikt [Verfasser]. "Conflict, Space and Institutions : Property Rights and the Political Economy of War in Sri Lanka / Benedikt Korf." Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://d-nb.info/1172616086/34.

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26

Silva, Mada Kalapuge Lakshan Anuruddhika De. "Re-integration of Former Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam Combatants into Civilian Society in Post-War Sri Lanka." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/6824.

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The entire nation paid a high price militarily, politically, economically and socially during the twenty-six-year-old conflict in Sri Lanka. However, May 18, 2009, marked a significant milestone in the written history of Sri Lanka. The three-year-long Humanitarian Operation conducted by the Sri Lankan Security Forces to liberate civilians from the cruel clutches of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) terrorists ended, assigning a total military defeat to the LTTE. As a nation, Sri Lanka is now facing the daunting task of a range of challenges in the post-war era. Above all, much effort is needed to heel the scars of the conflict and to build the Sri Lankan identity. Though the war is over, the remnants of the LTTE may pose a considerable security challenge. Amongst them are many surrendered combatants of the LTTE who are being rehabilitated and absorbed into the society. Sacred responsibility lies with the government in rehabilitating ex-combatants is to ensure a long-term, results-oriented process. Considering the highly sensitive status quo of the issue at the aftermath of its conflict, the Sri Lankan government needs to contribute its share to rebuild the nation. Therefore, this thesis dwells on testing the benchmarks expected by the Sri Lankan government in carrying out this process and the outcome so far, in meeting the said contesting national requirement in comparison to other cases in the world. In this sense, the question arises as to how the programs of reintegration can be successful, and what potential problems could arise in the process of reintegration. Therefore, this thesis attempts to identify the questions of the Sri Lankan case in comparison to other cases, in understanding how de-radicalization and re-integration evolved in these countries, and how they reached the benchmarks by overcoming weaknesses and lapses.
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Åkebo, Malin. "The Politics of Ceasefires : On Ceasefire Agreements and Peace Processes in Aceh and Sri Lanka." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-79176.

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In recent decades we have seen an increase in peace processes aimed at solving armed conflicts through peaceful means. The often fragile characteristics of such processes and the settlements that they produce underline the essential importance of improving our understanding of the dynamics at play in transitions from war to peace. This thesis aims to contribute to this overarching objective by analysing ceasefire agreements in relation to peace processes in two protracted intrastate armed conflicts: Aceh, Indonesia, and Sri Lanka. In the scholarly literature, ceasefire agreements are often assumed to create momentum due to their ability to pave the way to a peaceful solution. At the same time, it has also been suggested that ceasefires can influence conflict dynamics in negative ways. Although there are many unanswered questions about ceasefire agreements in contemporary peace processes, few studies have been devoted to systematic and in-depth analysis of how ceasefire agreements can be characterized and analysed in relation to peace processes in protracted intrastate conflicts. This thesis, which is based on written documents and on interviews conducted during four research trips to the region, contributes to filling this research gap by presenting comparative case studies of Aceh and Sri Lanka. The point of departure in the study is a process-oriented, conflict dynamics approach and a view that war-to-peace transitions require changes in the conflicting parties’ attitudes, behaviours and relationships. I analyse and compare ceasefire agreements by looking at their initiation, form and content, and by examining their implementation and the unfolding of the processes. I identify six key factors in the literature that can influence the conflicting parties’ attitudes, behaviours and relationships. I then use these factors to analyse ceasefire agreements in relation to the dynamics of the broader peace processes. In this thesis I show how these key factors – including issues of recognition, trust, whether the parties’ claims are met, international involvement, contextual changes and intra-party dynamics – have mattered. I also show that context is important for understanding how and why they have mattered. The results suggest that ceasefire agreements can facilitate war-topeace transitions; however, it also illuminates challenges and the risk that such agreements can be counter-productive in the context of intrastate conflicts. The study also shows that ceasefire agreements have a historical legacy, as illustrated by their impact on subsequent interactions and agreements, and it underlines the symbolic politics of ceasefires in asymmetrical intrastate conflicts. The thesis ends with a number of propositions, among others that ceasefire agreements tend to become more comprehensive over time and that power struggles and developments within the conflicting parties are important for understanding ceasefire agreements in relation to contemporary peace processes.
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Brekke, Bo Christopher Iwar. "Humanitarian intervention and just war : a comparative analysis of India's interventions in Bangladesh, 1971, and Sri Lanka, 1987-1990 /." Oslo : Institutt for statsvitenskap, Universitetet i Oslo, 2008. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/statsvitenskap/2008/76271/Ferdig1.pdf.

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29

Walton, Oliver. "Negotiating war and the liberal peace : national NGOs' legitimacy and the politics of peacebuilding in Sri Lanka, 2006-7." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.567720.

