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Journal articles on the topic 'Civitas Dei'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Jáñez Barrio, Tarsicio. "Propuesta agustiniana de filosofía política." Estudio Agustiniano 55, no. 1 (July 28, 2021): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.53111/estagus.v55i1.42.

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La “civitas agustiniana” se mueve en un doble nivel: metahistórico e histórico. En el nivel metahistórico (místico) la “civitas” adquiere un sentido estricto o propio, equivalente a “reino”; en el histórico su sentido es derivado, secundario (impropio), equivalente a ciudad (res-publica) bien religiosa (Iglesia), bien política (Estado). Esta consideración previa, verdadero fundamento de la filosofía política agustiniana, nos lleva, seguidamente, a establecer, en primer lugar, la incompatibilidad absoluta entre las dos civitas meta-históricas (Civitas Dei et Civitas terrena), y en segundo lugar, a tres diferencias entre unas y otras “civitates”: la no identidad entre “Civitas Dei” e Iglesia, la no equivalencia entre “Civitas terrena” y Estado, y la gran diferencia (distinción) entre Iglesia y Estado. Desde aquí, creemos poder hablar de la conexidad real entre Iglesia y Estado, centrándola sobre el punto común que llamamos “quid medium naturale-humanum”, siempre que no se conciba un Estado radicalmente injusto e inhumano.

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2

RallY, Jean-Louis. "DIE CIVITAS DEI IN GRYPHIUS' TRAUERSPIELEN." Daphnis 28, no. 3-4 (March 30, 1999): 729–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-90000694.

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3

Vasas, László. "Civitas dei, civitas diaboli. Temas y topoi en la literatura española." Acta Hispanica 19 (January 1, 2014): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2014.19.39-49.

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The present article analyses some of the features that characterize the city as theme, especially regarding its expression in Spanish literature. First of all, it focuses on the relations between this theme and textuality, relevant objectives of its configuration, properties along with literary proceedings. Next, it deals with the main topics of description, laudation and vituperation. Finally, two fragments appearing out of its plot context of the medieval Libro de Alexandre and the baroque El burlador de Sevilla are presented with an attempt of their justification and interpretation.

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4

Sylwestrzak, Andrzej. "Doktryna chrześcijańskiego małżeństwa w De bono coniugali na tle metodologii św. Augustyna." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius) 66, no. 1 (July 17, 2019): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/g.2019.66.1.399-413.

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<p>W artykule przedstawiono filozoficzną konstrukcję „małżeństwa chrześcijańskiego” opracowaną przez św. Augustyna w rozprawie pt. <em>De bono coniugali</em>, napisanej w latach 400–401, powstałej w polemice z manichejczykami i Iuwinianem. Praca została poddana ocenie w świetle metodologii Augustiańskiej zawartej w traktacie <em>Civitas Dei</em>, napisanym w latach 410–430. Autor dochodzi do przekonania, iż św. Augustyn w <em>De civitate Dei</em> inspirował się metodologią przedstawioną w zarysie we wcześniejszym <em>De bono coniugali</em>.</p>

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5

Foster, Dom David. "Review of Book: Augustinus-Lexicon, Volume 1, Fascicles 5/6: Bellum - Civitas dei (1992); 7/8: Civitas dei – Conversio (1994)." Downside Review 116, no. 405 (October 1998): 307–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001258069811640506.

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6

Szpyrka, Mateusz. "Civitas Dei i civitas terrena kategorią mistyczną zmagań dobra ze złem w myśli św. Augustyna." Humanistyka i Przyrodoznawstwo, no. 21 (August 19, 2018): 331–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/hip.426.

