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1

Arnaldez, Roger. "Renan et la civilisation arabe." Études Renaniennes 64, no. 1 (1986): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/renan.1986.1331.

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2

Klouch, Djilali. "Apport civilisationnel Moyen Oriental durant la période médiévale." Traduction et Langues 4, no. 1 (December 31, 2005): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/translang.v4i1.332.

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Cet article s’intéresse à l’apport civilisationnel Moyen Oriental durant la période médiévale. Cet apport a été explicité à travers des travaux de grands savants, historiens, poètes, hommes de lettres. Au fait, la voie la plus ordinaire par laquelle les richesses de la pensée arabe, mise à la portée de l’Occident a été la traduction en latin des originaux arabes. Ainsi, nous nous sommes arrivé à la conclusion à travers cette modeste compilation de faits historiques que les savants arabes avaient fleuri durant le moyen âge et écrit une belle page sur l’apport de la civilisation orientale à l’Occident moyenâgeux. Les chiffres cités à la fin incitent à méditer sur l’éloquence et la portée de la pensée arabe durant cette période.
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3

Zakharia, Katia. "Jean-Georges Varsy et l’« Histoire d’Ali Baba » : révélations et silences de deux manuscrits récemment découverts." Arabica 62, no. 5-6 (November 5, 2015): 652–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341375.

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Première partie d’une étude à paraître en deux temps, consacrée aux versions arabes du conte d’Ali Baba, cet article est centré sur l’orientaliste Jean-Georges Varsy. En opposition avec le point de vue de Mohsen Mahdi, qui considère que « Varsy [. . .] a composé [Ali Baba] comme un quelconque écolier français aurait pu le faire en grec ou latin » et souligne son « indigence » « stupide » et « ridicule », cette étude établit que Varsy était un arabisant compétent, avec une solide connaissance de la langue et de la civilisation arabes. À cet effet, je me suis appuyée sur des documents imprimés portant sur la Campagne d’Égypte, du matériau généalogique et, surtout, sur deux manuscrits que j’ai récemment découverts : une autobiographie de Varsy et un commentaire qu’il a rédigé en arabe du Qāmūs d’al-Fīrūzābādī.
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4

Provençal, Philippe. "La classification zoologique dans la civilisation arabe classique : approche lexicologique et épistémologique." Bulletin d’histoire et d’épistémologie des sciences de la vie Volume 28, no. 1 (May 26, 2021): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/bhesv.281.0017.

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5

Soler, Renaud. "Une autre histoire de la civilisation: Comment Rifāʿa al-Ṭahṭāwī repensa l’histoire de l’Égypte dans les années 1860." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 74, no. 2 (June 2019): 267–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ahss.2020.9.

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RésumésL’historiographie en arabe du xixe siècle a souvent été abordée au prisme du rapport à la modernité et au nationalisme, c’est-à-dire selon la perspective téléologique induite par les procès de constructions étatiques au xxe siècle. Cet article propose de relire l’œuvre du grand historien Rifāʿa Rafīʿal-Ṭahṭāwī (1801-1873) en la situant dans son moment historique – un moment où l’Égypte est encore un État dynastique lié à l’Empire ottoman, où les historiens travaillent à l’intérieur de l’édifice des sciences religieuses et de l’historiographie islamiques, et où la modernité occidentale s’incarne dans le régime de la monarchie de Juillet et l’histoire de François Guizot et de Edward Gibbon. C’est dans ce complexe de discours et de pratiques qu’il faut comprendre l’œuvre historique d’al-Ṭahṭāwī. On peut alors retrouver la polyphonie des attachements nationaux du cheikh et historien, qui s’inscrivent plus largement dans une conception renouvelée de la tradition – et donc de son revers, la modernité –, mais qui participe aussi d’une mise en tension sensible de la conception de la temporalité historique propre à l’historiographie arabe moderne avec celle de l’histoire produite par l’historiographie de la fin du xviiie siècle et par l’histoire romantique bourgeoise en Europe.
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6

Crawford, Harriet. "Bahreïn: La civilisation des deux mers an exhibition at the Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris." Public Archaeology 1, no. 1 (January 2000): 88–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/pua.2000.1.1.88.

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7

ELIMAM, Abdou. "Échos diachroniques du maghribi: le substrat punique." ALTRALANG Journal 5, no. 01 (June 10, 2023): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/altralang.v5i01.243.

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Diachronic Echoes of the Maghribi: The Punic Substrate ABSTRACT: North Africa asserts the hegemony of the Punic language, from the 8th century BC onwards. The Carthaginian civilization had succeeded in spreading its idiom over the current Maghreb – and even beyond, in this Iberia which was to welcome Al-Andalus – nearly 10 centuries before the emergence of the Arabic linguistic norm. History testifies to the presence of the Punic language until the Byzantine era. Then came a historical black hole. It is only until the establishment of Islam that testimonies of linguistic activity in North of Africa began to reappear. This is when a “popular” language, called 3amiya, began to be identified because it did take on all the functions of social communication that Arabic could not assume. This spontaneous bilingualism (3amiya/Arabic) has contributed to the structuring of Maghreb society for almost a millennium; almost until French colonization (19th century). This historic bilingualism broke up in favour of French. Underestimated and kept out of the institutional framework, the Maghrebian (or Maghribi) 3amiya is little studied in its diachronic dimension and its Punic substrate is almost obscured by the so-called “dialectology” studies, in particular. By revealing to us many linguistic traces of the Punic substrate, the historical past of the Maghribi language invites us to reassess its status as well as its socio-cultural individuation. RÉSUMÉ : L’Afrique du nord asserte l’hégémonie de la langue punique, dès le VIII e siècle avant notre ère. La civilisation carthaginoise avait réussi à faire rayonner son idiome sur l’actuel Maghreb – et même au-delà, dans cette Ibérie qui allait accueillir Al-Andalus – près de10 siècles avant l’émergence de la norme linguistique arabe. L’histoire témoigne de la présence de la langue punique jusqu’à l’ère byzantine. Ensuite c’est le trou noir. Les témoignages de l’activité linguistique dans ce nord de l’Afrique ne réapparaissent qu’à partir de l’implantation de l’Islam. C’est alors qu’est identifiée une langue «populaire», dite 3amiya qui prend en charge toutes les fonctions de communication sociale que l’arabe ne peut assumer. Ce bilinguisme spontané (3amiya/arabe) structure la société maghrébine pendant près d’un millénaire; quasiment jusqu’à la colonisation française (XIX e). C’est alors que ce bilinguisme historique éclate au profit du français. Dépréciée et refoulée de l’espace institutionnel, la 3amiya maghrébine (ou maghribi) est peu étudiée dans sa dimension diachronique et son substrat punique est quasiment occulté par les quelques études dite de «dialectologie», notamment. En nous révélant bien des traces linguistiques du substrat punique, le passé historique de la langue maghribie nous invite à en réévaluer le statut ainsi que l’individuation socio-culturelle.
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8

Taleb, Mohammed. "Jalons vers une modernité arabo-islamique." Études théologiques et religieuses 71, no. 1 (1996): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ether.1996.3394.

