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Journal articles on the topic 'Civil war in Sri Lanka'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 April 2022

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1

Price, Megan. "The End Days of the Fourth Eelam War: Sri Lanka's Denialist Challenge to the Laws of War." Ethics & International Affairs 36, no. 1 (2022): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679421000654.

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AbstractDuring the final months of Sri Lanka's 2006–2009 civil war, Sri Lankan armed forces engaged in a disproportionate and indiscriminate shelling campaign against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which culminated in the deaths of tens of thousands of civilians. Conventional wisdom suggests that Sri Lanka undermined international humanitarian law (IHL). Significantly, however, the Sri Lankan government did not directly challenge such law or attempt to justify its departure from it. Rather, it invented a new set of facts about its conduct to sidestep its legal obligations. Though indirect, this challenge was no less significant than had Sri Lanka explicitly rejected those obligations. Drawing on Clark et al.'s concept of denialism, this article details the nature of Sri Lanka's challenge to the standing of IHL. At the core of its denialist move, Sri Lanka maintained that while the LTTE was using civilians as human shields, government forces were adhering to a zero civilian casualty approach. With this claim, Sri Lanka absolved itself of any responsibility for the toll inflicted on civilians and sealed its conduct off from the ambit of IHL. This case illustrates how actors can considerably undermine the law using strategies of contestation far more subtle than direct confrontation.

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2

Uyangoda, Jayadeva. "Sri Lanka in 2009: From Civil War to Political Uncertainties." Asian Survey 50, no. 1 (January 2010): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.1.104.

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Political developments in Sri Lanka in 2009 centered primarily around the end of the protracted civil war between the state and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), with the total military defeat of the LTTE. Sri Lanka subsequently entered an uncertain phase of post-civil war political reconstruction. The announcement to hold early presidential elections in January 2010 added to uncertainties to Sri Lanka's post-civil war political process. Sri Lanka also moved away from the West toward other Asian and Middle Eastern powers.

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Fiaz, Kamran. "Situation Analysis of Nation Building Efforts in Sri Lanka: From Early Years of Independence to Contemporary Days." Forman Journal of Social Sciences 01, no. 01 (December 17, 2021): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32368/fjss.20210105.

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Despite the smooth transition of power from the British colonists to the Sri Lankan Sinhalese in 1949, Sri Lanka inherited considerable challenges. There has been conflict between the Sinhalese and the Tamils post-independence which led to a long and brutal civil war from 1983 to 2009. After the culmination of the civil war, Sri Lanka confronted numerous obstacles in the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the country. Drawing from Birch’s model of national integration, this study attempts to examine the diverse political, economic, and social challenges facing Sri Lanka. The review shows that Sri Lanka needs critical nation building in the following areas: (i) Infrastructural development, (ii) Resettlements and rehabilitation of displaced populations (iii) Ethnic and religious integration, (iv) Equality in political representation, (v) Educational and employment policies, (vi) Gender equality policies, and (vii) mental health interventions for children and women. The role of international bodies, like the United Nations Human Rights Council, and neighboring countries is key to creating pressure for national integration and growth. There is fear that if national unity is not at the forefront of state and international policy for Sri Lanka, conflict and instability may arise again.

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4

Jayasuriya, Laksiri. "The Hybrid Regime in Post-Civil War Sri Lanka." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 437–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534028.

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Following the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2010, the Sri Lankan political system has seen the rise of a ‘one-party dominant state’ and a ‘hybrid regime’. This new political order consists of a mix of democratic and authoritarian elements largely seen in countries such as Malaysia and Singapore. This essay examines the social and political changes introduced by the highly militarized regime led by Mahinda Rajapaksa, which has slanted towards a Kautilyan ideology and authoritarian constitutionalism. It is argued that Sri Lanka needs a glasnost, marking a new political and social ethos based on the principles of accountability, openness, transparency, freedom and justice.

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5

Goodhand, Jonathan. "Sri Lanka in 2012." Asian Survey 53, no. 1 (January 2013): 64–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.1.64.

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Since the end of the civil war in May 2009, Sri Lanka’s government has continued to consolidate the unitary state and centralize power by combining political reform, patronage, and economic development. However, two forces countering such unity and centralization became evident during the course of the year. First, tensions and contradictions associated with the simultaneous pursuit of political centralization alongside rapid economic development and liberalization. Second, there has been an intensification of external pressures to bring about a political settlement with the Tamils and to address government accountability, including its alleged involvement in war crimes.

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6

Destradi, Sandra. "India and Sri Lanka's Civil War." Asian Survey 52, no. 3 (May 2012): 595–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.3.595.

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Abstract This article focuses on India's relationship with Sri Lanka in examining why a regional power failed to manage a conflict in its immediate neighborhood. Historical and domestic factors help explain India's largely hands-off policy (1991–2006). In contrast, regional and international factors underpin its support of Colombo's military campaign against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, including New Delhi's concerns about China.

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7

Ranjan, Amit, and Diotima Chattoraj. "The Tamil Issue in India–Sri Lanka Relationships: Priorities and Interests." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 78, no. 1 (January 14, 2022): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211068161.