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30

Smith, Janel. "Civil society, human security, and the politics of peace-building in victor's peace Sri Lanka (2009-2012)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/937/.

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This thesis aims to expand scholarship on civil society and peace-building through exploration of civil society’s experiences, perspectives, and practices in relation to the politics of peace-building and human (in)security in instances of victor’s peace, using post-war Sri Lanka as case study. It adopts Human Security as an analytical approach calling attention to insecurities operating on and through Sri Lankans but also the nature of power dynamics underlying these insecurities based on the subjective and political nature of ‘peace’ itself. The thesis contributes conceptually and empirically to knowledge of the operation of victor’s peace and its implications for civil society in peace-building. This thesis’s central contention is that acts of securitization and governmentality carried out by Sri Lanka’s central governmental elite within and enabled by the victor’s peace have constricted spaces for civil society to articulate alternatives or engage in critical dialogue within the political process fostered under the victor’s peace. This study, thus, questions romanticized notions of the potentiality of ‘local’ resistances to shift structural inequalities and power asymmetries in victor’s peace. At a disciplinary level, the thesis also deepens knowledge, first, on civil society as complex and contested sphere. It argues that to conceptualize civil society as homogenous or inherently altruistic risks drastically oversimplifying its highly diffuse nature and politics within the sector in which certain actors may benefit within the victor’s peace and engage in ‘peace’-building activities in order to both capitalise on those benefits and sustain the victor’s peace. Second, the thesis addresses the nexus between civil society and peace-building, and specifically the politics of peace-building, in the victor’s peace. In not being constrained by negotiated peace settlement it asserts that, as in Sri Lanka, instances of victor’s peace can quickly transition into repressive environments. Here it is unlikely that civil society, despite innovative methods of exercising agency, can significantly alter the trajectories of the ‘peace’, and further that those civil society actors that support the victor’s peace may seek to exploit the benefits they gain from it at the expense of the human security of others. Finally, the thesis asserts that, ultimately, Human Security’s utility may lie not as political agenda that validates external intervention based on a ‘responsibility’ to intervene, but as a conceptual framework for developing deeper understandings of the nature of (in)security and factors driving (in)security at multiple levels of analysis within different articulations or ‘types’ of peace.
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Weragala, D. K. Neelanga. "Water Allocation Challenges in Rural River Basins: A Case Study from the Walawe River Basin,Sri Lanka." DigitalCommons@USU, 2010. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/589.

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This dissertation evaluates the water allocation challenges in the rural river basins of the developing world, where demands are growing and the supply is limited. While many of these basins have yet to reach the state of closure, their water users are already experiencing water shortages. Agricultural crop production in rural river basins of the developing world plays a major role in ensuring food security. However, irrigation as the major water consumer in these basins has low water use efficiency. As water scarcity grows, the need to maximize economic gains by reallocating water to more efficient uses becomes important. Water allocation decisions must be made considering the social economic and environmental conditions of the developing world. The purpose of this dissertation is to identify water allocation strategies that satisfy the above conditions, in the example of the Walawe River basin in Sri Lanka. In this dissertation three manuscripts are presented. The first manuscript takes a broad view of the current water allocation situation. The second manuscript develops a methodology to analyze water allocation under a priority-based approach with the use of network flow simulation techniques. The third manuscript analyzes the water supply-demand situation in the basin under future climatic conditions. The major findings of this study suggest that: (1) while up to 44% of water is still available for use, seasonality of inflows, poor water management, physical infrastructure deficiencies, and other socio-economic factors contribute to the irrigation deficits in the Walawe basin; (2) prioritizing irrigation over hydropower generation increases supply reliability by 21% in the Walawe irrigation system IRR 1. The corresponding annual loss in power output in less than 0.5%. Prioritizing the left bank irrigation area in system IRR 2 increases the economic gains from crop yields by US $1 million annually; (3) an increase of water use efficiency between 30-50% in agriculture can mitigate all water deficits in agriculture, urban water supply and industrial sectors; (4) the predicted 25% increase of rainfall over the Walawe basin in the 2050's allows for 43% increase in hydropower generation (with changes to power generation mode) and 3-16 % reduction in irrigation requirements; (5) network flow simulation techniques can be successfully used to evaluate different demand management strategies and improvements to the priority-based water allocation method.
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32

Schauer, Elisabeth. "Trauma treatment for children in war : build-up of an evidence-based large-scale mental health intervention in North-Eastern Sri Lanka /." Konstanz, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?sys=000253028.

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33

Weerawardhana, Chaminda Kumara. "The post-Cold War liberal peacebuilding paradigm and the influence of the Northern Ireland peace process on Sri Lanka : a critical retrospection." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602969.

