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Journal articles on the topic 'Civilian and democratic control'
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1
Croissant, Aurel, and David Kuehn. "Patterns of Civilian Control of the Military in East Asia's New Democracies." Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 2 (August 2009): 187–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002988.
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Successful institutionalization of civilian control of the military is a necessary condition for the consolidation of democracy. This is particularly relevant for East Asia, where the military used to be a key player in the previous authoritarian regimes. This article analyzes the changes, advances, and setbacks in achieving civilian control in five countries that have made the transition from authoritarian to democratic rule: Indonesia, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand. The empirical analysis is built on a conception of civilian control that distinguishes three areas of political decisionmaking: political recruitment and overall public policymaking, national defense, and internal security. The study shows that only in Taiwan and South Korea have civilians succeeded in curtailing military influence in politics. In contrast, in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand, the military has shown itself more or less resilient in guarding its prerogatives in the postauthoritarian era. This seriously impedes the democratically elected authorities' effective power to govern in these countries and has led to democratic deterioration in Thailand and the Philippines. The article highlights three arguments to account for the profound difference between the cases: historical legacies of authoritarian rule and the path of democratic transition, the internal security role of the military, and the relationship between development and democratic consolidation.
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Trinkunas, Harold A. "Crafting Civilian Control in Emerging Democracies: Argentina and Venezuela." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 42, no. 3 (2000): 77–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166439.
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Democratic transitions create an opportunity for elected officials to maximize their leverage over the armed forces and create institutions that permanently shift power away from the military. This article develops a theoretical argument about how civilian control- is established. Venezuela institutionalized weak civilian control in the wake of its 1958 democratic transition, allowing the regime to survive the 1992 coup attempts. Argentina moved close to strong civilian control by 1995, although such control is exercised through questionable institutional channels.
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Zaverucha, Jorge. "The Degree of Military Political Autonomy during the Spanish, Argentine and Brazilian Transitions." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 2 (May 1993): 283–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x0000465x.
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The state of civil–military relations in the world, especially in the Third World, is very well summed up by Mosca's statement that civilian control over the military ‘is a most fortunate exception in human history’.All over the globe, the armed forces have frequently preserved their autonomous power vis-à-vis civilians. They have also succeeded in maintaining their tutelage over some of the political regimes that have arisen from the process of transition from military to democratic governments, as in Argentina and Brazil. Spain is a remarkable exception. Today, Spain, despite its authoritarian legacy, is a democratic country. The constituted civil hierarchy has been institutionalised, military áutonomy weakened, and civilian control over the military has emerged. Spain's newly founded democracy now appears quite similar to the older European democracies.
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Ali, Wajid, Adil khan, and Manzoor Hussain Shah. "HYBRID REGIME AS BARRIER FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN PAKISTAN (2008-2015)." Gomal University Journal of Research 37, no. 02 (May 30, 2021): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51380/gujr-37-02-09.
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This study argues that hybrid regime in Pakistan (2008-2015) with changing exercise has decreased norms of democratic consolidation. Some extensive gains are made in Pakistan during this era 2008-2015 in terms of democratic norms like constitutional amendments and provincial autonomy. Important unique gain is completion of one term as civilian government of Pakistan People’s Party 2008-2013 and the second civilian government of Pakistan Muslim League (N) 2013-2018. Both the civilian regimes have worked as democratic government, but somehow autocratic trend in decision making approach was observed. Political exercise of this hybrid regime in Pakistan created weak condition of the democratic norms which made way for authoritarianism. This regime was tended to be unbalanced, changeable, or both due to weak civil liberties. The civilian control in this political regime was not stable and transparent in decision making. Further, civilian control over five-areas including public policy, elite recruitment, external defense, internal security, and military organization and was not effective. This paper help us to understand why hybrid regime arose which disturbed democratic consolidation process in Pakistan.
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Kasfir, Nelson. "Guerrillas and civilian participation: the National Resistance Army in Uganda, 1981–86." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 2 (June 2005): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05000832.
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Guerrilla organisations vary greatly in their relations with civilians living in territories that they control. The NRA presents a rare, though not unique, case of a guerrilla group whose commitment to popular support deepened into democratic village management during the course of its civil war. The significant causal factors in deepening this commitment were its ideological conviction, relative military strength, dependence on civilian material assistance, and need for accommodation with civilian preferences in its operational area. It withdrew this commitment when it was under severe military pressure. Military survival was central to NRA calculations, but insufficient to determine its relations to civilians. In those phases of the war when the NRA soldiers were relatively secure, these other factors determined the type of civilian participation it supported. It organised clandestine civilian committees for assistance when it was dependent on civilians. During those periods when it held territory, it held elections for committees which managed their villages without NRA supervision.
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Edmunds, Timothy. "Chapter 1: Democratic and Civilian Control of Armed Forces." Adelphi Papers 43, no. 360 (October 2003): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714027909.
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DEHTIAROV, D. O. "SUBJECTS OF DEMOCRATIC CIVILIAN CONTROL OVER THE DEFENSE FORCES." Scientific Journal of Public and Private Law, no. 6 (2020): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32844/2618-1258.2020.6-1.24.
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Jaskoski, Maiah. "Civilian Control of the Armed Forces in Democratic Latin America." Armed Forces & Society 38, no. 1 (February 18, 2011): 70–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x11398449.
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Drozdiuk, V. "DEMOCRATIC CIVILIAN CONTROL FOR THE NATIONAL SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR." Law and public administration, no. 1 (2021): 202–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.32840/pdu.2021.1.30.
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Degtyarev, D. O. "Forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces of Ukraine." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 64 (August 14, 2021): 209–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.64.38.
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The purpose of the article is to define the concept and types of forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces. Three aspects are identified in which the forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces can be considered: 1) the activity aspect, according to which the form of control acts as a complex of actions of its subjects; 2) the analytical aspect, according to which the form of control has its integral element of collecting, highlighting information and data on the controlled object, comparing them with each other, de-termining the patterns and trends inherent in the functioning of the controlled object, modeling the state of the controlled object in the future, depending on the applied management decisions; 3) the organizational aspect, according to which the form of control is a way of organizing the activity of the subjects of control and the con-nections between them. Each of these aspects of the form of control is necessary for the effective implementation of control activities.