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More than 25 years of ethnic war in Sri Lanka ended in 2009. Expressing ‘serious concerns’ on human rights situation in post-civil war Sri Lanka, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has adopted critical resolutions. The eighth such resolution was adopted in March 2021. India abstained for the second time from voting on a resolution against Sri Lanka at the UNHRC since 2014. In 2012 and 2013, India voted in favour of resolutions that have been critical of Sri Lanka. This article, examines the shift in India’s approach towards the Tamil issue in Sri Lanka.

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8

Uyangoda, Jayadeva. "Sri Lanka in 2010." Asian Survey 51, no. 1 (January 2011): 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.1.131.

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The two key events of 2010 in Sri Lanka were the respective presidential and parliamentary elections, which enabled President Mahinda Rajapaksha's government to consolidate power in both the executive and legislative branches of the state in the post-civil war era. Regime priority has been toward political consolidation, rather than ethnic reconciliation and a political solution to potential ethnic tensions in the country.

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9

Devotta, Neil. "RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN POST-CIVIL WAR SRI LANKA." Asian Affairs 49, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 278–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2018.1467660.

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10

Bastin, Rohan. "‘Royal science’ and civil war in Sri Lanka." Contributions to Indian Sociology 43, no. 3 (September 2009): 443–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/006996670904300304.

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11

Orjuela, Camilla. "Civil Society in Civil War: The Case of Sri Lanka." Civil Wars 7, no. 2 (June 2005): 120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698280500422884.

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12

Goodhand, Jonathan. "Sri Lanka in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.130.

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Abstract Local elections consolidated the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration's grip on power. State-led efforts to stimulate economic growth continued with major infrastructure projects in the northeastern and southern parts of Sri Lanka. No significant progress was made toward a political settlement and reconciliation with the Tamil community, and the government came under increasing international pressure about its conduct in the last months of the civil war after the release of the United Nations Advisory Panel report.

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13

Fazil, Mansoor Mohamed, Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar, Mohamed Bazeer Safna Sakki, Thaharadeen Fathima Sajeetha, and Vimalasiri Kamalasiri. "State Reluctance towards Inclusive Policies in Post-Civil War Sri Lanka." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 3 (August 17, 2020): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n3p109.

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This study aims to identify the factors preventing the state from responding in a manner that will avoid future conflict in post-civil war Sri Lanka. After the government ended the separatist struggle of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by bringing the civil war to an end in May 2009, the protracted and destructive 30-year war presented an opportunity for both state and society to learn many useful lessons from the long war. These lessons could have enabled the government to reconstitute the state as an inclusive institution, one in which minorities could also participate to ensure just and equitable development for all Sri Lankans. This study uses a qualitative research approach that involves analysis of critical categories. Findings of this study offer some crucial insights about Sri Lanka’s ethnic politics, particularly, the various factors have influenced the state to avoid inclusive policies. The key factor is the dilemma of post-independent political culture or traditions amongst ruling elites resulted in the avoidance of inclusive policies. This study also reveals some other factors that contestations between different social forces within society, within the state, and between the state and society still prevail in Sri Lanka, hampering the institution of inclusive policies. Further, the paper highlights the failure of India and the International Community to pressurize the state of Sri Lanka to introduce inclusive mechanisms due to international power balance (China factor).

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14

Nagendrakumar, N., A. A. Lokeshwara, S. A. D. C. K. Gunawardana, U. P. Kodikara, R. W. N. H. Rajapaksha, and K. R. M. C. S. Rathnayake. "Modelling and Forecasting Tourist Arrivals in Sri Lanka." SLIIT Business Review 01, no. 02 (December 1, 2021): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.54389/gked9337.

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The Sri Lankan tourism industry contributes significantly to economic development through diversified mechanisms of revenue generation and for creation of employment opportunities. The tourism industry is volatile and easily affected by man-made or natural catastrophes: terrorism, financial crisis, and tsunamis. The racial dispute among Sri Lankan government forces and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam, which started in the 1980s spanned over thirty years and adversely affected the development of the tourism sector. However, with the conclusion of the ethnic strife in 2009, tourism started to boom. The objective is to estimate and forecast tourist arrivals for the tourism industry from August 2021 to August 2025. This study used monthly tourist arrivals from January 2000 to July 2021 to predict values for August 2021 to August 2025 and evaluates against the actual, based on the number of visitor arrivals. Box-Jenkins Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA) was used to model the visitor arrivals to Sri Lanka by evaluating the study period and have applied the Standard ARIMA model to achieve the research purpose. Monthly tourist arrival data obtained from the Sri Lankan Tourism Development Authority and diagnostic test statistics, including autocorrelation and partial correlation, were used to examine the parameters of ARIMA. The results revealed civil was has impacted on tourist arrivals and was further noted that terrorism affected tourist arrivals negatively. In addition, the findings showed that the forecasted tourist arrivals were substantially less than the actual, which indicated that the Sri Lankan tourism industry rebounced shortly after the three-decade long civil war. Hence, this analysis highlights the potential of the Sri Lankan tourism industry to recover rapidly from shock events. Moreover, it is advantageous for policymakers, academia, society, and the government of Sri Lanka to set up the national tourism framework and also align the crisis management process effectively. Keywords: Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average, Civil war, Tourism industry performance, Tourist Arrivals

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15

Ratner, Steven R. "Accountability and the Sri Lankan Civil War." American Journal of International Law 106, no. 4 (October 2012): 795–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.4.0795.