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The present thesis is a comparative study of the conflict management processes of Northern Ireland and Sri Lanka, from the perspective of the post-Cold War liberal peacebuilding paradigm. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach that cuts across political history and political economy, this thesis engages with broader debates on the liberal peace, questioning the position of Northern Ireland as an exemplary case of conflict management. Concerning Sri Lanka, it strives to demonstrate that the peace process was the key factor that helped create the circumstances for a military solution to be introduced. Chapters Two and Three examine the long-standing liberalising political trajectories of Northern Ireland and Sri Lanka. Chapters Four and Five examine the vital intergovernmental partnerships that have been of decisive importance to conflict management in both cases. Chapter Six explores comparative connections between the two cases, while Chapters Seven and Eight combine to engage in a critical reading of the liberal peacebuilding drives in each case. It is argued that in both cases, conflict management has involved essentially political processes of bargaining, marked by illiberal dimensions. The thesis concludes with a reflection on the limits of the liberal peacebuilding paradigm, highlighting the necessity of a new. liberal-realist approach to conflict management as a promising strategy of stretching the limits of the liberal peace.
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34

Amarilla, Chloe. "An Evaluation of the Sri Lankan Government’s Policies in the Defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2019.

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The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) were branded as the most dangerous and deadly extremists in the world by the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in January of 2008. The Tamil Tigers are held responsible for perfecting the use of suicide bombers, inventing the suicide belt, being the first to use women in suicide attacks, and killing nearly 4,000 people in the one year prior to 2008. The LTTE is the only terrorist organization to have assassinated two world leaders, Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, and Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa. They were also the first to acquire air power and their strike on Sri Lanka’s World Trade Center was the largest terrorist assault before the September 11 attacks in 2001. It took the government of Sri Lanka over thirty years to rid the country of this powerful terrorist group. This paper will investigate what caused the fall of the Tamil Tigers. In my second chapter, I will evaluate the policies and military strategies adopted by the government. My third chapter will look at the role of international actors in the conflict and their effects. Lastly, in my fourth chapter, I will examine key mistakes made by the LTTE that may have led to its own demise. In chapter five, I will analyze three possible causes for the defeat of the LTTE and what was the most significant in bringing its fall. It will also include its potential for replication in other countries and effects on foreign policy moving forward.
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35

Tennakoon, Mudiyanselage Anula T. "Changing dynamics of NGO accountability. A hegemonic analysis of a Sri Lankan case." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5346.

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36

Tennakoon, Mudiyanselage Anula Tennakoon. "Changing dynamics of NGO accountability : a hegemonic analysis of a Sri Lankan case." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5346.

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37

Pillainayagam, Priyanthan A. "The After Effects of Colonialism in the Postmodern Era: Competing Narratives and Celebrating the Local in Michael Ondaatje’s Anil’s Ghost." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1337874544.

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38

Mojžíš, Michal. "Mezinárodní zapojení do procesu budování míru na Srí Lance." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-261814.

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The final months of Sri Lankan civil war, the 26 year military campaign between the Government of Sri Lanka and the insurgent separatist organization Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, are marked by allegations of war crimes committed by both parties of the conflict, including attacks on civilians, summary executions of prisoners, enforced disappearances, restrictions on humanitarian assistance and recruitment of children. Since the attempts to put the Sri Lankan issue on the agenda of the United Nations Security Council failed on the unwillingness of China and Russia, the UN bodies in Geneva have taken a leading role in promoting the peacebuilding process on the island. The thesis aims to analyse the impact of the Geneva-based human rights bodies, in particular of the United Nations Human Rights Council, on the process of reconciliation in Sri Lanka, for which is crucial that the alleged violations of human rights in the last months of the civil war would be properly investigated and that the perpetrators would be held accountable. In order to put the activity of the UN Human Rights Council into broader context, the paper will examine the political development in Sri Lanka since the end of the civil war in 2009 as well as the failed efforts of Sri Lankan governments to launch the process of reconciliation.
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Chowdhory, Nasreen. "Belonging in exile and "home" : the politics of repatriation in South Asia." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=103193.