The definitions of the forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces as united by a single goal, carried out in accordance with the powers of the subjects of control defined in the acts of military legislation, are formulated for a complex of organizational and analytical measures aimed at achieving the goal of control.It was found that the forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces should be attributed to the pub-lication of public information, the activities of temporary commissions of inquiry, internal audit, external financial control (audit), judicial control, scientific and applied (for example, sociological) research aimed at determining the actual state of control objects. The validity of classifying official investigations, inquiries and pre-trial investigations forms of democratic civil control raises doubts, taking into account the provisions of paragraph 2 of part 1 of arti-cle 1 of the Law of Ukraine “On National Security of Ukraine”, which defines an exhaustive list of types of control.An analysis of the essence and features of the forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces allows us to make sure that these forms are inherently connected with the content of this control and are determined by the legal status of its subjects. At the same time, the forms of control can be classified by content, by subjects, by legal consequences for objects of control, as well as by timing.
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FURLAN, BRANIMIR. "NEUČINKOVITOST VOJSKE KOT POKAZATELJ NEUSTREZNOSTI CIVILNEGA NADZORA (2)." NOVA NEVOJAŠKA TVEGANJA/ NEW NON-MILITARY RISKS, VOLUME 2015/ ISSUE 17/3 (September 9, 2015): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.17.3.1.
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Prispevek je nadaljevanje analize o vzročno-posledični povezavi med civilnim nadzorom in učinkovitostjo vojske. V prvem delu je bil predstavljen teoretično- metodološki okvir analize, v tem delu pa avtor predstavlja rezultate raziskave o stanju civilno-vojaških odnosov v Republiki Sloveniji ter vplivih civilnega nadzora na učinkovitost Slovenske vojske. Raziskava je pokazala, da se v Sloveniji uveljavlja praksa civilnega nadzora nad oboroženimi silami po vzoru drugih demokratičnih držav, vendar problematika prve generacije civilno-vojaških odnosov še ni končana. Uveljavljanje nadzora v praksi zagotavlja podrejenost vojske civilnim oblastem, pri čemer mehanizmi nadzora ne krepijo sposobnosti Slovenske vojske, da učinkovito izpolni svoje poslanstvo. Posledično lahko povzročijo nezadovoljstvo vojske ali izgubo kredibilnosti v javnosti. This article is a continuation of the analysis of cause-effect relations between civilian control and military effectiveness. The first part presented the theoretical and methodological framework, while in the second part, the author presents the results of the study of civil-military relations in the Republic of Slovenia, focusing on the impact of civilian control on the effectiveness of the Slovenian Armed Forces. The study showed that the practice of civilian control over the armed forces in Slovenia follows the example of those in other democratic states. However, the issue of the first-generation civil-military relations has not yet been completed. The enforcement of civilian control in practice provides for a complete subordination of the military to civilian authorities; however, it does not contribute to the ability of the military to effectively execute its missions. Rather, civilian control can cause military dissatisfaction and reluctance, as well as loss of credibility with the society.
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ZABOROWSKI, Wojciech. "THE NATURE OF CIVILIAN AND DEMOCRATIC CONTROL OVER THE ARMED FORCES." Journal of Science of the Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces 182, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/17318157.1226140.
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Saxer, Carl J. "Generals and Presidents: Establishing Civilian and Democratic Control in South Korea." Armed Forces & Society 30, no. 3 (April 2004): 383–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x0403000304.
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Muedini, Fait, and Bryan Dettrey. "Public Support for Democratic Reform in post-Mubarak Egypt." Middle East Law and Governance 10, no. 2 (August 2, 2018): 185–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01001004.
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This article investigates support for democracy after the overthrow of Egypt’s long-time President Hosni Mubarak. It specifically examines concerns prompting the protests and support for several democratic reforms in Egyptian governance. The results suggest corruption slightly outweighed the lack of democracy as a primary concern of Egyptians over the last few years. Specific democratic reforms such as a fair judicial system and the ability to criticize government receive significant support. Less support is found for equal rights for women and considerably less support for civilian control of the military. The article concludes with a discussion of how little support for providing civilian control over the military may represent an obstacle to a democratic transition. Democratic consolidations are more likely to be successful if democracy is “the only game in town”. 1 The role of the military in the ouster of Mubarak and now Mursi suggests the military has significant influence on Egyptian governance, with little support for altering this institutional arrangement.
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Khan, Adil, Muhammad Imran, and Nazakat. "Pakistan's Transition to Civilian Rule: Analysis of Zia Years." Global Political Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 138–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(iii-i).15.
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Existing literature on democratization suggests that societies once exposed to democratic liberties develop a deep spirit of resistance. This spirit of resistance is manifested in various movements for the restoration of democracies whenever democratic liberties are taken away by military dictatorships. This paper investigates this spirit of resistance during General Zia's era. It is argued here that eleven years of the militarys' control was challenged on different fronts by the society and finally compelling it to step back and surrender political space to the political elites. Arguments for this paper are developed by reviewing and critically analyzing the mainstream academic works produced about Zia years.
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Wangge, Hipolitus Yolisandry Ringgi. "Civil–Military Relations during Transition and Post-Democratisation Periods: A View from Southeast Asia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, no. 2 (August 2017): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600205.
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The civil–military dynamic in Southeast Asia has been a contested issue for years. Although most countries in the region have been undertaken democratic governance, the military role in politics remains relatively unresolved. After having relatively stable civilian governments for over a decade, the Thai military launched another coup in 2014 to topple a democratically elected government. In Indonesia and the Philippines, the military has been moderately controlled by the democratically elected civilian governments, but their professional roles in sustaining democratic principles and values are also questionable. Accordingly, the crucial issues are the role that the military plays in the transition period, such as in Thailand, and the degree to which the military is institutionalised under civilian control in nascent democracies, such as Indonesia and the Philippines. These issues are addressed in the books discussed herein.