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La modernité est une condition de la survie historique des hommes et des peuples, mais elle ne peut offrir d’issues et de perspectives qu’à la condition de s’enraciner, ou mieux de naître de la mémoire collective des diverses communautés humaines. Mohammed Taleb montre que c’est parce que l’impératif moderne se décline au pluriel que nous pouvons penser une modernité arabo-islamique à partir de l’héritage civilisationnel arabe lui-même. Ce pari suppose une prise en compte de la longue mémoire, du temps historique, principalement le temps islamique mais également les temps pré-islamiques (les multiples civilisations sémitiques).
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9

Al Hennawy, Jehad Mohamad, Zainal Abidin Hajib, and Maskanatul Fiqiyah. "الترجمة وأثرها فى حفظ الهوية." Jurnal Alfazuna : Jurnal Pembelajaran Bahasa Arab dan Kebahasaaraban 4, no. 2 (June 24, 2020): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/alfazuna.v4i02.637.

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Translation is involved in human’s activity and social development and it is an international communication tool between people of different languages and cultures. The Arabs have been aware of the art of translation since ancient times. The Qur'an has discussed on the fact that people are created differently in races, ethnics, languages and customs. Translations are not exclusive to a linguistic activity based on what is said, or what is written, it also includes a complex epistemic and linguistic work. Translations are effective in spreading cultures and civilisation. Arabic language is the identity of those people who express their culture, combine their ideas, which is the indication of a nation's progress and deterioration. Translation is a link in a chain that begins with knowledge acquisition in the first language and ends with culture, through the construction of the intellectual system and the strengthening of its individual and social identity. From the above statement, we are confident that translation plays a vital role in the process of adaptation between different nations and civilizations, as this is still the most sucessful way to integrate one civilisation with another and vice versa; This has played an effective role in the progress of nations, and creates dialogues between different ideas, working to bridge the gap between different civilisations and nations, and strive to expand ideology and develop identity whilst preserving it from deterioration.
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10

Dero, Anne-Claude. "L’alchimie arabe dans le fihrist." Civilisations, no. 38-1 (March 30, 1989): 26–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.3507.

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11

Bontinck, Frans. "La campagne arabe : notes marginales." Civilisations, no. 41 (September 1, 1993): 361–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.1723.

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12

Husseini de Araújo, Shadia. "NENHUM “CHOQUE DAS CIVILIZAÇÕES”: UMA ANÁLISE DAS GEOGRAFIAS IMAGINATIVAS NA MÍDIA IMPRESSA ÁRABE APÓS OS ATENTADOS DE 11 DE SETEMBRO DE 2001." GEOgraphia 19, no. 41 (January 25, 2018): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/geographia.v19i41.1012.

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Resumo: Enquanto existem muitos estudos sobre a reprodução da teoria do “choque das civilizações” e do “mundo islâmico” como o “outro” do Ocidente em mídias ocidentais após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, são extremamente escassos aqueles que analisam a presença dessa teoria nas mídias árabes. Quais são os discursos geopolíticos (re)produzidos nessas mídias com o objetivo de enquadrar e explicar os atentados? Qual é o papel da teoria do “choque das civilizações” e das representações do Ocidente que se manifestam nesse contexto? Este artigo procura responder essas perguntas a partir de uma perspectiva da geopolítica crítica, valendo-se do conceito de “geografias imaginativas”. Os principais jornais transnacionais árabes, al-Hayat, al-Quds al-Arabi e Asharq Al-Awsat, constituem o exemplo empírico. Este artigo mostra que a teoria do “choque das civilizações” – por sua vez duplamente assentada em regionalizações geográficas tradicionais e em uma construção binária entre Ocidente e mundo islâmico – é rejeitada nos jornais analisados. Em vez de se apoiar nessa teoria, os acontecimentos de 11 de setembro de 2001 e os atentados terroristas nos anos seguintes, bem como as geografias imaginativas do Ocidente reproduzidas nesse contexto, são enquadrados e formados por meio de um discurso multifacetado e profundamente pós-colonial. Palavras-chave: Geografias imaginativas. Geopolítica crítica. Mídia impressa árabe. Crítica pós-colonial. NO “CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS”: AN ANALYSIS OF IMAGINATIVE GEOGRAPHIES IN ARAB PRINT MEDIA AFTER 9/11 Abstract: While many studies analyse the reproduction of the “clash of civilizations” theory and the “Islamic world” as the West’s “other” in Western media after 9/11, there are only few works dedicated to Arab media. What are the geopolitical discourses (re)produced in Arab media framing and explaining the attacks? What is the role of the “clash of civilizations” theory and the representations of the West in this context? This paper addresses these questions from the perspective of critical geopolitics using the concept of “imaginative geographies”. The transnational Arab newspapers al-Hayat, al-Quds al-Arabi e Asharq Al-Awsat serve as the empirical example. I argue that the theory of the “clash of civilizations” – which is based on traditional geographical regionalisations and a binary construction between the West and the Islamic world – is rejected in the analysed newspapers. Instead, 9/11 and other terrorist attacks in the subsequent years as well as the imaginative geographies of the West reproduced in this context are based on a multifaceted and profoundly post-colonial discourse. Keywords: Imaginative Geographies. Critical Geopolitics. Arab Print Media. Postcolonial Critique. AUCUN “CHOC DES CIVILISATIONS”: UNE ANALYSE DES GEOGRAPHIES IMAGINAIRES DANS LES MEDIAS ARABES IMPRIMES APRES LES ATTENTATS DU 11 SEPTEMBRE 2001 Resumé: Bien que de nombreuses études analysent la reproduction de la théorie du “choc des civilisations” et du “monde islamique” comme “l’autre” de l’Occident dans les médias occidentaux après les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, il y a peu de travaux consacrés aux médias arabes. Quels sont les discours géopolitiques (re)produits dans ces médias pour contextualiser et expliquer les attaques ? Quels sont les rôles de la théorie du “choc des civilisations” et de la représentation de l’Occident dans ce contexte ? Cet article tente de répondre à ces questions dans une perspective de géopolitique critique, en utilisant le concept de “géographies imaginaires”. Les principaux journaux transnationaux arabes, al-Hayat, al-Quds al-Arabi e Asharq Al-Awsat sont le matériau de l’enquête. Cet article montre que la théorie du “choc des civilisations” – elle-même basée sur les régionalisations géographiques traditionnelles et la construction opposant Occident et monde islamique – est rejetée dans les journaux analysés. Au lieu de cela, les événements du 11 septembre 2001 comme les attentats terroristes des années suivantes, ainsi que les géographies imaginaires de l’Occident reproduites dans ce contexte, sont façonnés par un discours à multiples facettes, profondément post-colonial. Mots-clés: Géographies Imaginaires. Géopolitique Critique. Médias Imprimés Arabes. Critique Postcoloniale.
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Husseini de Araújo, Shadia. "NENHUM “CHOQUE DAS CIVILIZAÇÕES”: UMA ANÁLISE DAS GEOGRAFIAS IMAGINATIVAS NA MÍDIA IMPRESSA ÁRABE APÓS OS ATENTADOS DE 11 DE SETEMBRO DE 2001." GEOgraphia 19, no. 41 (January 25, 2018): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/geographia2017.1941.a13820.