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My dissertation discusses refugee rights and post-repatriation integration in South Asia in the context of debates over "citizenship." Postcolonial state-formation processes in South Asia have profoundly shaped questions of belonging and membership. As a result, official citizenship has become an important marker of group inclusion and exclusion in South Asian states. Using the literature on citizenship, I discuss the "belonging" claims of non-citizens (refugees) and argue that in practice this "belonging" extends beyond the state-centric "citizenship" view of membership. In doing so, I address two sets of interrelated questions: what factors determine whether or not refugees will be repatriated in South Asia, and why do some repatriated groups re-integrate more successfully than others in "post-peace" South Asian states? I answer these questions through a study of refugees from Sri Lanka and Bangladesh who sought asylum in India and were later repatriated to their countries of origin. The politics of postcolonial state-formation and subsequent discriminatory policies on language in Sri Lanka and non-recognition of the Jumma people in Bangladesh encouraged many citizens to flee to India as refugees. I argue, first, that India's state-centric politics of non-recognition of the two refugee groups contributed to their later repatriation. In the absence of rights and status in exile, refugees turned to "home" as a place to belong. I then analyze the post-repatriation variations in accommodation in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh as most refugees attempted to reclaim the lost identity and "citizenship" at "home" through the process of repatriation. However these countries pursued strategies of limited accommodation, which led to the minimal or partial re-integration of the two returnee-refugee groups.
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40

Sezgin, Ibrahim Can [Verfasser]. "The Logic of Violence between War and Peace : A New Perspective on the Dynamics of Political Violence Using the Case Example Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Conflict in Sri Lanka / Ibrahim Can Sezgin." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1160487030/34.

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41

Hatsumi, Kaori. "War and Grief, Faith and Healing in a Tamil Catholic Fishing Village in Northern Sri Lanka." Thesis, 2012. https://doi.org/10.7916/D80C52VR.

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Sri Lanka's thirty-year civil war brought about tremendous suffering upon the lives of the Tamil civilian population in northern Sri Lanka. In May 2009, when the war ended, not a single civilian remained within the Vanni, the former rebel territory, as they had all been killed or displaced. More than one hundred thousand civilians were dead or disappeared and three hundred thousand survivors were held in so-called "transit camps" without freedom of movement. The data for this dissertation is based on extensive anthropological field research conducted in northern Sri Lanka during the last phase of the civil war and into its aftermath over a period of two and a half years between July 2007 and May 2010. It sets out to explain the experience of suffering among a Tamil Catholic fishing community, which, due to the war, had been displaced from its coastal home, Perunkalipattu in 1999, and has been relocated to the City of Santa Marta, an internal-refugee camp. Between July 2007 and May 2009, this community was part of the four hundred thousand Tamil civilians trapped in so-called "no-fire zones," where they suffered violence at the hands of the state as well as the rebels. This dissertation takes a unique approach to the exploration of the community's suffering by incorporating the effects of the war on the community's Catholic devotion and the possibility of healing of traumatic experiences of war through that devotion. The study thereby opens up a new field of anthropological investigation of displacement, social suffering, faith and healing. It contributes, among others, to the anthropology of violence, South Asia studies, and the anthropology of Christianity, and provides unique materials for anthropological reflection on ethnographic writing and the art of fieldwork.
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42

Kuganathan, Prashanth David. "Remaking Lives in Northern Sri Lanka: Migration, Schooling, and Language in Postwar Jaffna." Thesis, 2021. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-9tnr-0131.

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This dissertation contemplates the radical shifts and changes in language and education due to and during the Sri Lankan civil war (1983-2009), utilizing the detailed method of classroom ethnography in postwar Jaffna to comprehend macro-perspective problems about language and nationalism in postwar Sri Lanka. It attempts to answer some of the following questions: In a country trying to heal and recover from the trauma of war and violence based on ethnolinguistic difference, what does postwar education and schooling look like? In a region of the country that has a proud history and heritage of Tamil language and culture, yet a simultaneous colonial and postcolonial tradition of English language education and schooling, and now, a continued postwar Sinhalese military and police presence, how do people negotiate and navigate these three distinct linguistic spheres of practice? From the perspectives of research informants and interlocutors, what does life look like in contemporary postwar Jaffna? I find that almost three decades of war and outmigration have resulted in an ongoing transformation concerning learning, language, and life in the Jaffna peninsula. The decline in English language education combined with the predominantly monolingual Tamil-speaking environment that Jaffna provides for school children solidifies their ethnoreligious identities while limiting opportunity. However, we see a transformation in local economies due to war and emigration and the influx of remittance income, which has created new patterns and habits in consumption and even a shift in priority and work ethic. Therefore, we see the emergence of a new generation in northern Sri Lanka navigating this postwar space, embracing cultural changes that have been brought about by these processes of war, migration, and increased interconnectedness in what is still the most conservative and traditional region of the country.
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43

Bastian, Sunil. "The Failure of State Formation, Identity Conflict and Civil Society Responses - The Case of Sri Lanka." 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/936.

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Herath, Dhammika. "Rural development through social capital? : an inquest on the linkages betwwen social capital and development in war-torn villages in Sri Lanka /." 2008. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016695205&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Schauer, Elisabeth [Verfasser]. "Trauma treatment for children in war : build-up of an evidence-based large-scale mental health intervention in North-Eastern Sri Lanka / von Elisabeth Schauer." 2008. http://d-nb.info/988858886/34.

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