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Pion-Berlin, David. "Between Confrontation and Accommodation: Military and Government Policy in Democratic Argentina." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 3 (October 1991): 543–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015844.
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After a prolonged period of authoritarian rule, the rebirth of democracy in Latin America has prompted a resurgent interest in civilian control of the armed forces. Few disagree that political leaders will be unable to consolidate their democratic gains without resolving ‘la cuestión militar’. Given the history of military political intervention in the region, scholars have long expressed scepticism over whether governments can ever fully subject the armed forces to their political will. Recently, the terms on which power has been transferred from military to civilian hands and developments subsequent to the transfer have prompted an even greater anxiety about the future of some of these new and fragile democracies.
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Moon, Chung-in, and Sang-young Rhyu. "Democratic Transition, Persistent Civilian Control over the Military, and the South Korean Anomaly." Asian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 3 (December 2011): 250–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2011.628147.
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Bruneau, Thomas C. "Civilians and the Military in Latin America: The Absence of Incentives." Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 04 (2013): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00216.x.
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Abstract This article argues that civil-military relations should be conceptualized not only in terms of democratic civilian control but also for effectiveness in implementing a spectrum of roles and missions. It also argues that achieving effectiveness requires institutional development as a necessary but not sufficient condition. Currently in Latin America, the focus in civil-military relations remains exclusively on civilian control. While there is a growing awareness of the need for analysis beyond asserting control over the armed forces, so far nobody has proposed or adopted a broader analytical framework. This article proposes such a framework, and employs it to analyze differences among four major South American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Colombia. The explanation for the differences identified by use of the framework is found in the incentives of civilian elites in Chile and Colombia, who have recognized serious threats to national security and defense.
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Pion-Berlin, David, and Craig Arceneaux. "Decision-Makers or Decision-Takers? Military Missions and Civilian Control in Democratic South America." Armed Forces & Society 26, no. 3 (April 2000): 413–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x0002600304.
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K.C., Khadga. "Historical Analysis of Civil-Military Relations in Nepal." Tribhuvan University Journal 28, no. 1-2 (December 2, 2013): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v28i1-2.26234.
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As like in other developing democracies, it is obvious that there are many CMR problems in Nepal. A lack of national security policies and common national interests, ignorance about security sensitiveness, political instability, parochialism, mistrust, are prominent factors contributing to Nepal’s adverse civil-military relations. However, the military though has already begun to tuning with democratic norms and values should further be engaged in serious organizational reform that includes among others; enhancing professionalism, further accountability, transparency and loyalty of army to the civilian authority follow by earliest promulgation of democratic constitution with the clear provision of democratic control over armed forces.
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Suntoro, Agus. "The Military and Civil Supremacy in Indonesian Democracy: Towards an Ideal Model in Siyāsah Sharʻiyyah Perspective." Al-Risalah 19, no. 2 (December 2, 2019): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.30631/al-risalah.v19i2.488.
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In the history of Indonesia, civil-military relations changed in the reformasi era with the separation of the military and the police, resulting in the removal of the dual-function doctrine and military reform. Despite so, two decades after reformasi has not formed a standard and ideal mechanism to govern civil-military relations within the framework of objective civilian control. This paper addresses issues regarding (a) how the dual-function concept and internal reform within the military; (b) regulatory issues that govern military operations other than war; (c) the ideal model of civil-military relations in Indonesia to ensure democratic life and an overview of the siyāsah sharʻiyyah aspects. Using descriptive qualitative method and conducting discussions with military and human rights experts, this paper demonstrates that military reform in Indonesia after the New Order has not yet been fruitful to accomplish the mission to form professional soldiers. The military is still involved in political and civilian life under the pretext that there is no military assistance law. As a consequence, the ideal model of civilian control that puts the military under the control of civilian authority according to siyāsah sharʻiyyah principle has not been fully successful and effective.
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Shan, Ali, Abdul Basit, and Mian Muhammad Azhar. "Democratization in Pakistan: Role of Media in Civilian and Military Regimes." Global Regional Review II, no. I (December 30, 2017): 405–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2017(ii-i).29.
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Without active, free and strong media, democracy is not completed. In countries where freedom of press is limited, democratic values are not established. Media had been facing violence in Pakistan whether it remained political or military governments. Struggle of press can be traced back before the inception of Pakistan when press was under tight governmental control. This caused nothing other than sabotaging the rights of people. Founder of Pakistan was strong supporter for the freedom of press and encouraged Muslims to get declarations for new newspapers. It is an important question to investigate why in the democratic republic of Pakistan such Colonial Laws are made that hindered the progress of press and media. And it is also important to investigate that how media raised the voice of suppressed people in the dictatorial regimes and what was the role of media in civilian governments for the promotion of democracy.
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Serrano, Mónica. "The Armed Branch of the State: Civil–Military Relations in Mexico." Journal of Latin American Studies 27, no. 2 (May 1995): 423–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00010816.
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AbstractThis article explores the relationship between civil-military relations and political change. Transitions to democracy in Latin America have led scholars to focus attention on the legacy of military rule and those efforts aimed at securing democratic control of the military. The article examines the foundations of civilian supremacy in Mexico, established within the context of a hegemonic party system. Changes brought about in the civil-military balance as a result of shifts in the division of labour between civilians and soldiers, as well as the impact of political liberalisation, are also analysed. Drawing on the experience of other transitions to democracy, the article discusses some of the issues raised by the dismantling of hegemonic rule for civil-military relations in Mexico.
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Özçelik, Burcu. "Explaining the Kurdish Democratic Union Party's Self-Governance Practices in Northern Syria, 2012–18." Government and Opposition 55, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 690–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2019.1.