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W nauczaniu biskupa z Hippony na terenie państwa Bożego i ziemskiego dochodzi do spotkania dobra ze złem, tego, co duchowe, z tym, co ziemskie, co oznacza, iż podstawą jedności tworzących je istot jest rzeczywistość duchowa. Aby jednak dobrze zrozumieć wizję dwóch mistycznych społeczności, pojąć ich istotę, należy wyjść poza powszechnie stosowany słownik, poza schemat tzw. definicji formalnych w zakresie państwa, społeczeństwa, instytucji i spróbować pojąć owe teorie w kategoriach duchowych. Sw. Augustyn kwestie dotyczące civitas Dei i civitas terrena pojmuje w sensie moralno-religijnym, sygnalizując dzięki temu, że nie można ujmować ich jedynie w kategoriach zewnętrznych, tj. czasu, miejsca czy przynależności organizacyjnej. Państwo Boże to zespół wszystkich dobrych pierwiastków w społeczności ludzkiej. Civitas D ei jako kategoria spirytualistyczna znajduje się częściowo we wszystkich państwach ziemskich, tzn. nie ogranicza się do określonego narodu, a jej dziejowy pochód niezaczyna się od Chrystusa. Podobnie jest z państwem ziemskim, którego publiczna (zewnętrzna) forma manifestacji niekoniecznie pokrywa się z państwem świeckim. Obie civitas, jako społeczności ludzkie, w życiu doczesnym są ze sobą nierozdzielnie przemieszane i splecione zarówno w Kościele, jak i poza nim, gdyż poplątane i pomieszane ze sobą są te dwa państwa na tym świecie, dopóki ich Sąd Ostateczny nie rozdzieli.

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7

Dames, Gordon E. "Scaffolding leadership dispositions for being radically truthful in the civitas dei and the civitas mundi." STJ | Stellenbosch Theological Journal 6, no. 1 (August 28, 2020): 305–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17570/stj.2020.v6n1.a16.

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Societies across the globe need a new kind of leadership education characterised with a disposition for radical truth-telling. This ideal should go beyond generalised and familiarised ethical leadership formation. Contemporary leaders should become truth tellers and truth seekers for justice. Attaining such a disposition calls us towards an imaginative ethical-educative praxis for justice. Scaffolding leadership-ethical-presences towards being human may proof indispensable. The rediscovery of a vocation for an ethically re-envisioned educational revolution is called for.

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8

Knt, John Gonson. "A Charge to the Grand Jury of the City and Liberty of Westminster, &c. At the General Quarter-Sessions of the Peace, held the third Day of July, 1729, in Westminster-Hall." Camden Fourth Series 43 (July 1992): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068690500001653.

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Printed at the Desire of the Justices of the Peace, for the said City and Liberty, and of thew Grand Jury.LONDON: Printed by Charles Ackers, in Great-Swan-Alley, St. John's -Street. 1729.Civitas, Burgas, & Villa Westm. in Com. Midd. } Ad Generalem Quarterialem Sessionem Pacis Domino Regis Regis tent' apud Westm. pro Libertat' Decani & Capituli Ecclesiœ Collegial. Beati Petri Westm. Civit', Burgi & Ville Westm. in Comitat. Midd. & Sancti Martini le Grand, London' Die Jovis scilicet tertio die Julii, Anno Regis Domini Georgii Secundi, Dei Gratiâ, nunc Regis Magnæ Birtanniæ, &c Tertio.

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9

Klingenberg, Georg. "Carla Masi Doria, Civitas Operae Obsequium. Tre Studi sulla condizione giuridica dei liberti." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 112, no. 1 (August 1, 1995): 580–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1995.112.1.580.

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10

Rubial García, Antonio. "Civitas Dei et novus orbis. La Jerusalén celeste en la pintura de Nueva España." Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas 20, no. 72 (August 6, 1998): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iie.18703062e.1998.72.1806.

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El tema de la Jerusalén celeste, muy difundido en la la Europa medieval pero prácticamente olvidado por la plástica barroca, es un ejemplo de tema arcaizante que estaba vigente en Nueva España en los siglos XVII y XVIII. Imágenes como la de la Jerusalén apocalíptica encontraron en Nueva España una renovada vitalidad y permitieron a los criollos forjarse un sueño glorioso, una epopeya mística, en que su patria sería reflejo fiel de ese paradigma urbano y teológico.

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11

Brandão, Ricardo Evangelista. "Entre o amor e a soberba: o conceito de justiça do livro XIX do “Sobre a Cidade de Deus”, como chave de interpretação do amor ao próximo no “Comentário à Primeira Epístola de São João” de Agostinho." Civitas Augustiniana 8, no. 1 (2019): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/civitas/8a2.