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Sri Lanka's civil war came to a bloody end in May 2009, with the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by Sri Lanka's armed forces on a small strip of land in the island's northeast. The conflict, the product of long-standing tensions between Sri Lanka's majority Sinhalese and minority Tamils over the latter's rights and place in society, had begun in the mid-1980s and ebbed and flowed for some twenty-five years, leading to seventy to eighty thousand deaths on both sides. Government repression of Tamil aspirations was matched with ruthless LTTE tactics, including suicide bombings of civilian targets; and for many years the LTTE controlled large parts of northern and eastern Sri Lanka.

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16

Aliff, S. M. "Post-War Conflict in Sri Lanka: Violence against Sri Lankan Muslims and Buddhist Hegemony." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 59 (September 2015): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.59.109.

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Following the end of the thirty years old civil war in Sri Lanka, there were expectations that the post‐war period would usher in peace, development and reconciliation. The last four years have witnessed several positive developments including resettlement of people and rehabilitation of infrastructure. Nonetheless there are range of problems and policy gaps that have hindered the transition from war to sustainable peace. A key post-war challenge is that of violence against religious sites and members of religious communities. More recently, from last year, there has been an unprecedented level of violent attacks, demonstrations and hate speech targeting Sri Lanka’s Muslim population. It noted a ‘sharp uptick’ in religiously-motivated violence and said the authorities are ‘passively and sometimes actively’ condoning extremist Buddhist groups, Mainly perpetrated by Buddhist-fascist fundamentalist groups, such as the ‘Bodu Bala Sena’ or ‘Buddhist power force’ and the Hela Urmaya or Sinhala Heritage Party are the main groups behind these targeting of Muslims.The events have left the country’s second largest minority community - the Muslims feeling afraid and vulnerable which forcing a concerted campaign against them. In addition to attacks on places of religious worship there are calls to boycott Muslim shops and establishments, all of which is increasing tensions, particularly in areas where Muslims and Sinhalese live close to each other. These were virtually programmed by some prominent and influential personalities in governing circles, besides others who had a vested interest in seeing Sri Lanka imploding amid heightening ‘communal tensions.’On this context, this study focuses on the recent incident of violence against Muslims in Sri Lanka. The primary objective of this study is to examine the motive for violence against Muslims as well as impact of the violence. The fundamental questions of this research are the following: why does post-war violence and hate propaganda arise against Muslim in Sri Lanka? In which ways the violence against minorities, particularly Muslims impact on reconciliation process? And why does Buddhist nationalist hegemony arise soon after civil war in Sri Lanka? This study is based on an interpretive approach. The data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. In addition to primary sources, qualitative interviews were conducted with selected specialist on this particular research area. I conclude that after end of war against LTTE by government of Sri Lanka, religious tension has been increased in the recent past and the government’s reluctance even to take firm action against to perpetrators which would be helpful in restoring the rule of law and security of Sri Lankan minorities has been a big hurdle in the post-conflict situation and government are perceived to serve only the Buddhist side and to marginalize those holding legitimate grievances.

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17

Sonia, Dey. "Analysing the Sri Lankan civil war through the lens of conflict resolution theory." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (January 19, 2022): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17410.1.

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The Sri Lankan ethnic conflict can be identified as a landmark event in recent history, reflecting a visible social disunion between the majority and minority ethnic communities. Sri Lanka witnessed a major turnover of events, from circumscribed ethnic clashes to a full-scale civil war. The ripple effects of this Sri Lankan civil war crossed borders and it was neighbouring India that bore the brunt. Responding to the crisis, the Sri Lankan government deployed forces to contain the growing insurgency and involved external powers for added assistance. Neutral third parties were also involved for an unbiased resolution to Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict. However, there were a multitude of shortcomings that restricted the scope for a successful conflict resolution. This paper highlights both conditions for success and failure of conflict resolution, and the use of third-party intervention as a crucial toolkit. It also throws light on the pre-conditions that were set for introducing third-party intervention in Sri Lankan, exposing the limitations that led to the fateful end of the Sri Lankan civil war. This research points out the equation between roles of third-party mediators and behavioural patterns of the disputed parties in conflict resolution processes. Theory teaches us how third-party intervention can be used as a preferred tool in attaining desirable outcomes. However, application of such tools become subjective on ground, depending upon the behaviour of the parties involved and their intentions towards solutions. Thus, exposing a variety of challenges that the mediators are often unprepared for. Such unpreparedness of third-party negotiators brings to the surface the drawbacks of this method of conflict resolution. Challenges faced in the Sri Lankan peace process uncovered the shortcomings of third-party mediation. This study holds potential to drive future researchers closer to exploring means to minimize the impacts of such limitations on forthcoming reconciliations.

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18

Dissanayake, Dinithi, Carol Tilt, and Wei Qian. "Factors influencing sustainability reporting by Sri Lankan companies." Pacific Accounting Review 31, no. 1 (February 4, 2019): 84–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/par-10-2017-0085.