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Resumo: Enquanto existem muitos estudos sobre a reprodução da teoria do “choque das civilizações” e do “mundo islâmico” como o “outro” do Ocidente em mídias ocidentais após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, são extremamente escassos aqueles que analisam a presença dessa teoria nas mídias árabes. Quais são os discursos geopolíticos (re)produzidos nessas mídias com o objetivo de enquadrar e explicar os atentados? Qual é o papel da teoria do “choque das civilizações” e das representações do Ocidente que se manifestam nesse contexto? Este artigo procura responder essas perguntas a partir de uma perspectiva da geopolítica crítica, valendo-se do conceito de “geografias imaginativas”. Os principais jornais transnacionais árabes, al-Hayat, al-Quds al-Arabi e Asharq Al-Awsat, constituem o exemplo empírico. Este artigo mostra que a teoria do “choque das civilizações” – por sua vez duplamente assentada em regionalizações geográficas tradicionais e em uma construção binária entre Ocidente e mundo islâmico – é rejeitada nos jornais analisados. Em vez de se apoiar nessa teoria, os acontecimentos de 11 de setembro de 2001 e os atentados terroristas nos anos seguintes, bem como as geografias imaginativas do Ocidente reproduzidas nesse contexto, são enquadrados e formados por meio de um discurso multifacetado e profundamente pós-colonial. Palavras-chave: Geografias imaginativas. Geopolítica crítica. Mídia impressa árabe. Crítica pós-colonial. NO “CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS”: AN ANALYSIS OF IMAGINATIVE GEOGRAPHIES IN ARAB PRINT MEDIA AFTER 9/11 Abstract: While many studies analyse the reproduction of the “clash of civilizations” theory and the “Islamic world” as the West’s “other” in Western media after 9/11, there are only few works dedicated to Arab media. What are the geopolitical discourses (re)produced in Arab media framing and explaining the attacks? What is the role of the “clash of civilizations” theory and the representations of the West in this context? This paper addresses these questions from the perspective of critical geopolitics using the concept of “imaginative geographies”. The transnational Arab newspapers al-Hayat, al-Quds al-Arabi e Asharq Al-Awsat serve as the empirical example. I argue that the theory of the “clash of civilizations” – which is based on traditional geographical regionalisations and a binary construction between the West and the Islamic world – is rejected in the analysed newspapers. Instead, 9/11 and other terrorist attacks in the subsequent years as well as the imaginative geographies of the West reproduced in this context are based on a multifaceted and profoundly post-colonial discourse. Keywords: Imaginative Geographies. Critical Geopolitics. Arab Print Media. Postcolonial Critique. AUCUN “CHOC DES CIVILISATIONS”: UNE ANALYSE DES GEOGRAPHIES IMAGINAIRES DANS LES MEDIAS ARABES IMPRIMES APRES LES ATTENTATS DU 11 SEPTEMBRE 2001 Resumé: Bien que de nombreuses études analysent la reproduction de la théorie du “choc des civilisations” et du “monde islamique” comme “l’autre” de l’Occident dans les médias occidentaux après les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, il y a peu de travaux consacrés aux médias arabes. Quels sont les discours géopolitiques (re)produits dans ces médias pour contextualiser et expliquer les attaques ? Quels sont les rôles de la théorie du “choc des civilisations” et de la représentation de l’Occident dans ce contexte ? Cet article tente de répondre à ces questions dans une perspective de géopolitique critique, en utilisant le concept de “géographies imaginaires”. Les principaux journaux transnationaux arabes, al-Hayat, al-Quds al-Arabi e Asharq Al-Awsat sont le matériau de l’enquête. Cet article montre que la théorie du “choc des civilisations” – elle-même basée sur les régionalisations géographiques traditionnelles et la construction opposant Occident et monde islamique – est rejetée dans les journaux analysés. Au lieu de cela, les événements du 11 septembre 2001 comme les attentats terroristes des années suivantes, ainsi que les géographies imaginaires de l’Occident reproduites dans ce contexte, sont façonnés par un discours à multiples facettes, profondément post-colonial. Mots-clés: Géographies Imaginaires. Géopolitique Critique. Médias Imprimés Arabes. Critique Postcoloniale.
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14

Husseini de Araújo, Shadia. "NENHUM “CHOQUE DAS CIVILIZAÇÕES”: UMA ANÁLISE DAS GEOGRAFIAS IMAGINATIVAS NA MÍDIA IMPRESSA ÁRABE APÓS OS ATENTADOS DE 11 DE SETEMBRO DE 2001." GEOgraphia 19, no. 41 (January 25, 2018): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/geographia2017.v19i41.a13820.