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Starting from the concept of justice in Book XIX of De civitate Dei, especially whatjustice is "to give to each one what is his", we will investigate the extent to which the love (dilectio) worked in the Commentary on the First Epistle of St. John can be interpreted as social justice. Considering that this Epistle is one of the hardest texts of the collection of love for the Christian in the New Testament, Augustine understands the consequences of abundance and lack of love in an eminently social way, since through love it is impossible to be insensitive before the misery of social injustice, which makes so many miserable. Thus, vera justitiawould be demonstrated by unconditional love of neighbor, not allowing his neighbor to be in miser. However, this aid, moreover, cannot translate into a constant dependence between the aided and the helper, for when this situation of dependence if it is perpetuated, the aided one naturally will nourish a feeling of superiority before the aided one, and the latter will think himself inferior to that which assists him. Sothat the love demonstrated by true justitiais configured in an emergency to get the poor from misery, and continuous rite, to work so that it acquires autonomy and dignity.

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12

Costa, Marcos Roberto Nunes. "F. M. T. RAMOS, A ideia de Estado na doutrina ético-política de Santo Agostinho. Um estudo do Epistolário comparado com o “De civitate Dei”, 2. ed., Letras & Vida, Porto Alegre 2015, 293 p." Civitas Augustiniana 4 (2015): 180–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/civitas/42015a8.

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13

Grążawski, Kazimierz. "The attitude of the Church to the notion of crusades in the times of Christianization of the Old Prussians." Masuro-⁠Warmian Bulletin 293, no. 3 (November 23, 2016): 417–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-135031.

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A theological-philosophical patron of crusades was St. Augustine of Hippo (354-430), one of the Fathers of Church, who in his The City of God (De Civitate Dei) assumed that the human mankind could be divided into two categories – the one constituting the civitas Dei, acting in the name of God, and civitas terrena, including disbelievers and Muslims. According to St. Augustine, the coming of Christ would put an end to the history of humanity – at that time believers would be rewarded with eternal happiness whereas disbelievers would be damned. Only when fighting in the name of God, in the defence of the Church, the knights could be useful for the society. This attitude was represented by Pope Gregory VII (1020-1085). A great propagator of the Augustinian doctrine was St. Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153) who reformed it for the sake of crusades. In his famous In Praise of the New Knighthood (De laude novae militae) he established the rule of the order of the Knights Templar. A motif of the martyr’s death could become a sufficient reason to undertake further actions of Christianisation, having the at the same time eschatological and practical dimension. In the context of an overall crusade movement, the martyrdom of St. Adalbert or Five Martyr Brothers as well as St. Bruno, seems to serve as a symbol and pretext for crusades being rather penitence pilgrimages of reconciliation with redemptory valor. There was nothing more convincing to undertake a military action than a penitential mission ensuring eternal salvation. It is presumed that even in the first period the missionary action might have been conducted by the Płock bishop Alexander of Malonne (1129-1156). On 3 March 1217 Pope Honorius III (1150–1227), presumably on the initiative of the then papal legate in Prussia, the Gniezno archbishop Henryk Kietlicz and bishop Chrystian (1180-1245), allowed the knights of Mazovia and Lesser Poland to organize an expedition to Prussia in return for participation in the Palestinian crusade. As the results of converting pagans by means of sword by Polish or Scandinavian expeditions were rather scarce, the orders were entrusted with a defence and development of the mission of Christianisation. They adopted a strategy to shatter the community of tribes – in Prussia by means of attracting the nobility, in Livonia by formenting discord among tribes.

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14

Sori, Ercole. "Il ciclo neoclassico nelle marche tra economia e societŕ." STORIA URBANA, no. 135 (February 2013): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/su2012-135002.