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Purpose This paper aims to investigate the key company characteristics which influence sustainability reporting by publicly listed companies in Sri Lanka. Design/methodology/approach Panel data analysis is conducted to analyse sustainability reporting of 84 publicly listed companies from 2012 to 2015. Findings Company size and usage of the GRI guidelines are found to be the most relevant company characteristics associated with sustainability reporting by listed companies in Sri Lanka. Unexpectedly, ownership and industry sector do not show strong influences on the extent of sustainability reporting over the study period compared with prior studies. Research limitations/implications Large companies which follow the GRI guidelines are more likely to report in an elaborate manner, indicating the influence of standards setting bodies in Sri Lanka. This means Sri Lankan companies pay attention to global business practices, given the current re-development phase Sri Lanka is experiencing after the end of the civil war. Originality This study is one of the few studies that examine sustainability reporting in a country set against a backdrop of war in the South Asian region. Besides this, it extends the previous research on sustainability reporting and variables such as company ownership, GRI usage, company size and industry sector in a developing country context.

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19

de Jong, Kaz, Maureen Mulhern, Nathan Ford, Isabel Simpson, Alison Swan, and Saskia van der Kam. "Psychological trauma of the civil war in Sri Lanka." Lancet 359, no. 9316 (April 2002): 1517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(02)08420-9.

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20

Bastin, Rohan. "In My Mother's House: Civil War in Sri Lanka." Ethnos 79, no. 3 (November 12, 2012): 442–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00141844.2012.704930.

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21

Satkunaratnam, Ahalya. "Staging War: Performing Bharata Natyam in Colombo, Sri Lanka." Dance Research Journal 45, no. 1 (April 2013): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767712000319.

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This article is an ethnographic study of Bharata Natyam choreographies performed in venues across Colombo, Sri Lanka, during the ethnically divisive civil war. The compositions reveal the strategies of female choreographers who are using dance to address the war in a climate that often silences citizens from discussing the topic in public. I illuminate the discreet negotiations of ethnic identity taking place within choreographies, informed by circulating meanings ascribed to the dance, the ethnic compositions of the bodies dancing and watching, and the shifting experience of living in the city during an escalating civil war.

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22

Shastri, Amita. "Sri Lanka in 2002: Turning the Corner?" Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 215–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.215.

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Embroiled in a civil war for two decades, a peace process was reinitiated in Sri Lanka with international support. Has Sri Lanka finally turned the corner from war? This article argues that major progress has been made by the United National Front government in opening a dialogue with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Yet, major hurdles remain: support by the Tigers for a political solution remains conditional, they have not laid down their arms, and negotiating an agreement about the prospective political structure promises to be problematic.

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23

Wijeweera, Albert, and Matthew J. Webb. "A Peace Dividend for Sri Lanka: The Case for a Return to Prosperity Following the End of Hostilities." Global Economy Journal 10, no. 2 (May 21, 2010): 1850199. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1634.

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Throughout its long years of civil war, Sri Lanka maintained a healthy rate of GDP growth and increasing levels of military spending. Now that the war has ended, Sri Lanka faces the challenge of rebuilding and switching to a peace-time economy with potentially lower levels of defense spending. We employ a cointegration analysis and an error correction model to examine the relationship between non/military spending in Sri Lanka and identify the possible economic benefits of decreased military spending. We find that GDP growth in Sri Lanka is generally not responsive to military spending, but responds positively to non-military spending. Although non-military spending exerts a positive effect upon economic growth compared to military spending, the outcome is still sub-optimal due to the absence of an income multiplier effect. This prefaces potentially good economic news for Sri Lanka in the coming years assuming that hostilities do not resume, that the government can successfully divert resources from the military to the non-military sector and that private sector investment can be effectively encouraged to exert a crowding in effect.

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24

Choi, Vivian Y. "Anticipatory States: Tsunami, War, and Insecurity in Sri Lanka." Cultural Anthropology 30, no. 2 (May 25, 2015): 286–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca30.2.09.

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In 2004, a tsunami caused unprecedented damage and destruction in the Indian Ocean region. For Sri Lanka, the second-most affected country, with over thirty-thousand deaths and five-hundred-thousand displaced, the tsunami resulted in the introduction of new disaster management institutions, logics, and technologies. The formation and implementation of these new institutions, logics, and technologies must be understood alongside a human-made disaster: the decades-long civil war between the Sri Lankan government and the militant insurgent group of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). I outline the ways that the tsunami opened the door for national and social restructuring in Sri Lanka: the devastation of the tsunami and the logics of disaster risk management that followed it offered a political opening for new techniques of state power and projects of nation-building—a process I call disaster nationalism. This governmentality of disaster risk management plays out through an anticipation of disasters, in which disasters, both natural and human-made, are ever-possible future threats that justify ongoing practices and technologies of securitization. Yet state attempts to control the future remain in constant tension with the attitudes and opinions of people who have been affected by both the tsunami and war. These collective relations, practices, and structures of feelings are what I refer to as anticipatory states. From the calculative risk management projects of the Sri Lankan state to the everyday state of being ready and aware in the spaces of disaster, anticipation weaves into and out of experiences and encounters, its different forms and possibilities shaped by complexly layered histories and landscapes of disaster and violence, and, even, forces beyond the control of the anticipatory state.

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25

Kamalasiri, V., M. A. M. Fowsar, and M. M. Fazil. "Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration of Armed Groups in Post-war Sri Lanka: A Study based on Koralaipattu South Divisional Secretariat Division in Eastern Sri Lanka." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 3 (August 30, 2020): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n3p236.