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AbstractOn 17 March 2016 the Kurdish Democratic Union Party (Partîya Yekîtî ya Dêmokrat, PYD) unilaterally proclaimed the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria in three cantons, Afrin and Kobane in northern Aleppo province, and Jazira in Hassakeh. The party's ideology claims to endorse the participation of civilians and certain Arab tribes and minorities in its governance councils. However, the PYD and its armed militia, the People's Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Gel, YPG), have been accused of committing human rights violations against civilians and installing one-party rule. Given its stated normative commitments and ideas on democracy, this ideology–practice gap begs the question: what factors facilitated the PYD to conform to its democratic pronouncements on power-sharing and inclusivity under certain conditions and, conversely, what factors permitted their abandonment or violation? By analysing the PYD's governance record and strategies in northern Syria between 2012 and 2018, this article argues that the PYD displayed a mix of democratic adherence and transgression in its governance practices. This has meant that the PYD engaged hybrid mechanisms of democracy-building, coercion, displacement and violence in order to consolidate territorial control and assert ideological hegemony. I argue that complex networks of local, state and third-party interests complicate Kurdish self-rule in Syria, requiring a multilevel approach to understand the interrelated challenges to democratization in the post-war transition. I identify four major types of relations that have influenced the PYD's hybrid governance practices: intra-organizational factionalism; civilian–rebel relations, especially in mixed demographic areas; international sponsors and rivals; and rebel–regime relations.
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Epstein, Rachel A. "When Legacies Meet Policies: NATO and the Refashioning of Polish Military Tradition." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 20, no. 2 (May 2006): 254–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404273358.
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Polish military tradition has long revolved around the ideal of defending the country’s territorial, political, and cultural integrity. Given Poland’s history of partition, occupation, and foreign domination, however, the institutionalization of democratically accountable civilian control over the armed forces had never been an objective, let alone a reality. Thus, when the North Atlantic Treaty Organization committed to expanding its membership in the mid-1990s, there was a notable clash of Polish military legacies on one hand and NATO’s proposed policies on the other. In analyzing the interaction between domestic traditions and international pressure, the author argues that NATO greatly accelerated the consolidation of democratic civilian control in Poland. By removing key elements of Polish military tradition from both the rhetoric and practice of Polish public policy, the alliance had the practical effect of cultivating a civilian interest in far-reaching oversight while undermining the preexisting societal consensus in Poland that had long brooked high levels of military political authority.
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Mark Ruhl, J. "Redefining Civil-Military Relations in Honduras." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 38, no. 1 (1996): 33–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166395.
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During the last two decades, military rulers have been replaced by democratically elected civilian governments throughout Latin America. Nevertheless, scholars (Mainwaring et al., 1992:3,8) contend that nearly all contemporary Latin American polities remain unconsolidated democratic regimes principally because civilian control over the armed forces has not yet been established. Although the armed forces have returned to their barracks, they have retained considerable political and institutional autonomy. A number of scholars (Loveman, 1994; Agüero, 1992; and others) emphasize that most Latin American constitutions still recognize the military's right to intervene when the constitutional order is threatened. The armed forces are also generally granted broad jurisdiction over internal security, as well as the freedom to organize their institution without civilian interference. There is a considerable body of opinion which maintains that fears of military intervention continue to constrain the behavior of civilian politicians and social groups (Valenzuela, 1992; O'Donnell and Schmitter, 1986; Rouquié, 1986; and Rial, 1990).
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GRAHAM, BENJAMIN A. T., MICHAEL K. MILLER, and KAARE W. STRØM. "Safeguarding Democracy: Powersharing and Democratic Survival." American Political Science Review 111, no. 4 (August 22, 2017): 686–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000326.
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Democracy is often fragile, especially in states recovering from civil conflict. To protect emerging democracies, many scholars and practitioners recommend political powersharing institutions, which aim to safeguard minority group interests. Yet there is little empirical research on whether powersharing promotes democratic survival, and some concern that it limits electoral accountability. To fill this gap, we differentiate between inclusive, dispersive, and constraining powersharing institutions and analyze their effects on democratic survival from 1975 to 2015 using a global dataset. We find sharp distinctions across types of powersharing and political context. Inclusive powersharing, such as ethnic quotas, promotes democratic survival only in post-conflict settings. In contrast, dispersive institutions such as federalism tend to destabilize post-conflict democracies. Only constraining powersharing consistently facilitates democratic survival regardless of recent conflict. Institution-builders and international organizations should therefore prioritize institutions that constrain leaders, including independent judiciaries, civilian control of the armed forces, and constitutional protections of individual and group rights.
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Vankovska, Biljana. "Rule of law and democratic control of armed forces in the post-cold war era." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 3-4 (2003): 307–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0304307v.
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The article examines the thesis that rule of law and the democratic control of armed forces go hand by hand, which is taken for granted equally in Western democracies and the transitional societies. The author spells out a new challenges in the post-Cold world era that have made this equation more disputable. Western democracies face new security challenges, which call for a new legal framework for the democratic control of somewhat internationalised armed forces, and at the same time reconciliation of the 'internationalised' military engagement with the unilateral one originating from the "last and only nation-state". Transitional societies face the dilemma "legitimacy or legality" even with regard to their security sector's civilian oversight. Good examples from the West are either not-applicable and old-fashioned, or are not good examples to follow at all.
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Anton, Andreev. "The processes of “democratic transition” in Latin America in the end of the XX - beginning of the XXI century and leftist forces of the region." Latin-American Historical Almanac 29 (March 26, 2021): 126–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-29-1-126-146.
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Democratic transition processes manifested in the Latin American region since the mid-1980s. – the period of the beginning of the “fall” of military dictatorships and the return to civilian control. These processes were directed and organized by left-wing forces, which not only participated in struggle against dictatorships, but also took part in the restoration of key political institutions - elections, courts, and the adoption of new constitutions. This article, based on archival materials, media materials, memoirs, determines the features of the participation of Latin American left forces in the democratic transition, their place in the formed political structures in the context of the legacy of the Comintern and new opportunities.
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Zakharov, Anton O. "NEW ORDERS OF INDONESIA — BINTANG KEMANUSIAAN AND BINTANG PENEGAK DEMOKRASI." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (14) (2020): 192–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-192-200.