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Esiste una stretta relazione tra la congiuntura economica e sociale che le Marche attraversano tra gli anni '30-'40 del XVIII secolo e gli anni '70-'80 del XIX, da un lato, e il ciclo edilizio e architettonico del neoclassicismo. Nel passaggio tra XVIII e XIX secolo si verificano rilevanti variazioni quantitative, funzionali e congiunturali nella produzione edilizia: a) diminuzione complessiva degli interventi; b) ridimensionamento della committenza ecclesiastica e nobiliare; c) proliferazione di teatri; d) tenuta degli interventi in attrezzature urbane; e) significative cadute congiunturali (periodo giacobino-napoleonico; gli "anni della fame" 17645-67 e 1816-17). Il neoclassico appare come l'architettura con la quale i centri urbani escono dalle rispettive cinte murarie, relegando tendenzialmente il "vecchio" entro le mura, mentre il nuovo procede speditamente al suo esterno oppure occupa gli "sventramenti" operati nel minuto tessuto edilizio storico. L'effetto depressivo che la caduta dei prezzi agricoli durante la Restaurazione ha sugli investimenti edilizi viene compensata da nuove intenzioni anticicliche, si potrebbe dire quasi "keynesiane". Il ciclo neoclassico si avvale di specifici meccanismi di alimentazione e diffusione territoriale: a) nuovi o potenziati meccanismi di finanziamento: b) competizione e imitazione tra centri urbani, soprattutto in vista della promozione da terra a civitas, e tra centri maggiori e minori. Il risveglio edilizio neoclassico ha bisogno di adeguate interfacce imprenditoriali e manifatturiere nel settore dei materiali da costruzione (fornaci da laterizi e da calce). Ad una modularitŕ "cellulare" del mattone si accompagna una ben piů ampia modularitŕ tipologica, urbanistica e sociale del manufatto neoclassico.

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15

Chadwick, Henry. "Augustinus–Lexikon, I: Fasc. 5/6. Bellum–Civitas Dei. Edited by Cornelius Mayer and others. 319 cols. Basle: Schwabe, 1992. 3 7965 0925 8." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45, no. 3 (July 1994): 534–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900017413.

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16

Robinson, Olivia F. "Eparcheia, autonomia e civitas Romana. Studi sulla giurisdizione criminale dei governatori di provincia (II sec. a.C.–II d.C.), hg. von Dario Mantovani/Luigi Pellecchi." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 130, no. 1 (August 1, 2013): 590–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2013.130.1.590.

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17

Río Vázquez, Antonio Santiago. "Las capillas de las Universidades Laborales como recuperación de la modernidad en la arquitectura española del siglo XX." Actas de Arquitectura Religiosa Contemporánea 2, no. 2 (October 29, 2013): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/aarc.2011.2.2.5058.

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Las Universidades Laborales forman un conjunto singular dentro de la historia de la arquitectura española del siglo veinte debido a las circunstancias políticas y sociales en las que surgieron. Siguiendo los principios ideológicos falangistas y los del nacional catolicismo, se plantea como esencial la existencia de un espacio dedicado al culto, como complemento de la función docente en el diseño pedagógico y arquitectónico de los nuevos centros.Las necesidades programáticas demandadas por estos centros precisan de una respuesta arquitectónica hasta el momento inexistente y difícilmente resoluble con las metodologías anteriores. Los primeros intentos para dotar de una expresión formal y funcional adecuada a las Universidades Laborales ofrecen una clara confrontación entre clasicismo y modernidad, con la figura de Luis Moya como cruzado antimoderno cuya propuestas se materializarán como un modelo de ciudad ideal –vinculada a la Civitas Dei–, dónde la capilla se convierte en elemento capital y articulador del conjunto.Con los concursos para la realización de nuevas Universidades Laborales convocados a partir de 1960, la arquitectura moderna sentirá el empujón definitivo, estableciéndose como la única solución posible de abordar el proyecto. Estas «máquinas para aprender» serán propuestas formuladas en el momento de recuperación de la modernidad en nuestro país, de la mano de arquitectos cuyo oficio ofrece garantías de soluciones más que correctas. La revisión y análisis de sus capillas permiten entender cómo un programa religioso similar se hará espacio sagrado a través de la introducción en el proyecto de aspectos lingüísticos, vernaculares y simbólicos, haciendo evolucionar y enriqueciendo con ello la arquitectura moderna española de la segunda mitad del siglo veinte.

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18

Castanò, Francesca. "The Charterhouse of St. Lorenzo in Padula, an ideal mystical city of modern Campania." Resourceedings 2, no. 3 (November 12, 2019): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21625/resourceedings.v2i3.625.