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Resumo: Enquanto existem muitos estudos sobre a reprodução da teoria do “choque das civilizações” e do “mundo islâmico” como o “outro” do Ocidente em mídias ocidentais após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, são extremamente escassos aqueles que analisam a presença dessa teoria nas mídias árabes. Quais são os discursos geopolíticos (re)produzidos nessas mídias com o objetivo de enquadrar e explicar os atentados? Qual é o papel da teoria do “choque das civilizações” e das representações do Ocidente que se manifestam nesse contexto? Este artigo procura responder essas perguntas a partir de uma perspectiva da geopolítica crítica, valendo-se do conceito de “geografias imaginativas”. Os principais jornais transnacionais árabes, al-Hayat, al-Quds al-Arabi e Asharq Al-Awsat, constituem o exemplo empírico. Este artigo mostra que a teoria do “choque das civilizações” – por sua vez duplamente assentada em regionalizações geográficas tradicionais e em uma construção binária entre Ocidente e mundo islâmico – é rejeitada nos jornais analisados. Em vez de se apoiar nessa teoria, os acontecimentos de 11 de setembro de 2001 e os atentados terroristas nos anos seguintes, bem como as geografias imaginativas do Ocidente reproduzidas nesse contexto, são enquadrados e formados por meio de um discurso multifacetado e profundamente pós-colonial. Palavras-chave: Geografias imaginativas. Geopolítica crítica. Mídia impressa árabe. Crítica pós-colonial. NO “CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS”: AN ANALYSIS OF IMAGINATIVE GEOGRAPHIES IN ARAB PRINT MEDIA AFTER 9/11 Abstract: While many studies analyse the reproduction of the “clash of civilizations” theory and the “Islamic world” as the West’s “other” in Western media after 9/11, there are only few works dedicated to Arab media. What are the geopolitical discourses (re)produced in Arab media framing and explaining the attacks? What is the role of the “clash of civilizations” theory and the representations of the West in this context? This paper addresses these questions from the perspective of critical geopolitics using the concept of “imaginative geographies”. The transnational Arab newspapers al-Hayat, al-Quds al-Arabi e Asharq Al-Awsat serve as the empirical example. I argue that the theory of the “clash of civilizations” – which is based on traditional geographical regionalisations and a binary construction between the West and the Islamic world – is rejected in the analysed newspapers. Instead, 9/11 and other terrorist attacks in the subsequent years as well as the imaginative geographies of the West reproduced in this context are based on a multifaceted and profoundly post-colonial discourse. Keywords: Imaginative Geographies. Critical Geopolitics. Arab Print Media. Postcolonial Critique. AUCUN “CHOC DES CIVILISATIONS”: UNE ANALYSE DES GEOGRAPHIES IMAGINAIRES DANS LES MEDIAS ARABES IMPRIMES APRES LES ATTENTATS DU 11 SEPTEMBRE 2001 Resumé: Bien que de nombreuses études analysent la reproduction de la théorie du “choc des civilisations” et du “monde islamique” comme “l’autre” de l’Occident dans les médias occidentaux après les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, il y a peu de travaux consacrés aux médias arabes. Quels sont les discours géopolitiques (re)produits dans ces médias pour contextualiser et expliquer les attaques ? Quels sont les rôles de la théorie du “choc des civilisations” et de la représentation de l’Occident dans ce contexte ? Cet article tente de répondre à ces questions dans une perspective de géopolitique critique, en utilisant le concept de “géographies imaginaires”. Les principaux journaux transnationaux arabes, al-Hayat, al-Quds al-Arabi e Asharq Al-Awsat sont le matériau de l’enquête. Cet article montre que la théorie du “choc des civilisations” – elle-même basée sur les régionalisations géographiques traditionnelles et la construction opposant Occident et monde islamique – est rejetée dans les journaux analysés. Au lieu de cela, les événements du 11 septembre 2001 comme les attentats terroristes des années suivantes, ainsi que les géographies imaginaires de l’Occident reproduites dans ce contexte, sont façonnés par un discours à multiples facettes, profondément post-colonial. Mots-clés: Géographies Imaginaires. Géopolitique Critique. Médias Imprimés Arabes. Critique Postcoloniale.
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15

Obaid, Mayson Najem, and Mariam Alwai Fahed. "Civilizational Development in Andalusia in the Writings of Orientalists in the French Orientalist School Gustave Le Bon as A Model." International Journal of Religion 5, no. 11 (July 9, 2024): 3399–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/5zvn4g07.

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This study intends to present the cultural development in Andalusia and indicates the most prominent writings of French Orientalists regarding this civilization, as well as their appreciation for Arab culture. In this sense, the French Orientalist Gustave Le Bon is a role model. Among the most well-known philosophers in the West, he has shown justice to the Arab people and Islamic culture. This research therefore centers on his writings, which are full of references to the contributions that Arabs and the Arab Islamic nation have made to the West. He wrote the important work "La Civilisation des Arabes" ("The Civilization of the Arabs"), which offers insightful details on Arab civilization, and he accepted that Muslims were the ones who brought civilization to Europe. Additionally, the study seeks to expose the genuine character of Western Orientalists by differentiating between those who are sympathetic to Arab Muslims and those who are hostile to both Islam and Arabs. It demonstrates how the Arabs taught the West about civilization and advancement in many spheres of life.There are three sections to the research. The history, growth, and current status of the French Orientalist School are covered in the first section. The biography, writings, and methods of French Orientalist Gustave Le Bon are the main subjects of the second half. The final segment looks at Andalusia's cultural evolution.In writing this research, I have relied on both Arab and foreign sources, and I hope it will meet the reader's approval.
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16

Luffin, Xavier. "« Nos ancêtres les Arabes... »." Civilisations, no. 53 (January 1, 2006): 177–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.613.

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Martin, Aubert. "Les arabes, transmetteurs du savoir antique." Civilisations, no. 38-1 (March 30, 1989): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.3505.

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Bahout, Joseph. "Sous les décombres de Gaza." Esprit Décembre, no. 12 (December 5, 2023): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/espri.2312.0067.

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L’opération « Déluge d’al-Aqsa » lancée par le Hamas remet la question palestinienne au centre de la scène moyen-orientale, forçant les pays arabes, les États-Unis et l’Europe à se remobiliser. Mais il faut éviter la rhétorique du choc des civilisations pour créer un État palestinien.
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Guasti, Niccolò. "Between Arabic Letters, History and Enlightenment: The Emergence of Spanish Literary Nation in Juan Andrés." Diciottesimo Secolo 6 (November 9, 2021): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/ds-12140.

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The culture of the eighteenth century played a crucial role in proposing a positive image of Islam. The Valencian Jesuit Juan Andrés was particularly engaged in this re-evaluation of Arab culture in order to stress how much Iberian Arabs had contributed to the renaissance of Western culture and civilisation. In his treaty Dell’origine, progressi e stato attuale d’ogni letteratura (1782-1799) Andrés committed himself to outlining specific elements of the Medieval renaissance nurtured by Spanish Arabs between the ninth and thirteenth centuries. His interpretation on Al-Andalus concealed a «patriotic» intent, namely that of glorifying the historical role of Spain (rather than Italy or France) in the development of the European literary canon.
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Bardet, Flavien. "1914-2014 : Europe-monde arabe, cent ans de choc des civilisations ?" Observatoire de la société britannique, no. 20 (January 1, 2018): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/osb.1986.

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Kabemba, Assan. "L’évolution de la forme des habitations sous les arabo-swahili : le cas du Maniema." Civilisations, no. 38-1 (March 30, 1989): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.3516.

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Ribau, Patrick. "Les savoirs à l’âge d’or de la civilisation arabo-musulmane." La Pensée N° 384, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lp.384.0057.

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Maret, Pierre de, and Hugues Legros. "Tippo Tip à Mulongo. Nouvelles données sur le début de la pénétration arabo-swahili au Sahara." Civilisations, no. 41 (September 1, 1993): 377–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/civilisations.1725.