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Since the fall of the ‘New Order’ in 1998, democratic reforms in Indonesia deeply changed the Constitution. The President may be elected only two times. The Presidential and general elections are general, direct, equal, secret polls. The Army reduced control over National Police. The Army lost its dual function, impliing its highest authority in politics and other social and economic issues. Democratic reforms include changes in the award system of Indonesia. Since the Independence, most orders, decorations and medals have been of the military kind. Even those awards, which should have been civilian by their statutes, were often given to the military personnel for particular services to the State. In 2009, then President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono signed the Law No. 20 ‘About the Titles, Decorations and Awards’ (Tentang Gelar, Tanda Jasa, Dan Tanda Kehormatan). The Act established the division of the orders into civilian and military groups. The civilian orders are higher than military ones. Both groups include seven orders each. The Law instituted two new civilian orders — Bintang Kemanusiaan and Bintang Penegak Demokrasi. The Bintang Kemanusiaan, or the Star of Humanities, has the only class. The Bintang Penegak Demokrasi, or the Star of the Upholder of Democracy, has three classes. Both awards are rewarded to President and Vice-President ex officio. There are no recipients of the Bintang Kemanusiaan, with the exception of Presidents Yudhoyono and Joko Vidodo and their Vice-Presidents. There are still only four recipients of the Bintang Penegak Demokrasi Utama, or first class. The Bintang Kemanusiaan and Bintang Penegak Demokrasi show the highly hierarchic structure of the Indonesian State.
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Bartels, Susan A., Jennifer A. Scott, Jennifer Leaning, Jocelyn T. Kelly, Denis Mukwege, Nina R. Joyce, and Michael J. VanRooyen. "Sexual Violence Trends between 2004 and 2008 in South Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, no. 6 (December 2011): 408–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x12000179.
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AbstractIntroduction: For more than a decade, conflict in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been claiming lives. Within that conflict, sexual violence has been used by militia groups to intimidate and punish communities, and to control territory. This study aimed to: (1) investigate overall frequency in number of Eastern DRC sexual assaults from 2004 to 2008 inclusive; (2) determine if peaks in sexual violence coincide with known military campaigns in Eastern DRC; and (3) study the types of violence and types of perpetrators as a function of time.Methods: This study was a retrospective, descriptive, registry-based evaluation of sexual violence survivors presenting to Panzi Hospital between 2004 and 2008.Results: A total of 4,311 records were reviewed. Throughout the five-year study period, the highest number of reported sexual assaults occurred in 2004, with a steady decrease in the total number of incidents reported at Panzi Hospital from 2004 through 2008. The highest peak of reported sexual assaults coincided with a known militant attack on the city of Bukavu. A smaller sexual violence peak in April 2004 coincided with a known military clash near Bukavu. Over the five-year period, the number of sexual assaults reportedly perpetrated by armed combatants decreased by 77% (p = 0.086) and the number of assaults reportedly perpetrated by non-specified perpetrators decreased by 92% (p < 0.0001). At the same time, according to the hospital registry, the number of sexual assaults reportedly perpetrated by civilians increased 17-fold (p < 0.0001). This study was limited by its retrospective nature, by the inherent selection bias of studying only survivors presenting to Panzi Hospital, and by the use of a convenience sample within Panzi Hospital.Conclusions: After years of military rape in South Kivu Province, civilian adoption of sexual violence may be a growing phenomenon. If this is the case, the social mechanisms that prevent sexual violence will have to be rebuilt and sexual violence laws will have to be fully enforced to bring all perpetrators to justice. Proper rehabilitation and reintegration of ex-combatants may also be an important step towards reducing civilian rape in Eastern DRC.
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Bobrova, Yuliia Yu, and Yuriy O. Bobrov. "Respect for gender equality as a component of civilian democratic control over the military organisation of the state." Journal of the National Academy of Legal Sciences of Ukraine 28, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37635/jnalsu.28(1).2021.52-60.
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The analysis of numerous scientific publications demonstrates the great relevance of gender studies at the current stage of Ukrainian social development, in almost all spheres of social relations. As for ensuring equal participation of men and women in the functioning of the military organisation of the state, the implementation of such a gender balance contributes to improving civilian control over it through the possibility of developing the capacity of regulatory bodies in gender issues, promoting dialogue between the community and control bodies, and drawing public attention to the problems of accountability of institutions of this organisation. The main purpose of this study is to highlight the state of gender equality in the military organisation of the state through the lens of civilian democratic control. The study determined the state of legislative regulation of the concept of military organisation of the state and civil democratic control. The study analysed the introduction of a gender perspective in Ukraine in the subject matter and the dynamics of establishing a gender balance in the military organisation of the state; the impact on existing trends of legislative initiatives. It is stated that the modern Ukrainian army is mostly “male”. Despite the fact that women are allowed to serve in the military, they do not take part in making socially important decisions, they do not hold high military positions, and career growth is challenging for them. The study identified the main problems of implementing gender equality in the Armed Forces of Ukraine and other structures of the Defence Forces of Ukraine, which are more based on social stereotypes of pre-defined roles for men and women. Civil control over the Armed Forces is described as a socio-political process in this area
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Conca, Ken. "Technology, the Military, and Democracy in Brazil." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 1 (1992): 141–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166152.
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Brazil Entered the 1990s with its transition from authoritarian rule incomplete. The gradual withdrawal of the armed forces from power brought an end to over two decades of direct military rule in 1985, paving the way for a new constitution and the first presidential election in nearly 30 years. These formal democratizing changes were erected, however, on a foundation of socio-economic structures and political institutions with some decidedly non-democratic features. As a result, Brazilian politics retains some important vestiges of authoritarianism. Pre-existing centers of power in society remain extraordinarily influential within the emerging system, frequently operating beyond the reach of even nominal democratic control or oversight.If events of the 1980s did not completely transform Brazilian politics, they did redefine the main challenge of the political transition. The initial problem of replacing the military government with a civilian regime has given way to a second, less tangible, task of consolidating democratic institutions and procedures (O'Donnell, 1988).
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FURLAN, BRANIMIR. "ZMANJŠEVANJE TVEGANJ ZA NASTANEK CIVILNO-VOJAŠKIH KONFLIKTOV." 20 YEARS OF CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES/20 LET SODOBNIH VOJAŠKIH IZZIVOV, VOLUME 2018, ISSUE 20/4 (October 15, 2018): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.20.4.1.