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The essay explores the characteristics and themes of architecture related to Benedictine monastic life in the territories of Cilento and Vallo di Diano. The influences coming from the East and from beyond the Alps are adapted to local traditions without imitating early Christian models, as happens in other areas of Campania. The classical Greek elements acquire greater importance than the Roman universe. The previous buildings adapt to the western world and create heterogeneous hybrids that cannot be easily classified. The Carthusians introduce models that are consistent with a new formulation of the concept of the ideal city. The essay aims to analyze specifically the Certosa di Padula, in the heart of the Vallo di Diano, from the act of its foundation at the beginning of the fourteenth century until the impressive renovations during the eighteenth century. The monastic complex does not present itself as a safe haven from the perils of the world but becomes a spiritual place, the anticipation of Paradise on earth. On the one hand, respect for the strict rule of San Brunone and, on the other, constant interaction with the surrounding territory. The monastery constitutes a new type of polis. An ideality regulated by a rigid separation of the cloistered environments intended for the contemplation of the monks and those dedicated to community life. The boundary between the hermit's life in the upper domus and the cenobitic life in the lower domus is marked by the desertum, the large cultivated green space that gives access to the Civitas Dei, announced by the cartouche of the threshold "Felix coeli porta". The architectural structure of the Certosa di Padula, born on the basis of the models of Trisulti in Lazio and the motherhouse of Grenoble, reflects and embodies that ideal mystical city as declined by Thomas More who saw in monastic customs the foundation of Utopia.

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19

Lawless, George. "Augustine’s De Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 34, no. 1 (1994): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm199434133.

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Marafioti, Domenico. "Come Leggere Il De Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 53, no. 2 (2013): 441–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201353225.

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21

Moon, Si Young. "Augustine’s Social Ethics in De civitate Dei." Christian Social Ethics 41 (August 30, 2018): 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.21050/cse.2018.41.03.

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22

David, Barry A. "Divine Foreknowledge in De civitate Dei 5.9." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 75, no. 4 (2001): 479–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq200175445.

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Grossi, V. "Una recente traduzione del De civitate dei." Augustinianum 52, no. 2 (2012): 467–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201252222.

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ADAMS, MARIA THEOTOKOS. "BONAVENTURE PONDERING WITH AUGUSTINE: DE CIVITATE DEI 11.2 AND THE MAKING OF THE ITINERARIUM MENTIS IN DEUM." Traditio 75 (2020): 253–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2020.9.

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This article presents Augustine's De civitate Dei 11.2 as a valuable but overlooked source of influence on Bonaventure's making of the Itinerarium mentis in Deum. First, a detailed exposition analyzes the structure and content of Augustine's compact mystical treatise on the “ascent of the mind to God” located at the turning points of his magnum opus. Second, a study of the prologue of the Itinerarium mentis in Deum demonstrates how this passage informed Bonaventure's conception of his unique project. Third, the article offers support for his explicit reception of De civitate Dei — and Book 11 in particular — through an annotated summary of Bonaventure's references to the work in his earlier and later written corpus. Initial findings present how Anonymi Contra philosophos appears to have functioned as a privileged point for reception of De civitate Dei 11.2 among the early Franciscans scholastics from Alexander of Hales to Bonaventure and Matthew of Aquasparta. The present research also offers a fresh case study through which to modify the central claims of Lydia Schumacher's scholarship on the Bonaventurean use of Augustine and the nature of early Franciscan theology. The closing section explores some of the possible influences shaping this approach. Finally, this article invites medievalists to expand their expectations of how De civitate Dei 11 may have communicated Augustine's thought through diverse forms of Franciscan reception and wide-ranging applications beyond the academy.

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Symcox, Geoffrey, and Luciano Guerci. "Nuova storia universale dei popoli e delle civilta." American Historical Review 92, no. 5 (December 1987): 1198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868520.

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Gorman, Michael M. "The oldest annotations on Augustine's De civitate Dei." Augustinianum 46, no. 2 (2006): 457–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm200646225.

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Alexanderson, Bengt. "Books 1-16 of the De Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 50, no. 2 (2010): 491–541. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201050218.