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Touati, Houari. "La dédicace des livres dans l'islam médiéval." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 55, no. 2 (April 2000): 325–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.2000.279850.

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La dédicace s'introduit dans la culture arabo-islamique au tournant des 8e et 9e; siècles. Elle apparaît dans les livres au moment où ces derniers entrent en masse en Islam à la faveur de la révolution culturelle qui en a fait, après avoir été une religion du Livre, une civilisation des livres. Dans sa geste constitutive de la bibliothèque de l'Islam, elle s'est si largement acculturée au sein des pratiques lettrées que l'on s'étonne — sauf erreur — qu'aucune étude ne soit venue nous éclairer sur sa signification. Son intérêt n'est pas cependant que de nombre.
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R. Zou’bi, Moneef. "The Arab Islamic Civilisation as a Global Force for Good." In medias res 13, no. 24 (May 29, 2024): 4095–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.46640/imr.13.24.9.

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From the eighth century, Muslims developed not only their knowledge in the field of theology, but also astronomy, mathematics, chemistry, medicine and other sciences. It is in the nature of Islam to encourage understanding and knowledge, research and study of nature. The text wants to show that the foundations of the Islamic scientific tradition existed even before the introduction of the Greek tradition, that is, that the golden age of Islamic science began with Abdel al-Malik, a century and a half before the creation of Bayt al-Hikma in Baghdad in the 9th century. For almost an entire millennium, the scientists of the Islamic civilization not only studied and analyzed the Greek (and other) sciences, but also added to them many completely new concepts that were unknown to their predecessors. The Crusades and the Mongol invasion influenced the circumstances in which Islamic science developed.The slow introduction of printing technology contributed to the slowdown of scientific development, as did the cessation of the use of the Arabic language as a scientific lingua francae. It is important to point out that Europe in the 12th century paid great attention to Islamic works on astronomy, arithmetic, trigonometry, optics, geometry, astrology and medicine (Mushtaq 1990). The proposed narrative therefore tells us that the science that began with the Greeks came to the Arabs and Muslims where it was accepted, assimilated and rearranged. It was then transferred to Europe over the centuries, where it ultimately contributed significantly to the industrial revolution.
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Winkel, Eric. "Navigating a Fractal World: Ibn Al-'Arabi, Civilisational Renewal, and the New Sciences." ICR Journal 2, no. 3 (April 15, 2011): 529–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v2i3.630.

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After surveying visions of the future, this article engages some of the most interesting conceptualisations coming from the ‘new sciences’ and resonating with the perspective of civilisational renewal. The focus is on the environment, as the most accessible point of departure for visions of the future, and ‘transition’, as the best description of where we are. From here, the language of Islamic civilisational renewal is brought out to both deepen and sharpen the contemporary discourse.
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Hassoun, Jacques. "Confluences et différences (A propos de la civilisation judéo-arabo-chrétienne)." Horizons Maghrébins - Le droit à la mémoire 14, no. 1 (1989): 116–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/horma.1989.1033.

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Maina, Newton Kahumbi. "The Shirazi Civilisation and its Impact on the East African Coast." Utafiti 14, no. 2 (March 4, 2020): 242–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-14010014.

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Abstract The relations between Iran and East Africa are captured well by depicting the impact of the Shirazi (Persian) civilisation on the East African coast. But some influential scholars claim that historians tend to dismiss or trivialise the role played by the Shirazis in East Africa. The demonstrable impact of Shirazi civilisation in East Africa is evident in the expansion of trade between the East African coast and the Persian Gulf region with the expansion of Islam. The Persian language has bequeathed to the Kiswahili language many lexicons that are presently still accessible in the region. Persian poets influenced Kiswahili literature through their classic works. The influence of Persian architecture is seen in Shirazi building styles throughout cities including Zanzibar, Kilwa and Manda. Thus Shirazis brought Persian traditions and customs to East Africa, and some Shirazis intermarried with the Arabs and local communities. As compiled here from other sources, there is enough enduring historical evidence to demonstrate incontrovertibly the impact of the Shirazis in social, economic and political aspects of East African life. This legacy arguably justifies greater contemporary cooperation between East African nation states and the Islamic Republic of Iran.
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Dallal, Ziad. "Utopia and Civilisation in the Arab Nahda, written by Peter Hill." Journal of Arabic Literature 54, no. 3-4 (October 31, 2023): 446–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570064x-12341498.

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Seniguer, Haoues. "La civilisation islamique et l'humanisme arabo-musulman : le regard de Malek Bennabi." Confluences Méditerranée N° 89, no. 2 (2014): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.089.0187.

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Syafni, Hafidhah, Rahmania Auriel Zaeni, Miftahul Huda, and Nur Kholid. "PERADABAN PEMERINTAHAN ARAB: ANALISIS KRITIS BUKU HADHARATUL ‘ARAB KARYA GUSTAVE LE BON." Kalam: Jurnal Agama dan Sosial Humaniora 12, no. 1 (June 28, 2024): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.47574/kalam.v12i1.194.

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“Hadharatul ‘Arab” is a book that created by Gustave Le Bon in 1884. This article currently presents critical analysis about this book, especially how the writer wrote and explained it to the reader. The purpose of this article is to present an analysis of the way an orientalist wrote about Islamic history and compare the methods of presenting the material in this book with other references in order to know the various ways of writing history. In writing this article, the researchers used a descriptive qualitative method which centred on library research or literature review. The theory used in analysing the book “Hadharatul ‘Arab” is discourse analysis. And the central chapter of study in this discussion is about “the civilisation of the Arab government”. In this discussion is explained about the biography of Gustave Le Bon, the identity of the book "Hadharatul 'Arab", how Gustave presented the material of the book which focus on the Arab government, the positive and negative sides of the presentation, as well as comparing the methods used in it with other books. After analysing, the researchers mentioned that there is no definite standard in history presentation, all presentations have a different focus in conveying their purpose, and all of them can be a reference in the scientific field of historical science.
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Volait, Mercedes. "De l’anthropologie physique à « l’ethnographie artistique » : Gustave Le Bon et sa Civilisation des Arabes (1884)." Histoire de l'art 60, no. 1 (2007): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/hista.2007.3182.

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Mabrak, Sami. "Le dictionnaire historique arabe au service de la traduction juridique français – arabe." Traduction et Langues 21, no. 1 (August 31, 2022): 246–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/translang.v21i1.886.