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Povzetek Za sodobne demokratične civilno-vojaške odnose je značilna vključenost vojaških voditeljev v procese kreiranja politik o vprašanjih nacionalne varnosti in uporabe oboroženih sil. Pri oblikovanju obrambnih ali varnostnih interesov, ciljev in strategij se prepletata civilna in vojaška domena. Zaradi različnih pogledov na nacionalno varnost in obrambo ter z njima povezano vlogo vojske prihaja v civilno-vojaških odnosih do trenj, ki večinoma pomagajo pri sprejemanju dobrih odločitev in oblikovanju kakovostnih varnostnih ali obrambnih strategij. Trenja lahko prerastejo v civilno-vojaški konflikt in vodijo v destabilizacijo civilno-vojaških odnosov. Avtor na podlagi teoretičnih spoznanj o civilno-vojaških odnosih ter študije primera prakse tujih civilno-vojaških odnosov opisuje okoliščine, ki vodijo v civilno-vojaški konflikt. Pri tem predstavi nekatere negativne učinke uveljavljanja mehanizmov civilnega nadzora in pozitivne ter negativne zglede odzivanja ob nesoglasju med udeležencema civilno-vojaškega dialoga. Za zmanjšanje tveganja za nastanek konfliktov ter s tem ohranjanje stabilnih civilno-vojaških odnosov izpostavlja med drugim potrebo po zavedanju vojaških voditeljev o prevladujoči vlogi civilnih voditeljev v razpravah, v katerih prihaja do nesoglasij, ter potrebo po preudarni uporabi mehanizmov civilnega nadzora izvajalcev nadzora. Ključne besede: civilni nadzor, civilno-vojaški konflikti, civilno-vojaška trenja Abstract Modern and democratic civil-military relations are characterized by equal involvement of senior military leadership into processes for the creation of politics associated with questions on national security and use of armed forces. Civilian and military domains overlap in the process of defining defence and security interests, goals and strategies. Due to different perspectives on national security and defence, and the related role of the armed forces, civil-military tensions are logical consequence of this process. In most cases, tensions support effective decision making and creation of good security or defence strategies. At certain point, tensions may lead to civil-military conflicts and lead to the destabilization of civil-military relations. Using different theories of civil-military relations and foreign case studies, the author describes circumstances that lead to civil-military conflicts. He describes certain negative effects of implementing civilian control mechanisms, as well as good and bad examples of how both actors in civil-military debate respond to tensions. In order to reduce risks for the development of conflicts and consequently assure the stabilization of civil-military relations, the author highlights, among others, a need for the military leadership to be aware of the supremacy of civilian authorities in debates where consent does not exist, and a need for prudent use of control mechanisms by the civilian authorities. Key words: civilian control, civil-military conflicts, civil-military tensions
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Passos, Anaís Medeiros, and Igor Acácio. "The militarization of responses to COVID-19 in Democratic Latin America." Revista de Administração Pública 55, no. 1 (February 2021): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220200475.
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Abstract Latin America has been severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, prompting its governments to take action. In this context, countries within Latin America have used their armed forces for an array of tasks to serve citizens. But how militarized is the response to COVID-19 in Latin America? This paper proposes a typology of tasks provided by the armed forces as a response to COVID-19. The descriptive findings allow us to map these tasks, attributing scores to the fourteen Latin American democracies. We also show evidence for the potential consequences of some tasks. Policing the streets to enforce stay-at-home orders may lead to the military committing human rights violations, assuming eminently civilian posts to manage the public health crisis can result in long term implications for the civil-military balance that are detrimental to the democratic control over the military.
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Velázquez, Arturo C. Sotomayor. "Civil-Military Affairs and Security Institutions in the Southern Cone: The Sources of Argentine-Brazilian Nuclear Cooperation." Latin American Politics and Society 46, no. 4 (2004): 29–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2004.tb00292.x.
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AbstractThis paper analyzes the conditions in which the governments of Argentina and Brazil founded security institutions in the early 1990s, while they were democratizing. It advances the hypothesis that international cooperation in the security field is often linked to the evolution of civil-military relations. Civilian leaders in both countries established institutions and sought international participation deliberately to achieve civilian control and gain leverage over the military establishment, which they sorely distrusted. The need to stabilize civil-military relations at home was therefore the prime motivating force behind the emergence of security institutions in the Southern Cone. Three mechanisms were at work: omnibalancing, policy handling, and managing uncertainty. These mechanisms are derived from three different schools of thought: realism, organizational-bureaucratic models, and theories of domestic political institutions. Besides explaining the sources of nuclear bilateral cooperation, this argument also serves as a critique of two prominent theories in international relations that attempt to explain cooperation and peaceful relations among democracies: neoliberal insti-tutionalism and democratic peace theory.
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Taylor, Lewis. "From Fujimori to Toledo: The 2001 Elections and the Vicissitudes of Democratic Government in Peru." Government and Opposition 40, no. 4 (2005): 565–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00165.x.
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AbstractFollowing scandals concerning extensive corruption, electoral fraud and manipulation by the security services, Alberto Fujimori's authoritarian regime collapsed in November 2000, throwing Peru into political turmoil. A fresh ballot organised in 2001 led to the election of Alejandro Toledo as president. Assessments of the Toledo administration's performance and the health of Peruvian democracy in the post-Fujimori period have been overwhelmingly pessimistic. Recent political developments are analysed to argue that such negativity is mistaken. Apart from recording strong economic growth, under Toledo civilian control over the military and intelligence services has increased markedly. Greater horizontal and vertical accountability has produced a more open polity. Citizen's rights are better secured. Despite ongoing problems, post-Fujimori a process of democratic ‘deepening’ has occurred.
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Petrovska, I. I. "Legal Aspects Of Public Control For Information Safety In Ukraine." Actual problems of improving of current legislation of Ukraine, no. 49 (April 3, 2019): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/apiclu.49.13-23.