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The paper discusses how the oldest manuscripts (L, C, V) of De civitate Dei are related to the more recent ones. The problems that emerge concern theexistence of an archetype; the relationship between L and C; the question whether the earlier manuscripts may be right (they sometimes are). In quite a few passages the readings preferred by editors are questionable, and others are proposed. It is shown that interpolation and revision of the text play an important role, and that the context must take priority in attempting to establish the text. We should not put excessive trust in the older manuscripts, yet, at the same time, we should be aware of the uncertainty of our choices.

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Skar, Øystein. "Augustin: De civitate Dei. Gudsstaten eller Guds by." Norsk filosofisk tidsskrift 38, no. 01-02 (April 26, 2003): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-2901-2003-01-02-16.

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29

Kim, Jong-Hee. "Universal History and Redemptive History in Augustine's De Civitate Dei." Bible & Theology 76 (October 30, 2015): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.17156/bt.76.07.

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30

Fidelibus, Giuseppe. "Grazia e storicità nel disegno del De Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 40, no. 1 (2000): 225–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm200040114.

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Hubeñak, Florencio. "La influencia de Dionisio Areopagita en la Civitate Dei." Revista Española de Derecho Canónico 70, no. 174 (January 1, 2013): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.36576/summa.31343.

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32

Епифанова, Tatyana Epifanova, Буреев, and Aleksandr Bureev. "DIVINE LAW IN SAINT AUGUSTINE´S DE CIVITATE DEI (354-430)." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 6 (November 27, 2015): 231–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/16835.

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The article deals with the content and structure of the concept of divine law, its action in space and time, relationship with justice in one of the major works of the undivided Christian church of Father Augustine (354 — 430). The concept of divine law of Aurelius Augustine defines it as the will of the Christian God, the eternal unchanging truth which extends to the inhabitants of God and the earthly city, their community and regulatory relations, based on the criterion of justice. In the earthly city divine law takes the form of positive law, hierarchical structure, as well as time and historical performance.

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Eguiarte B., Enrique A. "Exegesis Agustiniana en el Libro XV del De Civitate Dei." Mayéutica 40, no. 90 (2014): 263–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2014409016.

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Lettieri, Gaetano. "A Proposito del Concetto di Saeculum nel De Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 26, no. 3 (1986): 481–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm198626340.

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Lipiński, Dawid. "Pole semantyczne choroby w De civitate Dei Augustyna z Hippony." Linguistica Copernicana 6, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/lincop.2011.035.

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Sérvulo, Mariana. "A ÉTICA EM AGOSTINHO A PARTIR DE DUAS SIMILITUDES TRINITÁRIAS: A Filosofia (Física, Lógica, Ética) e a trindade do conhecimento de si (memoria, intellegentia, voluntas)." Veritas (Porto Alegre) 40, no. 159 (December 31, 1995): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-6746.1995.159.35986.

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Horn, Christoph. "Qual é o significado do cogito : De civitate Dei XI 26." Veritas (Porto Alegre) 51, no. 4 (December 1, 2006): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-6746.2006.4.34448.

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Diferentes interpretações foram oferecidas ao argumento agostiniano do cogito, tradicionalmente preocupadas com as possíveis semelhanças entre esse e o cogito, (ergo) sum de Descartes. Centrando-se em De civitate Dei XI 26, o autor oferece uma análise minuciosa do tema em Agostinho, considerando três aspectos: o tema da relação entre o cogito cartesiano e o agostiniano, o lugar do argumento agostiniano no contexto da filosofia da Antiguidade Tardia, o sentido do argumento do cogito no pensamento do próprio Agostinho.

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Fiorentino, Francesco. "La recente edizione di una traduzione trecentesca del de Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 56, no. 1 (2016): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20165619.

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This article presents the recent edition which the research team, direct-ed by Olivier Bertrand, undertook in order to give back to the schol-arly community concerned with Augustine of Hippo the translation, in Middle French, by Raoul de Presles (1371-1375) of De civitate Dei commissioned by Charles V, the Good, King of France, while he was involved in the recapture of Brittany after the Treaty of Bretigny dur-ing the Hundred Years’ War. This translation, which originally enjoyed an enormous market success, has finally appeared in a critical edition consisting of five volumes. Until now, only the first two volumes have been available, containing, respectively, books I-III and IV-V.