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The Arabic Historical Dictionary at the service of French - Arabic legal translation Legal translation plays an important role today, especially in the context of open globalisation and intensive immigration. Translators working in the legal field increasingly require the deployment of translation tools that guarantee maximum scientific accuracy and transparency, such as dictionaries in general and legal dictionaries in particular. Through the compilation and publication of historical dictionaries, the legal translator will have access not only to the description of the language as it is used today, but also to the semantic and morphological evolution of its lexicon. Historical dictionaries are also a very important source for the cultural, social, economic, scientific and civilisational aspects of the use of the language in question in societies. Thus, lexicographers today are moving towards outsourcing the scientific tasks of compiling and deploying historical dictionaries in the various fields of human activity. Consequently, after being considered as end products for several decades, historical dictionaries are nowadays reusable and exploitable tools in many fields, such as the legal field, as our article shows. The present study analyses the added value of the Historical Dictionary of the Arabic Language (DHLA) to French-Arabic legal translation. To do so, we applied an analytical and comparative method. We have constituted a corpus from terms related to civil status; more specifically in the field of marriage and divorce. In addition, we have used three other bilingual dictionaries of specialised language in the legal field in this study, namely The French - Arabic Legal Dictionary, Lexique des termes juridiques and Vocabulaire juridique. Thus, since our work focuses on French - Arabic legal translation, we used the online translator "Reverso" as a means of comparing the translation of civil status terms from French into Arabic. After analysing and comparing the definition and usage of these terms with their Arabic translation, we found that the French terms and their Arabic translation still do not refer to the same concepts and usages. We were able to explain this finding by the fact that the French civil status code reflects a Western culture and tradition expressed in French that is different and divergent from that expressed in Arabic via the civil status code in the Arab world. Moreover, by referring to the definitions of the Arabic translation of these terms, the Historical Dictionary of the Arabic Language reveals numerous elements of terminological and semantic divergence between the French terms and their Arabic translation. These elements of divergence, particularly on the semantic level, could lead to situations of injustice for the people concerned by the translation. Following this observation, the Historical Dictionary of the Arabic Language constitutes an indispensable tool to revise the current Arabic translation of French legal terms; to propose new lexies as translations for more terminological precision, more semantic clarity, consequently more fidelity and transparency in the field of translation of legal texts, and finally more justice in the application of these texts. Finally, the study also highlighted the possibility of exploiting the corpora of the French and Arabic historical dictionaries through the design of IT solutions ensuring interoperability between the lexicographical data of the two historical dictionaries. The online version of the Historical Dictionary of the Arabic.
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Laronde, A. "La vie agricole en Libye jusqu'à l'arrivée des Arabes." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006658.

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Du Ier au VIIème siècle ap. J.-C, pendant la pÉriode romaine et byzantine, la Libye a connu une vie agricole originale et intense. Ce fait de civilisation n'attire l'attention des savants que depuis peu d'annÉes. Même si l'importance des vestiges archÉologiques n'avait pas ÉchappÉ aux voyageurs europÉens (Pacho 1828, 236) et arabes (El Hachaichi 1912, 60), les jugements Émis sur la valeur agricole de la Libye relevaient d'opinions prÉconçues, soit pour vanter l'intÉrêt du pays, soit au contraire pour le minimiser, dans le contexte de l'Époque coloniale (de Martino 1912, 145). De plus, tout l'intÉrêt Était orientÉ vers la façade côtière, sans beaucoup de considÉration pour l'immense zone intÉrieure.Une mise au point s'avère donc nècessaire, en partant des donnÉes physiques et humaines observables, en cherchant à retrouver des formes d'amÉnagement, des types d'exploitation, afin de dÉterminer les grandes lignes de l'Évolution historique (Laronde 1986).Différentiation zonaleIl convient de rappeler d'abord que la Libye s'Étend sur 1.760.000 km2 environ, et que sa façade mÉditerranÉenne mesure 1900 km de longueur. En fait, l'Étendue des zones dÉsertiques fausse toute apprÉciation objective et a conduit à des opinions très divergentes et toujours arbitraires; il faut donc recourir à une analyse des donnÉes physiques pour commencer. La morphologie se caractÉrise par la prÉdominance des plaines, des plateaux et des vallÉes, les communications sont gÉnÉralement aisÉes, en dÉpit de l'ampleur des distances.
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Daoud, Mohamed. "Traduction de l'imaginaire et l'altérité." Traduction et Langues 5, no. 1 (December 31, 2006): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/translang.v5i1.349.

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Cet article traite de la question de la traduction de l’imaginaire (l’oeuvre littéraire) et les enjeux relatifs aux images et aux écritures de l’altérité. Nous nous intéressons à la perception de l’Orient à travers la traduction de l'oeuvre monumentale des Mille et une nuits.Nous avons réalisé que certains changements en terme de la perception du monde arabo-musulman ont été repérés. La vision ethnocentriste et/ou europocentriste a commencé à présenter des fissures à partir de la première guerre mondiale.Aussi, il faut dire que plusieurs concepts ont changé de signifiance avec l’avènement de la globalisation, telles que l'histoire, l'idéologie, la culture. De ce fait, c’est " la fin des monoculturalismes" selon la formule de Farhad Khosrokhavar. On peut également dire que l'Orient existe en Occident et les deux s’entrelacent de façon interchangeables. C’est la traduction de la production symbolique et imaginaire qui pourrait contribuer à replacer les distinctions qui sont plutôt plus imaginaires que réelles et qu’à travers la traduction seule un dialogue objectif s’installera entre les différentes civilisations qui deviendront mondiales.Mots clés : Images, écritures, altérité, ouvres traduites, l’imaginaire Occidental.
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Declercq, Amandine. "La représentation des limites de l’oikouménè par les civilisations grecque et arabe. D’Okeanos à al-bahr al-muhīt : prospections océaniques." Anabases, no. 9 (March 1, 2009): 303–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anabases.539.

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Cooper-Richet, Diana, and Fatna Ziani. "Entretien avec Mme Fatna Ziani, chargée de collections pour le domaine arabe, Bibliothèque universitaire des langues et civilisations (BULAC, Paris)." Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée, no. 152 (July 26, 2022): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/remmm.18993.

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Arsan, Andrew. "AN OTTOMAN ARAB MAN OF LETTERS AND THE MEANINGS OF EMPIRE, c. 1860." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 31 (November 8, 2021): 89–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440121000050.

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AbstractThis paper returns to one of the germinal texts of nineteenth-century Arab political thought, Butrus al-Bustani's Nafir Suriyya (‘The Clarion of Syria’). A series of broadsides published between September 1860 and April 1861, these reflected on the confessional violence that had rent apart Mount Lebanon and Damascus in mid-1860. As scholars have suggested, Bustani – now regarded as one of the pre-eminent thinkers of the nineteenth-century Arab nahda, or ‘awakening’ – here offered a new vision of Syrian patriotism, which formed part of a longer reflection on political subjectivity, faith, and civilisation. But, this paper argues, these texts can also be read as reflections on the changing workings of empire: on the imperial ruler's duties and attributes and his subjects’ obligations and rights; on the relationship between state and population and capital and province; on imperial administrative reform; and on the dangers foreign intervention posed to Ottoman sovereignty. Drawing on the languages of Ottoman reform and ethical statecraft, as well as on imperial comparisons, Bustani argued against the autonomy some counselled for Mount Lebanon and for wholesale integration with the Ottoman state. These texts offer grounds for methodological reflection and for writing Ottoman Arab thought into broader histories of imperial political thought.
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Salama-Carr, Myriam. "L’autocensure et la représentation de l’altérité dans le récit de voyage de rifā’a rāfi’ al-TahTāwī (1826-1831)." TTR 23, no. 2 (May 16, 2012): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1009162ar.