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This article generally focuses on the process of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) which are essential to restore sustainable peace in the post-war scenario. The DDR is one of the significant aspects of the process of post-war peacebuilding. In most of the cases, this process has implemented with the assistance of foreign governments and international or regional institutions. However, the circumstances under which the Government of Sri Lanka happened to take over the sole responsibility for implementing the DDR process have raised serious concerns both at the local and international level. Hence, this article attempts to conduct a detailed inquiry of the DDR process implemented in Sri Lanka after the end of the civil war. This article followed a descriptive method of investigation. The findings of the study show that the DDR process was not fully implemented in a broad manner in the Sri Lankan context, but only served as a continuation of the military victory over the LTTE. In particular, not much attention was paid to disarming and demobilizing the armed groups, and only the so-called DDR process took place without international assistance and supervision.

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Khan, Ilam, Ahmed Saeed Minhas, and Hajra Nasir Satti. "Evaluation of the Post-Insurgency Rehabilitation Program in Sri Lanka." Global Regional Review III, no. I (December 30, 2018): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(iii-i).06.

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In the broader Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programs, the terms ‘rehabilitation’ and ‘reintegration’ are erroneously used as synonyms. The manifestation of these two distinct phases of a program can be seen in many affected parts of the world. Sri Lanka is one such place where the rehabilitation program was launched after an extended war against insurgency. The vigilantes constituted by the Sri Lankan armed forces, known as Civil Defense Forces (CDF) has been controversial. This paper differentiates the theory and practice and explains what could be done to enhance the capacity and effectiveness of the programs

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Fazil, Mansoor Mohamed, Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar, Vimalasiri Kamalasiri, Thaharadeen Fathima Sajeetha, and Mohamed Bazeer Safna Sakki. "Accommodating Minorities into Sri Lanka’s Post-Civil War State System: Government Initiatives and Their Failure." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 6 (November 19, 2020): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0132.

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Many observers view the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in May 2009 as a significant turning point in the protracted ethnic conflict that was troubling Sri Lanka. The armed struggle and the consequences of war have encouraged the state and society to address the group rights of ethnic minorities and move forward towards state reconstitution. The Tamil minority and international community expect that the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) must introduce inclusive policies as a solution to the ethnic conflict. They believe the state should take measures to avoid another major contestation through the lessons learned from the civil war. The study is a qualitative analysis based on text analysis. In this backdrop, this paper examines the attempts made for the inclusion of minorities into the state system in post-civil war Sri Lanka, which would contribute to finding a resolution to the ethnic conflict. The study reveals that numerous attempts were made at various periods to introduce inclusive policies to achieve state reconstitution, but those initiatives failed to deliver sustainable peace. The study also explores problems pertaining to contemporary policy attempts.

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Ahmed, Abrar, Kara Grace Hounsell, Talha Sadiq, Mariam Naguib, Kirstyn Koswin, Chetha Dharmawansa, Thavachchelvi Rasan, and Anita M. McGahan. "Eliminating malaria in conflict zones: public health strategies developed in the Sri Lanka Civil War." BMJ Global Health 6, no. 12 (December 2021): e007453. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2021-007453.

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Despite the 26-year long civil war, Sri Lanka was declared malaria-free by WHO in 2016. This achievement was the result of nearly 30 years of elimination efforts following the last significant resurgence of malaria cases in Sri Lanka. The resurgence occurred in 1986–1987, when about 600 000 cases of malaria were detected. Obstacles to these efforts included a lack of healthcare workers in conflict zones, a disruption of vector control efforts, gaps in the medication supply chain, and rising malaria cases among the displaced population.This article seeks to describe the four strategies deployed in Sri Lanka to mitigate the aforementioned obstacles to ultimately achieve malaria elimination. The first approach was the support for disease elimination by the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tamil Tigers of Elam. The second strategy was the balance of centralised leadership of the federal government and the decentralised programme operation at the regional level. The third strategy was the engagement of non-governmental stakeholders to fill in gaps left by the conflict to continue the elimination efforts. The last strategy is the ongoing efforts by the government, military and non-profit organisations to prevent the reintroduction of malaria.The lessons learnt from Sri Lanka have important implications for malaria-endemic nations that are in conflict such as Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Yemen and Somalia. To accomplish the World Health Assembly goal of reducing the global incidence and mortality of malaria by 90% by 2030, significant efforts are required to lessen the disease burden in conflict zones. In addition to the direct impacts of conflict on population health, conflicts may lead to increased risk of spread of malaria, both within a country and consequently, abroad.

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Wickramage, K., and A. Zwi. "(P1-109) Violence, Health and Human Rights: Analysis of the Right to Health for Conflict Displaced Persons Living In IDP Camps in Northern Sri Lanka." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, S1 (May 2011): s134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x11004420.

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This presentation explores the nexus between collective violence (in the form of violent civil conflict) and health and human rights in Sri Lanka, focusing specifically on persons displaced during the most recent conflict in Northern Sri Lanka beginning in November 2008. After exploring the normative framework in relation to the right to health, the local legal framework governing internal displacement, and the related component on healthcare access, service provision, and standards will be described. By examining health cluster reports, health surveys, and case-studies, this presentation describes how the health sector responded in providing healthcare services to those war displaced living in internally displaced people (IDP) camps in Vavuniya District. The “rights based approach to health” is examined in relation to the health sector response, and key issues and challenges in meeting health protection needs are highlighted. A conceptual framework on the right to health for IDPs in Northern Sri Lanka is presented. This presentation also explores how some health interventions in the post-conflict Sri Lankan context may have acted as a bridge for peace building and reconciliation.