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Im, Il-Ho. "The Relation between St. Augustine s ‘divine illumination’ and ‘Civitate Dei’." Korean Society for the Study of Moral Education 31, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17715/jme.2019.6.31.2.43.

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TRIVIÑO CUÉLLAR, Jonathan. "Investigación agustiniana sobre el tiempo en De Genesi ad litteram y De civitate Dei / Augustine on Time in De Genesi ad Litteram and De Civitate Dei." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 22 (January 1, 2015): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v22i.6215.

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The issue of time appears in the analysis that the Bishop of Hippo makes of the account of creation in Genesis, and offers better understanding the nature of created things and with them, created time. The way Augustine understands reality allows us to understand his interpretation of Genesis, which enriches the treatise’s view of time in Book XI of Confessiones, since in De Genesi ad litteram and De civitate Dei Augustine addresses time, not as experiences the soul, but as a creature made with other creatures, and linked to change and movement.

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Vicario, Federico. "Il catalogo di donne di venzone (sec. XIV)." Linguistica 49, no. 1 (December 29, 2009): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.49.1.161-176.

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Nell’articolo si presenta l’edizione di un documento friulano tardomedievale, il catalogo di donne di venzone (sec. Xiv), un documento conservato presso la Biblioteca Civica di Udine «V. Joppi». All’edizione, diplomatica, segue un commento linguistico, in particolare sull’onomastica personale, sul lessico comune e sulla toponomastica; l’esame del testo consente di isolare numerosi elementi di interesse, nomi femminili e maschili, ma anche nomi di mestiere e funzione, che costituiscono gli antecedenti di numerosi cognomi moderni.Si conferma l’importanza fondamentale dello studio sistematico delle carte friulane di uso pratico, come quelle qui presentate, operazione preliminare e indispensabile al fine di avviare, in seguito, opere di lessicografia di ampia prospettiva, in primis la redazione di un dizionario storico comprensivo delle forme antiche. Sembra quest’ultimo un obiettivo ormai alla portata, potendo contare sui progressi che la disciplina ha compiuto negli ultimi anni, con lo svolgimento di un vasto progetto di ricognizione dei fondi archivistici di tutto il Friuli storico promosso dalla Società Filologica Friulana e dal Ministero per i Beni culturali (documenti antichi dagli archivi friulani). Ai positivi risultati ottenuti con lo svolgimento di questo progetto si aggiungono le numerose edizioni realizzate su fondi manoscritti conservati in alcuni degli enti conservatori più importanti della regione, a partire ancora dai materiali antichi depositati presso la Biblioteca Civica di Udine.

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Rusconi, Gian Enrico. "RAZIONALITÀ POLITICA, VIRTÙ CIVICA E IDENTITÀ NAZIONALE." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 24, no. 1 (April 1994): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004884020002267x.

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IntroduzioneLa democrazia ideale è quella che combina funzionalità istituzionale, efficienza economico-amministrativa con il consenso e il lealismo dei cittadini. Quando un sistema democratico realizza queste condizioni ottimali, può dirsi un modello di razionalità politica. Naturalmente le democrazie realmente esistenti sono lontane da questo modello. Molte sono inefficienti nei loro apparati istituzionali, hanno cattive prestazioni amministrative, con pesanti conseguenze economiche e sociali e contraccolpi negativi in termini di consenso. È il caso della democrazia italiana da anni viziata da inefficienze e disfunzionalità che, aggravate da sistematici meccanismi di corruzione, hanno dato luogo a fenomeni di disaffezione civico-politica senza precedenti.

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Paltrinieri, Roberta. "L'uso dei beni: il rapporto tra consumi e felicitŕ." SOCIOLOGIA DEL LAVORO, no. 116 (April 2010): 118–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sl2009-116011.