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Figure emblématique de la renaissance arabe du dix-neuvième siècle, le traducteur, formateur et essayiste al-TahTāwī (1801-1873) a rédigé une relation de voyage et une description de Paris (1826-1831) qui illustrent de manière convaincante les rapports qui lient traduction et récits de voyages dans une entreprise de représentation de l’Autre. Membre d’une mission étudiante, qui s’inscrit dans le programme de modernisation lancé par le khédive MuHammad ‘Alī, al-TahTāwī se donne pour tâche, dans ce récit de voyage, de décrire la France, et plus particulièrement Paris, et de brosser un tableau de la vie politique et culturelle du lieu et de l’époque. Notre propos est double. Il s’agit tout d’abord de dégager la manière dont s’élaborent cette représentation et ce projet encyclopédique qui font intervenir une sélection de faits à rapporter, de textes à traduire et de stratégies de traduction à retenir. Dans un deuxième temps, nous cernons dans quelle mesure il s’exerce une autocensure préventive, dictée par des enjeux socio-culturels et politiques, qui va jouer un rôle non négligeable dans cette entreprise et être mise au service d’une acceptation de l’Autre. Outre le témoignage historique que constitue cette oeuvre – ouverture de l’Égypte sur l’Europe et les courants libéraliste et orientaliste en France –, l’effort de syncrétisme qu’elle évoque, et qui passe par l’autocensure et l’aménagement des textes en fonction de contraintes diverses (Lefevere, 1992), s’avère particulièrement pertinent à une époque où il est de bon ton de parler du « choc des civilisations ».
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Webb, Adam K. "Resonance of the Arab Spring: Solidarities and youth opinion in the Global South." International Political Science Review 39, no. 2 (February 1, 2017): 290–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512116666391.

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The Arab Spring exemplifies to many a kind of globalisation from below. It cuts across borders and challenges liberal and technocratic élites. But how far does its global resonance really go? Are publics still largely corralled within national political spaces? Are waves of revolt confined by civilisational breakwaters? Or is the cosmopolitan space that many leftists envision taking shape? Based on a three-country survey of university students, this article probes these assumptions. It finds far-reaching solidarity with the aspirations of the Arab Spring, driven by the rise of a cross-border global society. But on probing the bases of such solidarity, it also finds that the cosmopolitan cohort emerging in the Global South does not fit a simple liberal or leftist mould. The Arab Spring resonates on multiple frequencies at the same time. This complex cosmopolitanism has implications for layers of common ground as global political opportunity structures emerge.
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Fezzioui, Naïma, Mebirika Benyamine, Nacima Tadj, Belkacem Draoui, and Salah Larbi. "Performance énergétique d’une maison à patio dans le contexte maghrébin (Algérie, Maroc, Tunisie et Libye)." Journal of Renewable Energies 15, no. 3 (October 23, 2023): 399–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.54966/jreen.v15i3.330.

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Un grand nombre des maisons qui bordent le bassin méditerranéen sont organisées autour d’un patio. Cela est vrai pour l’Andalousie, la Grèce, le sud de l’Italie, les pays de la méditerranée, et particulièrement pour l’Afrique du Nord. Les origines de cette organisation spatiale sont très anciennes. A la suite de la maison grecque, la maison romaine disposait généralement de deux cours intérieures. Mais c’est avec l’arrivée de la civilisation arabo-musulmane en Afrique du nord, que la maison à patio a connu son apogée, répondant à la fois à des exigences sociologiques, culturelles, et thermiques [1]. Les valeurs d’intimité président à cette conception de l’habitat. Il s’agit de privilégier l’être, et non le paraître. Sur le plan thermique, la maison à patio est particulièrement bien adaptée au climat chaud et semi-aride. Le patio jouit d’un microclimat plus tempéré que le climat extérieur, et joue ainsi le rôle d’un espace tampon entre l’intérieur de l’habitation et l’ambiance extérieur. Particulièrement en saison chaude, elle propose des solutions thermique sans contradiction avec la vie des gens, leurs traditions, et leur système de croyance [2]. Mais les schémas de la modernité constituent une menace pour ce type de maison. En Egypte par exemple, elles n’existent pratiquement plus que sous forme de vestige d’une époque révolue. Dans ce travail, nous proposons une simulation numérique du comportement thermique d’une maison à patio en fonction du contexte climatique maghrébin, à l’aide du logiciel de simulation du comportement thermique en régime dynamique TRNSYS.
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Suwaidan, Basim Karim. "The Kuwaiti-Iraqi border dispute and its impact on the stability of the Arab Gulf region." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 20 (July 13, 2020): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i20.227.

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The existence of Iraq as a political entity at the international level extends to more than 4500 B.C. and there are many countries and civilisations carried on. Before the British presence to the Gulf, Iraq was a part of the Ottoman Empire and Kuwait was a part of Basra Srate. But in 1904, Britain announced protection over Kuwait and combined lands and islands of northern Kuwait as possible to achieve their strategy to control the northern Arabian Gulf. Then, Al-Aqeer conference was held to solve the Borders' problem stills as a disputed between the two parties by the desire of Britain. In 1991, the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait came and then in 1993 the resolutions of the UN Security Council were released especially the 833 resolution which provided demarcation of the border between the two countries contrary to the facts of history and geography. The mistrust between the two countries continued despite to the US occupation of Iraq in 2003 and changing the political system there which Kuwait had a prominent role on. The problems between the two countries also continued when Kuwait imposed the reality by conducting more projects and procedures that leads to take over the Iraqi lands and narrowing on Iraqi seas.
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Tahiri, Hassan. "WHEN THE PRESENT MISUNDERSTANDS THE PAST HOW A MODERN ARAB INTELLECTUAL RECLAIMED HIS OWN HERITAGE." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 28, no. 1 (March 2018): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423917000108.