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Shastri, Amita. "Ending Ethnic Civil War: The Peace Process in Sri Lanka." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 47, no. 1 (February 2009): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040802659025.

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Scriver, Peter. "Sovereignty, Space and Civil War in Sri Lanka: Porous Nation." Fabrications 31, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10331867.2021.1901364.

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Athukorala, Prema-Chandra, and Sisira Jayasuriya. "Economic Policy Shifts in Sri Lanka: The Post-Conflict Development Challenge." Asian Economic Papers 12, no. 2 (June 2013): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00203.

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The end of the long civil war in Sri Lanka in 2009 generated widespread expectations of a peace dividend that would enable the country to embark on a period of sustained economic growth. Recent developments have dampened that optimism, however, rekindling fears that Sri Lanka's tale of missed opportunities may continue. After showing remarkable resilience during decades of war and conflict, the Sri Lankan economy has failed to capitalize on the window of opportunity presented by the end of the military conflict. In the aftermath of military victory, there has been a sharp reversal of trade liberalization and a marked shift back towards nationalist-populist state-centered economic policies, reflecting the pressures of resurgent nationalism, an unprecedented concentration of political power in a small ruling group, and the influence of some powerful vested interests. Unfortunately, a return to the failed past policies of inward-oriented development strategies offers no viable solutions for the problems confronting small, capital- and resource-poor countries in today's globalized world. Sri Lanka must change both its political practices and economic policies drastically and urgently to cope with the huge development challenges facing it in an environment of global economic turbulence.

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Michael, V. Michelle. "Caught In-Between: Diversifying Tamil Women’s Voices From the Sri Lankan Civil War." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 22, no. 2 (October 9, 2021): 195–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15327086211050334.

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This is an autoethnographic invitation to make space for different standpoints of women caught in war. This multi-genre project reflects on the standpoint of the author’s family as a female-led, female-only household in the capital of Sri Lanka amid the civil war. Grounded on the concept of ethnicity without groups and feminist standpoint theory, this piece adds to the often-homogenized voices of Tamil women. Using integrated crystallization to challenge the dichotomy of art and science, this layered piece weaves together storytelling and theory-based critique to open conversations about wholesome representation. The stories reveal the multichrome nature of ethnicities that often get painted as monochromes. The analyses highlight the intersectionality of women’s position and sound the alarm for possible marginalization within the marginalized through a unidimensional expression. The author invites more voices to diversify the standpoints of women caught in the Sri Lankan civil war and contribute to a more comprehensive reality of their experiences.

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Sithy Jesmy, Abdul Rasheed, Mohd Zaini Abd Karim, and Shri Dewi Applanaidu. "Do Military Expenditure and Conflict Affect Economic Growth in Sri Lanka? Evidence from the ARDL Bounds Test Approach." International Journal of Economics and Finance 8, no. 3 (February 26, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v8n3p1.

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Conflicts in the form of civil war, ethnic tensions and political discord are of enduring concern and a major bottleneck to economic development in Sri Lanka. Three decades of civil war and unethical political culture have caused severe economic problems for the country, including slower rate of growth and a huge defence expenditure. The aim of this study is to examine the effect of military expenditure and conflict on per capita GDP growth rate in Sri Lanka from 1973 to 2014 using the Solow growth model and ARDL bounds test approach. The results of the bounds test are highly significant and lead to cointegration. The negative and significant coefficients of the error correction term illustrate the expected convergence process in the long-run dynamic of per capita GDP. The estimated empirical results show that, the coefficients of military expenditure and conflict are negative and statistically significant in the short-run as well as in the long-run in determining per capita GDP growth rate in Sri Lanka. Hence, it is critically important to take necessary action to decrease military expenditure and provide an efficient political solution to the problem of minorities, specifically in the post-war period.

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MAUNAGURU, SIDHARTHAN, and JONATHAN SPENCER. "‘You Can Do Anything With a Temple’: Religion, philanthropy, and politics in South London and Sri Lanka." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 1 (January 2018): 186–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000385.

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AbstractOur title quotation is taken from an interview with the chief trustee of a leading Hindu temple in south London, and captures the curious mixture of philanthropy, politics, and individual ambition that has emerged around Sri Lankan Tamil temples in the diaspora. During the long years of civil war, temples became centres of mobilization for the growing Tamil diaspora, and were often accused of channelling funds to the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) and its various front organizations. Since the end of the war, in 2009, the same temples now support orphanages and other good works in Sri Lanka, and their efforts are starting to be emulated by temples in Sri Lanka itself. At the heart of our article is a dispute between the UK Charity Commission and the chief trustee of a London temple, who is accused of misuse of temple funds and ‘failure to dissociate’ the temple from a terrorist organization. A close reading of the case and its unexpected denouement reveals the difficulties of bounding the zone of philanthropy.

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Perera, Binendri. "Governance by Perpetual Conflict: How Early Colonial Political Practices Undermine Democracy in Post-Civil War Sri Lanka." Bandung 8, no. 2 (September 3, 2021): 150–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-08020002.