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The author analyzes the legal principles of ensuring national safety and its type - information safety in Ukraine. The study reveals the principles of state security policy. The article deals with the implementation of the idea of the unity of Ukraine through the provision of national safety in information activities (in particular regarding the receipt, use, dissemination, transformation, refutation and protection of information, its sufficiency and truthfulness).
Separate analysis of the threats to national safety and the issue of informing about the activities of public figures, individual methods of information war.
Consequently, the legal acts of Ukraine define the directions of the state policy, public officials, the basic methods of ensuring national safety and its type - information safety.
The state policy on national safety is aimed at ensuring state, economic, information, military, foreign policy, ecological safety, cyber safety of Ukraine on the basis of implementation of relevant strategies, legal acts of the information sphere. For law enforcement activities in the field of information safety is carried out democratic civilian control (which is a kind of public control).
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Ruhl, J. Mark. "The Guatemalan Military Since the Peace Accords: The Fate of Reform Under Arzú and Portillo." Latin American Politics and Society 47, no. 1 (2005): 55–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2005.tb00301.x.
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AbstractThe Guatemalan military dominated the country's politics for nearly half a century, but its political power declined during the 1990s. Democratically elected presidents Alvaro Arzú (1996–2000) and Alfonso Portillo (2000–2004) subordinated the armed forces to their authority and thereby gained an unprecedented opportunity to reduce the role of the military and institutionalize democratic civil-military relations. Unfortunately, neither of these tasks was accomplished. An analysis of the level of democratic control, combining Alfred Stepan's military prerogatives indicators with a newer system of measurement and classification designed by Samuel Fitch, shows that the armed forces retained substantial institutional autonomy and de facto legal immunity when Portillo left office in 2004. The role of the military in Guatemalan society, moreover, expanded again under Portillo after declining under Arzú. This study finds that the lack of sufficient civilian commitment to reform, rather than resistance from the armed forces, was the principal cause of these disappointing outcomes.
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Dííez, Jordi. "Legislative Oversight of the Armed Forces in Mexico." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 24, no. 1 (2008): 113–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2008.24.1.113.
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During the hegemonic rule of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party) (PRI), civil-military relations in Mexico were characterized by an implicit ““pact”” between civilian authorities and the armed forces, a pact that resulted in little civilian oversight and high levels of military autonomy. Despite Mexico's transition to democracy in 2000, the pact has been maintained, albeit somewhat altered. Because the responsibility to oversee the armed forces in democratic regimes is shared among the three branches of government, legislatures play an essential role in the oversight process, which directly affects democratic transparency, horizontal accountability, and good governance. This article investigates the extent to which the Mexican Congress has been able to exercise effectively its constitutionally mandated authority to oversee the armed forces as it emerges as a powerful institution in transitional Mexico. It argues that although congressional oversight has increased in some areas, it has generally remained weak. Durante el réégimen hegemóónico del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), las relaciones entre civiles y militares en Mééxico se caracterizaban por un ‘‘pacto’’ implíícito entre las autoridades civiles y las fuerzas armadas, el cual otorgaba a los militares gran autonomíía militar con poco control civil. A pesar de la transicióón a la democracia en 2000, este pacto civil-militar se ha mantenido, si bien con algunas modificaciones. Dada que la responsabilidad de la supervisióón de las fuerzas armadas en los regíímenes democrááticos es compartida por los tres poderes de gobierno, el poder legislativo funge un rol esencial en el proceso de supervisióón, el cual afecta la transparencia democráática, la responsabilidad y el buen gobierno. Este artíículo investiga cuan capaz ha sido el congreso mexicano en ejercer sus responsabilidades constitucionales de supervisióón de las fuerzas armadas en la medida en que se posiciona como una poderosa institucióón en el Mééxico de la transicióón. El artíículo arguye que a pesar de que la supervisióón legislativa de las fuerzas armadas se ha incrementado, en general continúúa siendo déébil.
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Arceneaux, Craig. "Eroding Military Influence in Brazil: Politicians Against Soldiers By Wendy Hunter. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997. 243p. $45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402374331.
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Writing at a time when the literature on transitions to democracy was fixated on the mode of transition, and when concepts such as authoritarian legacy, authoritarian enclave, or the shadow of the past dominated, Wendy Hunter's 1997 book, Eroding Military Influence in Brazil, went against the grain. In a direct attack on institutionalist approaches that emphasized the resiliency of military prerogatives in transitions from military regimes, Hunter argues that democracy itself would, over time, reduce the influence exerted by the armed forces. A solid theoretical orientation, rich casework, and insightful commentary on the dynamics behind the creation of civilian control all mark the book as a noteworthy contribution to the literature on democratic transitions, civil–military relations, and Latin American politics.
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Vining, Margaret, and Barton C. Hacker. "From Camp Follower to Lady in Uniform: Women, Social Class and Military Institutions before 1920." Contemporary European History 10, no. 3 (October 26, 2001): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301003022.
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In the crisis of the First World War, the vast expansion of military control over civil society included women's work. Women contributed not only directly to war production but also to maintaining the entire socioeconomic structure in jobs such as trolley conductor or farm worker. Hundreds and thousands of women volunteered for war work in social and relief organisations. If their work under wartime conditions did not differ radically from the centuries-old tradition of nursing and other forms of care-giving, the considerable human force they now brought to military support work raised to a new level the debate over the proper role of women in modern democratic society. And whether members of the armed forces, employees or civilian volunteers, they all wore uniforms.
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Lepingwell, John W. R. "Soviet Civil-Military Relations and the August Coup." World Politics 44, no. 4 (July 1992): 539–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010487.
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This paper tests the objective (professionalization) and subjective (party penetration) models of Soviet civil-military relations. The objective model is found to provide the best fit and is used to investigate further the factors leading to military participation in, and withdrawal from, the coup of August 1991. The objective model points to the importance of threats to professional autonomy and national unity, the politicization of the military, and declining regime legitimacy as the primary causal factors in the participation of the military in the coup. It also stresses the importance of military professionalism as a barrier to intervention and as a cause of military paralysis during the coup. Furthermore, the model points to the importance of democratic legitimacy in future civilian control and to the need for increased military professionalism to forestall threats to the post-Soviet regime.