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Il saggio discute sull'attualitŕ dell'homo oeconomicus e sulla teoria del consumo di matrice economica, proponendo alcune riflessioni sociologiche sui modelli di consumo nella societŕ globale alternative a quelle proposte dall'economia. A partire dai processi di individualizzazione si profila una nuova soggettivitŕ capace di scegliere responsabilmente, che fonda una teoria dell'azione valida per l'economia della responsabilitŕ sociale. Il cittadino-consumatore come homo civicus, cioč come soggetto dotato di senso morale diventa il presupposto per modelli di sviluppo economici e sociali sostenibili e comprensivi.

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Eguiarte B., Enrique A. "Exégesis agustiniana en los libros XVI y XVII del De civitate Dei." Mayéutica 38, no. 85 (2012): 111–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2012388516.

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Buzykina, I. N. "Roman Virtues in the Christian Context of St Augustine’s De Civitate Dei." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 4, no. 3 (September 28, 2020): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-3-15-62-75.

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The topic of this paper is the continuity of major religious, moral and ethical concepts of Roman culture in following periods. These are the virtues of the citizen, namely virtus, fides and pietas — which distinguish the Roman citizen as a brave warrior, honest magistrate and pious pater familias. The central one was the duty to the City. Some traces of this tradition can be observed in the most influental sources of the Christian Patristic period, although the very intention of morals has changed: res publica, a common/communal duty, was replaced by the adoration of God. With the view to a representative research, De Civitate Dei by Saint Augustine, the most famous Christian treatise dealing with the state, civic rights, state religion, authority etc. was analyzed. On the one hand, this great book provides multiple suitable illustrations for almost every feature of the continuity between the Ancient pagan culture and Christian intellectual one. On the other hand, it isn’t just a plain comparison of loci classici in pagan and Christian context, one can find the origins of a completely new approach to the world history, which had had an influence on minds of further generations of Christian theologians in Middle Ages and later periods.

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Burns, Paul C. "Augustine’s use of Varro’s Antiquitates Rerum Divinarum in his De Civitate Dei." Augustinian Studies 32, no. 1 (2001): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies20013213.

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Baker-Smith, Dominic. "Who Went to Thomas More's Lectures on St Augustine's De Civitate Dei?" Church History and Religious Culture 87, no. 2 (2007): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124207x189721.

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AbstractIn 1501 omas More, newly qualified as a barrister, delivered a series of lectures on St Augustine's De Civitate Dei to a select audience in the London church of St Lawrence Jewry. To Erasmus, looking back some years later, what was striking was the contrast between the youthful speaker and the established clergy, lawyers, and higher civil servants who came to hear him. In fact the lectures can be seen as the fulfilment of a native tradition of lay piety, that of the "medled" or mixed life which combined spiritual culture with civic responsibility. In More's case it provided a fertile ground for the reception of humanist ideals.

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Eno, Robert B. "Theology of Social Life in Augustine's "De civitate Dei." by Miikka Ruokanen." Catholic Historical Review 81, no. 1 (1995): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1995.0180.

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Hoffmann, Heinz. "Differenzen zwischen Augustin und Eckhart in der Beurteilung des epikureischen Lustbegriffs." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 11 (December 31, 2006): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.11.05hof.

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Eckhart describes lust as a principle of life in his German Sermon 63. The examples he mentions indicate that he was inspired by his reading of Augustine’s De civitate dei. But while Augustine condemns the Epicurean concept of pleasure emphatically, Eckhart – by contrast – admits that pleasure has an eminent positive value because it is the goal of creation.

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Marina, Spada. "Cinema e femminilitŕ: conversando con Marina Spada." EDUCAZIONE SENTIMENTALE, no. 18 (September 2012): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/eds2012-018014.

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L'incontro con Marina Spada, regista del cinema milanese e docente da 20 anni presso la Civica Scuola di Cinema di Milano, ci conduce con felice immediatezza nella tensione creativa di un set cinematografico, consentendo di approfondire alcuni tratti specifici dell'industria culturale contemporanea interconnessi con l'espressione dei valori della femminilitŕ. Donna e cinema nella testimonianza di Marina Spada č un'equazione con piů significati, dei quali, con alta probabilitŕ, il piů rilevante per la nostra ospite č una sorta di circolo virtuoso tra l'amore per il proprio lavoro di quest'artista e l'amore per i collaboratori con i quali condivide la gioia profonda di fare cinema.

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