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AbstractThe beginning of the 20th century has witnessed a significant development that has renewed and stimulated the long passionate historical relationship between two great civilisations which are traditionally known as the West and the East. Following their ancestors who cultivated the quest for knowledge tradition, some Arab scholars have come to leading European countries to learn the latest advancement in knowledge. They did not expect they would be confronted with what seems to be the poor showing of their scientific and cultural heritage according to the assessment that was carried out in the previous century by Western scholars and historians. The Western study of the Eastern heritage had such influence that it has generated new Arab intellectual elite which blames the past for the present difficulties. Following the discovery of major scientific Arabic works in the second half of the 20th century, some Arab scholars like Ibrahim Madkour realised that they had in fact just misunderstood their own tradition. What is the source of their misunderstanding? How did they become aware of it? And how can a better understanding of the past change present attitudes and guide future actions? By attempting to provide some answers to such questions, the aim of this paper is to shed light on what seems to be a turning point in modern Arabic intellectual history.
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Voulgaraki-Pissina, Evi. "The Dialogical Paths with Islam in the East: Homage to Arabic Christian Theology." Religions 14, no. 11 (November 20, 2023): 1439. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14111439.

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This is an opinion article, based on a lifelong syncretic study of the dialogical paths taken by Eastern theologians, Greeks and Arabs. At the crossroads of three continents, in direct relation with the Byzantine and Syriac traditions, with the Mediterranean and its Greco-Roman culture, but also with the Asian and African hinterland, Arab and Arabic-speaking Christian theologians have formed a culture of dialogue. They managed to engage with Islam in shapes and forms that are of very great interest and could point the way to a different approach to Islam today. The article, written by a Greek author, proposes a better integration of Arabic Orthodox theology as an enrichment to Orthodox theology as a whole, serving at the same time a broader connection between the Greek and Arab worlds. The article also proposes that discovering the heritage of the Orthodox East is interesting for Christian theology on a global scale. In primarily Christian/Western academia, one should be open to a genuine encounter with the Islamic world beyond geopolitics and other concerns extrinsic to religion; this is an encounter that would open up paths beyond the “clash of civilisations” impasse and allow for the rediscovery of the humanizing factor of religion. This is of interest to Christian and Muslim theologians as well as serving humanity and creation as a whole.
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Walsh, Clare. "Putting culture in its place in the political economy of Arab higher education: civilisation analysis as a means of accessing the cultural questions." International Journal of Diplomacy and Economy 3, no. 4 (2017): 348. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijdipe.2017.088844.

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Walsh, Clare. "Putting culture in its place in the political economy of Arab higher education: civilisation analysis as a means of accessing the cultural questions." International Journal of Diplomacy and Economy 3, no. 4 (2017): 348. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijdipe.2017.10009707.

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47

Satia, Priya. "Centralité des marges." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 71, no. 01 (March 2016): 87–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ahs.2016.0005.

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RésuméL’auteure soutient dans cet article que l’impact culturel de la Première Guerre mondiale en Grande-Bretagne ne peut être compris que si l’on donne aux campagnes du Moyen- Orient la place centrale qui est la leur. Il montre qu’un des effets généralement attribués au front de l’Ouest – une totale perte de foi dans la technique et dans l’héroïsme individuel – a été compensé, à bien des égards, par les leçons tirées de la guerre en Palestine et en Mésopotamie, où cette même foi a connu chez les Britanniques un formidable regain. Si l’on prend en compte cet héritage culturel, on comprend mieux pourquoi ce peuple est resté engagé dans la guerre et a continué de croire dans le développement industriel et la guerre impérialiste une fois le conflit mondial terminé. L’aura héroïque de Thomas Edward Lawrence (Lawrence d’Arabie) et l’image du développement des infrastructures entrepris par l’armée britannique en Mésopotamie ont en effet donné un nouvel essor à la foi dans la technique et dans l’empire, tandis que le front de l’Ouest en révélait un visage autrement plus terrible. Le texte s’ouvre sur l’étude des tactiques militaires originales que les Britanniques, influencés par une vision singulière d’une « Arabie » largement imaginaire, ont adoptées à un degré sans précédent dans la région : la ruse, la guerre irrégulière et la force aérienne. L’auteur montre ensuite comment le gouvernement, à mesure que les succès se multipliaient, s’est efforcé de capitaliser sur la propagande entourant ces « théâtres secondaires » de guerre. Il s’agissait notamment de mettre en avant l’idée que l’empire trouverait une rédemption dans la restauration de l’antique « berceau de la civilisation », entretenant ainsi des notions d’un idéalisme achevé, quand, sur le front de l’Ouest, un nouveau type de cynisme faisait rage.
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48

Brohi, Dr Abdul Fareed, Dr Qari Zia ur Rehman, and Muhammad Aslam Rajpar. "Mukalma Bainal Mazahib ki Jihat: Mustafavi Manhaj Arab ke Yahud o Nasara se Tahamul ki Roshni Main." Al-Aijaz Research Journal of Islamic Studies & Humanities 5, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 202–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/u17.v5.04(21)202-215.

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Islam is the religion of peace and coherence revealed to the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) as a true guidance and mercy for the mankind. As the Prophet preached the message of Islam in Arabia, which later on spread in almost all the continents, Muslims interacted with the adherents of different religions, cultures, civilizations, ethnicities and creeds. When the Prophet migrated to Madina; he had interacted there with the Jews of Madinah and later on with the Christians of Arabia. These encounters and models include the migration, battles, treaties and dialogues within and without. In human history, the cultures and civilizations are compelled to relate to one another on a continuous and constant basis. Although the move towards inter-religious dialogue was first started within a Protestant branch of the Christian church, and the idea of interfaith dialogue is relatively modern but some of its instances could be traced back to the history of Islam as well. The main theme of this study and research will focus on the Prophetic approach and methodology towards dialogue. The researcher will try to seek the answers of the issues of today’s world which are being faced by the world in general and the Muslim Ummah in particular related to interfaith dialogue. The study will sort out the guidelines which could be found in the Life of the Prophet and the attitude and Hikmah (wisdom) of the Prophet towards dialogue seeking a Prophetic approach for the contemporary phenomenon of cultural and civilisational pluralism.
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49

Gerholm, Tomas. "Lucien Golvin and Marie-Christine Fromont, Thulā: Architecture et urbanisme d'une cité de haute montagne en République Arabe du Yémen (Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1984). Pp. 184. 57 figures, 132 black and white photos." International Journal of Middle East Studies 19, no. 2 (May 1987): 228–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800031895.

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50

Hardy, P. "Fatḥnāmah-i Sind, being the original record of the Arab conquest of Sind: Persian text. Edited, with introduction, notes and commentary by N. A. Baloch. (Original Sources of Indo-Muslim History, Volume I, Pt. 1.) pp. xii, 158 (English), xxv, 284 (Persian), plate, two maps. Islamabad, Institute of Islamic History, Culture and Civilisation, Islamic University, 1403/1983. Rs. 160, U.S. $15.00." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 117, no. 1 (January 1985): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00155212.

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