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Matei, Florina Cristiana (Cris). "Balancing Democratic Civilian Control with Effectiveness of Intelligence in Romania: Lessons Learned and Best/Worst Practices Before and After NATO and EU Integration." Intelligence and National Security 29, no. 4 (July 4, 2014): 619–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2014.915180.
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Filho, José Rodrigues. "ICT and Human Rights in Brazil." International Journal of Information Communication Technologies and Human Development 4, no. 2 (April 2012): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jicthd.2012040102.
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Since the end of military government in Brazil, civilian governments have sought the accumulation and exercise of power to the detriment of the citizenry. Since the 1990s they have started to implement information technology in the public sector to regulate and run the country in a command-and-control way through technological or bureaucratic dictatorship rather than democratic process. While it is evident that there is a high level of investment in information technology in the public sector (e-government) in Brazil, there are also clear signs of the violation of human rights in terms of privacy. It is alleged that thousands of individual files have been accessed in the public administration, despite the privacy protection offered by the national constitution. This paper shows how information technology (e-government) in Brazil could lead to violations of human rights, including invisible electronic surveillance that affects civil liberties and individual rights.
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Healy, Kevin. "Coca, The State, and the Peasantry in Bolivia, 1982-1988." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 30, no. 2-3 (1988): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165982.
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Polttical Conflicts between Bolivia and its peasantry over the production and distribution of the coca leaf during the 1980s is the focus of this essay. The first section describes several of Bolivia's comparative disadvantages (among Andean producer nations) for waging effective coca leaf control programs. Following is an analysis of the interplay and results of specific statepeasant conflicts during the 1982-1988 period of civilian democratic rule. To give a Bolivian contextual backdrop to these conflicts, aspects of the national political culture which shape the terms and conditions of the struggle over controversial drug-related issues are explained. A final section presents a brief analysis of the Chapare region's prospects for a successful coca leaf eradication program.Explanations for the Bolivian government's ineffectual campaign against the coca leaf and cocaine industry range from its status as a weak state to its fragile and deteriorating economy (Healy, 1986). Bolivia's political system holds the world record for changes in government by way of the coup d'etat.
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Volodymyr, Tarasuk. "The military ombudsman institute as an integral part of the national security system." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 31 (2020): 477–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/0869-2491-2020-31-477-484.
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Self-control, secrecy, secrecy, preservation of maximum independence and separation from socio-political processes and institutions cannot guarantee the rights and freedoms of servicemen, nor do they guarantee that subjects of the national security system will not act contrary to the will and interests of society, government, state. The need for civilian control of the defense and law enforcement sectors is primarily driven by national security interests. In other words, security actors should not be a danger to civil society. One of the fuses of possible law enforcement or military arbitrariness is the institute of military ombudsman, who is called upon to act solely for the benefit of the law, rights and freedoms of servicemen and civilians in the territory of special or military operations. The relevance of the introduction of the Military Ombudsman Institute is further enhanced by the current trends and conditions of civilizational development, the globalization processes of total information transparency. In countries where government institutions are predominantly objects rather than news subjects, any positive event can be turned into a sensation of negative content. The primary sources (subjects) of news reports are mainly the democratic governments of countries with the introduction of military censorship (USA, UK, Israel, etc.) and totalitarian regimes (China, Russia, Iran, etc.) [1]. Having chosen the western direction of civilizational development, Ukraine is now in the process of transit between Soviet totalitarianism and European democracy, whose energy is mainly directed at counteracting the "Russian peace" rather than introducing contrary to the valuable principles of Western civilization. At present, the introduction of military censorship, and even more so in the realities of lack of political culture / traditions, is unacceptable without the prior implementation of the military ombudsman institute in the system of legal support of the state.
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Webb, Steven. "Populism: A Threat to Democracy? Or a verification of it?" Journal of Contextual Economics 137, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 401–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.137.4.401.
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Abstract The recent surge in the number of populist governments coming into power raises the question of their effect on the prospects for democracy. This article uses the limited vs. open access framework – developed by North, Wallis, Webb and Weingast – to evaluate how populist leaders and their parties govern after coming to power. It looks at episodes of populists in power in Latin America, Europe, and the United States. Although most populist governments have kept civilian control of the military, notwithstanding some Latin American exceptions, they have typically moved their societies away from open access and sustainable democracy in several important ways: undermining rule of law in the name of the “will of the people” whom they claim to represent; reducing citizenship rights for unpopular minorities; making rules and their enforcement more personal and dependent on group identity; and hindering a free press and opposition parties that could hold the government accountable and perhaps bring about peaceful democratic transitions in the future. This sheds new light on how open access orders might revert to limited access. JEL Codes: H110, P5
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Pinto, José Cimar Rodrigues. "Military intervention in brazil: pinnacle, disruption and decline." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas Avançadas do Terceiro Setor 2, no. 2 (August 18, 2019): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.31501/repats.v2i2.10542.
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Brazil until the establishment of the Civil and Military Regime of March 31, 1964 coexisted with military coups, which ravaged the entire republican period and contributed to corrupt any democratic pretension of the nation. This article aims to examine the process that would have sought to withdraw the armed segment from political activity after that date, by means of an analysis of the course of political and strategic actions that led to a rupture with the previous paradigm and changes in civil and military relations and in the Brazilian democracy. In the theoretical and methodological framework, the argumentation, based on a hypothetical deductive approach, was supported by a dialectical path assumption, taking as a starting point the Moderator Model of Alfred Stepan, to which put an opposing configuration structure, so called Enframement Antimodel, which supposedly would result in a form of very close relationship with that proposed by Samuel Phillips Huntington, named Civilian Objective Control. As a result, the study concludes by confirming the hypothesis of the work and, also, that the interference of the military rulers, besides restoring the lines of obedience, had provided the possibility of a change in the direction of the Brazilian democracy, in the sense its political development would be free from armed guardianship.