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Abstract The 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka established a semi-presidential system within the country with constitutional provisions for a powerful executive presidency. Three decades later, practices of the presidents in the post-war period show commonalities with the Sinhala monarchy that prevailed in early colonial Sri Lanka. To substantiate this argument, this paper focuses on four kings from the Sithavaka and Kandyan kingdoms who reigned in Sri Lanka during the Portuguese colonization and the early years of Dutch colonization, i.e. from 1521 to 1687. These kings governed by feeding off perpetual conflict, using such as a political tool to retain their dictatorial authority and political relevance. Despite being formally constrained by the 1978 Constitution, presidents in the post-war period engage in a similar form of governance. However, this local conceptualization of the executive as a monarch clashes with the substantive democratic rationality of the office of president, which requires constitutional and political checks that apply beyond elections. Due to this clash between governance by perpetual conflict, which gains legitimacy from and has been instituted since Sri Lanka’s early colonial past, and democratic governance, the establishment of democratic constitutional norms within the country has been unstable.

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Fowsar, Mohamed Anifa Mohamed, and Mansoor Mohamed Fazil. "Strong state and weak minority in post-civil war Sri Lanka: A study based on state-in-society approach." International research journal of management, IT and social sciences 7, no. 6 (October 21, 2020): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/irjmis.v7n6.1013.

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This study aims to analyze the strong state of Sri Lanka that emerged after the civil war during the regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was the leading Tamil militant social force, which was waging war against the government to form a separate state in the northern and eastern regions of Sri Lanka. The government ended both the separatist struggle of the LTTE and the civil war in May 2009 by winning a major military victory. This study is a qualitative analysis based on text analysis and field interviews, supplemented with limited observations. The study reveals that the state introduced enhanced security measures to avoid possible LTTE regrouping and re-commencement of violence in the country. The state also attempted to fragment minority parties to weaken the state reconstitution process through penetration and regulation of the social order.

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Chandradasa, Miyuru, and K. A. L. A. Kuruppuarachchi. "Child and youth mental health in post-war Sri Lanka." BJPsych. International 14, no. 2 (May 2017): 36–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s2056474000001756.

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Sri Lanka's civil war and the tsunami in 2004 had enormous psychological impacts on the country's children. Tackling these issues has been difficult due to the lack of specialists in child and adolescent psychiatry. The end of the war in 2009 opened new avenues for the development of mental health services for children and youth in Sri Lanka. The year 2016 was historic in that the first board-certified child and adolescent psychiatrists assumed services in the country, after training in Australia.

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Sarvananthan, Muttukrishna. "Development Outcomes of Old and New Sources of International Development Finance in Sri Lanka." Journal of Developing Societies 33, no. 4 (November 8, 2017): 488–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x17735241.

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This research article compares and contrasts development outcomes of ‘traditional’ or ‘old’ and ‘emerging’ or ‘new’ sources of international development finance in Sri Lanka during the ceasefire time (2002–2005) when it depended on former sources and the post-civil war period (2009–2012) when it depended heavily on the latter sources. It also compares and contrasts the development outcomes in Sri Lanka (a lower middle income country), which depended heavily on the ‘emerging’ or ‘new’ sources of international development finance, and Nepal (a low income country), which depended on ‘traditional’ or ‘old’ sources of international development finance, during the first five years after the end of their respective civil wars. Although the causality is difficult to establish, the data presented herein demonstrates that while GDP growth and per capita income growth have been greater under the new international development finance regime in Sri Lanka, positive changes in the rates of inflation, unemployment, and poverty have been greater under the old international development finance regimes in Sri Lanka and Nepal.

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Traunmüller, Richard, Sara Kijewski, and Markus Freitag. "The Silent Victims of Sexual Violence during War: Evidence from a List Experiment in Sri Lanka." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 9 (February 19, 2019): 2015–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719828053.

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Sexual violence is believed to be widespread during war. Yet empirical evidence concerning its prevalence is often limited. Victims, out of feelings of shame or fear, underreport this form of violence. We tackle this problem by administering a list experiment in a representative survey in Sri Lanka, which is only recently recovering from an ethnic civil war between Sinhalese and Tamils. This unobtrusive method reveals that around 13 percent of the Sri Lankan population has personally experienced sexual assault during the war—a prevalence ten times higher than elicited by direct questioning. We also identify vulnerable groups: Tamils who have collaborated with rebel groups and the male-displaced population suspected of collaboration with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Our experimental evidence thus lends support to reports on the asymmetric use of sexual violence by government forces, qualifies conventional wisdom on sexual violence during war, and has important implications for policy.

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DeVotta, Neil. "Buddhist Majoritarianism and Ethnocracy in Sri Lanka." Sociological Bulletin 70, no. 4 (October 2021): 453–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00380229211052143.

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Majoritarianism rarely, if ever, accompanies good governance, and Sri Lanka is a case in point. Unwilling to build on a history of pluralism, the island’s post-independence elites manipulated ethnoreligious fissures for political gain. Besides leading to a civil war that lasted nearly three decades, it has also unleashed violence on Muslims and Christians even as the island has consolidated its status as a Sinhalese Buddhist ethnocracy. The ensuing political Buddhism has compromised Buddhism and democracy and placed the country on a militarised and authoritarian trajectory.

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Ganz, Shoshannah. "“The Reason for War is War”: Western and Eastern Interrogations of Violence in Michael Ondaatje’s Anil’s Ghost." East-West Cultural Passage 20, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 94–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ewcp-2020-0013.

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Abstract Michael Ondaatje’s Anil’s Ghost (2000) is set in civil war-torn Sri Lanka. This contemporary violent moment becomes a rupture through which the writer interrogates the division between Western and Eastern ways of approaching a violent situation. This essay sets out to investigate historical instances of violence and justifications for violence in the Buddhist context. The essay then turns to Buddhist scholars’ contemporary critical examination of violence and war in light of the teachings of ancient Buddhist texts. Then, having established the Buddhist history and contemporary debate around violence and war, the essay explores how Ondaatje comments on this history through the contemporary moment of civil war in Sri Lanka. The essay argues that rather than illustrating the need for a purer Buddhism or the separation between the political and the religious, as some scholars have argued in relation to Anil’s Ghost, according to Ondaatje, the only way to approach the problem of violence with any hope of reaching understanding is through appreciating the different ways of knowing offered by the East and the West.

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Ganguly, Sumit. "Ending the Sri Lankan Civil War." Daedalus 147, no. 1 (January 2018): 78–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00475.

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The Sri Lankan Civil War erupted in 1983 and dragged on until 2009. The origins of the conflict can be traced to Sri Lanka's colonial era and subsequent postcolonial policies that had significantly constrained the social and economic rights of the minority Tamil population. Convinced that political avenues for redressing extant grievances were unlikely to yield any meaningful results, a segment of the Tamil community turned to violence precipitating the civil war. A number of domestic, regional, and international efforts to bring about a peaceful solution to the conflict all proved to be futile. A military strategy, which involved extraordinary brutality on the part of the Sri Lankan armed forces, brought it to a close. However, few policy initiatives have been undertaken in its wake to address the underlying grievances of the Tamil citizenry that had contributed to the outbreak of the civil war in the first place.

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Kanesh, Suresh. "Post-War Livelihood Development in Batticaloa District, Sri Lanka." Asian Review of Social Sciences 7, no. 2 (August 5, 2018): 102–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.51983/arss-2018.7.2.1423.

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This paper examines the post war livelihood development in Batticaloa district, in the East coast of Sri Lanka. Batticaloa has been ravaged three decades of civil war and end of war the district has been emerging the development path. This paper discusses trends of major livelihood recovery of the district,fishing, agriculture, tourism and financial sector development in the district. Number of developments programmes initiated by the successive governments and international organizations in the district. This study measures the stakeholder perspectives of the livelihood recovery of the district. The study used primary data from more than 200 sample respondents and interviews with relevant stakeholders. The study revealed that major livelihood such as fishing and agriculture improved slightly since end of the war 2009. However, lack of financial support and basic infrastructure hinder the livelihood initiatives. Study further revealed that the absent of small industries or factories in the district causes persistent youth unemployment.

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Fazil, M. M., and M. A. M. Fowsar. "The End of Sri Lanka’s Civil War and the Fall of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE): A Critical Analysis of the Contributed Factors to the Defeat of the LTTE." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 4 (October 15, 2020): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n4p147.

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Sri Lanka came to the international limelight through the backdrop of its undesirable war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that lasted over three decades. The LTTE was formed as a social force, and then it transformed as a leading armed movement to forward their decades-long quest to set up a Tamil homeland in Sri Lanka. The government ended the LTTE’s secessionist struggle in May 2009 after a lengthy and bloody battle. Several national and international factors played a crucial role in ending the civil war sooner. The study used a qualitative method of inquiry to explore the key factors that led to the fall of the LTTE, a vigorous armed movement that attempted to set up a separate state in the Island of Sri Lanka. The findings show that strong political leadership, fortified security forces, implementing sophisticated national security strategies, the split of the LTTE and the global war on terrorism are the major factors that had a significant impact and contributed in the LTTE being defeated in 2009.

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Singh, Shweta. "To end a civil war; Norway’s peace engagement in Sri Lanka." Asian Studies Review 41, no. 4 (August 30, 2017): 688–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2017.1368124.

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DeVotta, Neil. "From civil war to soft authoritarianism: Sri Lanka in comparative perspective." Global Change, Peace & Security 22, no. 3 (September 22, 2010): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781158.2010.510268.

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DeVotta, Neil. "Civil War and the Quest for Transitional Justice in Sri Lanka." Asian Security 13, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799855.2016.1253954.

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Abeysekera, Indra. "Civil war, stock return, and intellectual capital disclosure in Sri Lanka." Advances in Accounting 27, no. 2 (December 2011): 331–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.adiac.2011.08.005.

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Berkman, Henk, and Vidura Galpoththage. "Political connections and firm value: an analysis of listed firms in Sri Lanka." Pacific Accounting Review 28, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/par-06-2014-0020.

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Purpose – The purpose of this study is to use a portfolio-time-series approach to examine the impact of five important political events on the value of politically connected firms in Sri Lanka. Design/methodology/approach – This study examines five major political events to test if political connections affect market value of listed companies in Sri Lanka. Results show that despite numerous news articles and public perception suggesting otherwise, there is no convincing evidence which indicate that political connections increase firm value in Sri Lanka. Findings – The empirical results provide no evidence that political connections increase firm value in Sri Lanka. Further tests indicate that the government is not biased towards politically connected firms when granting major projects. The authors also fail to find a relation between Tobin’s Q and the level of political connection after including several common control variables. Originality/value – This study contributes to the literature on the value of political connections by using a robust event study methodology and a novel setting: Sri Lanka in the period around the end of the civil war.

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