Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Class of 1838'

Uppsatsen undersökte handstickningens sociala status under åren 1838–1845 via stickhandböcker som publicerades kring de brittiska öarna under den nämnda tiden. Studien har genomförts med en kvalitativ textanalys av totalt 5 olika stickböcker och författare. Syftet var att utröna stickningens sociala status med hjälp av stickböckernas tilltänkta målgrupp, författarnas egna noteringar om stickningen, stickbeskrivningarnas inriktning och materialanvändningen för framförandet av stickbeskrivningarna. Resultatet blev att handböckerna riktade sig till de övre klasserna av samhället och framförallt var målgruppen för böckerna kvinnor. Materialanvändningen i handböckerna visade till största del på exklusiva material och stickbeskrivningar var ofta dekorativa. Stickningen blev klassat högt i status under tiden, inom den kvinnliga sfären, då utförandet av tekniken sågs som en fritidssysselsättning och ansågs som ett värdigt utförande för damer.

From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.

Edouard Manet's paintings of working-class women reflect the dramatic social changes which occurred in Paris during the late nineteenth century. This thesis examines Manet's paintings which represent some of the sites of femininity within modern Paris: the home and garden, the prostitute's bedroom, and the new public sphere of the boulevards and cafes. With references to contemporary writings and social histories, the result of this study is a more profound understanding of how Modernism affected women's lives and the way in which they were represented in art.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze the relation of similarity, complementarity and difference between the concepts of alienation and commodity fetishism, as were themed by the thought of Karl Marx. Marx makes a critique concerning the forms of being alienated and fetishized of capitalist society; of Politics, Economics, Philosophy, Science, Art, Morals etc., in analogy with Feuerbach's critique of religious alienation. In this perspective, in the first chapter we discussed the Feuerbachian criticism to the structure of religious alienation, and then, we investigate, in a comparative way, the manner in which Marx uses it to elaborate the critique of modern political society, which found in the philosophy speculative Hegelian the deeper and systematic explanation of its legal and political principles as such. In the second chapter, we analyze how Marx understood the phenomena social, materials and economical alienated of the capitalist society, which is based on alienated labor from the meeting with the thought of bourgeois political economy, conceived in analogy with the Feuerbachian criticism about the religion. Lastly, in the third chapter, we discussed the constitution of the human condition through the active and conscious relation between man and nature, mediated by the living labor subsumed to the principle of capital. Thus, we investigate the relation of alienation with the concept of commodity fetishism by the advance of Marxian inquiry about the criticism of political economy.
O propósito desta investigação remete-se para análise da relação de similaridade, complementariedade e diferença entre os conceitos de alienação e fetichismo da mercadoria, tal como foram tematizados pelo pensamento de Karl Marx. Marx realiza uma crítica às formas de ser alienadas e fetichizadas da sociedade capitalista; à politica, à economia, à filosofia, à ciência, à arte, à moral, etc, em analogia com a crítica feuerbachiana da alienação religiosa. Nesta perspectiva, abordamos, no primeiro capítulo, a crítica feuerbachiana à estrutura da alienação religiosa, e, em seguida, investigamos, de forma comparativa, a maneira com que Marx a utiliza para elaborar a crítica à sociedade política moderna, que teve na filosofia especulativa hegeliana a explicitação mais profunda e sistemática dos seus princípios jurídicos e políticos enquanto tais. No segundo capítulo, analisamos a maneira como Marx apreendeu os fenômenos sociais, materiais e econômicos alienados da sociedade capitalista, fundada no trabalho alienado a partir do encontro com o pensamento da economia política burguesa, pensada em analogia com a crítica feuerbachiana da religião. Enfim, no terceiro capítulo, tematizamos a constituição da condição humana por meio da relação ativa e consciente do homem com a natureza, mediada pelo trabalho vivo subsumido ao princípio do capital. Assim, investigamos a relação da alienação com o conceito de fetichismo da mercadoria mediante o avanço da inquirição marxiana sobre a crítica da economia política.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
O propósito desta dissertação é apresentar uma análise da pobreza e da mobilidade social na obra de Eça de Queirós no período de 1878 a 1888. Para tanto, examinaremos os personagens pobres, refletindo sobre seu papel na diegese, sua construção no texto e sua influência na concepção artística do autor; sobre a subjacente visão de mundo que nelas se expressa; e, finalmente, confrontamo-las, enquadradas no que tem sido considerado estética realista-naturalista. Esta pesquisa justifica-se pela proposta de criação de um novo foco de análise dentro da crítica queirosiana: aquele voltado às personagens que se dedicam de modo específico ao trabalho, e, ao fazê-lo, revelar a perspectiva do romancista relativamente à sociedade e ao momento histórico. O estudo que fazemos de alguns estratos sociais pouco valorizados (o pessoal doméstico, por exemplo) é uma lacuna nos estudos queirosianos. Algumas das personagens que acompanhamos passam quase despercebidas nos romances. Com exceção de Juliana, de O primo Basílio, têm intervenção mínima na ação. Ainda assim têm uma caracterização bastante elaborada, mesmo que por vezes com poucos traços, e não deixam de compor uma visão mais alargada da sociedade portuguesa do século XIX, desmentindo a ideia ainda hoje corrente de que Eça teria posto nos seus livros apenas os extratos sociais privilegiados de seu tempo. Para além da designação tão vaga de crítico social, Eça testemunhou um processo de transformação de um mundo em ruínas, que já não podia mais ser o que sempre fora
The purpose of this dissertation is to present an analysis of poverty and social mobility in the Eça de Queirozs production from 1878 to 1888. To do that, we will examine the poor characters, reflecting on their role in the diegesis, their construction in the text and their influence on the authors artistic conception; on the underlying view of the world expressed in them and, finally, we will compare those characters, based on what has been considered a realistic-naturalistic aesthetics. This research is justified by the proposal of a new focus of analysis within the critical brought up by Eça de Queiroz, which highlight the characters from the working classes. Therefore, we will expose the writers perspective about the society and the historical moment. This study on some less valued classes (the household, for example) is a gap in works about Eça de Queiroz. Some of the characters we examine are almost unnoticed in his novels. Except for Juliana, from O Primo Basilio, they hardly interfere in the action. Nevertheless, they are detailed characterized, even if sometimes with a few features, and they compose a broader view of the Portuguese society of the 19th century, denying the idea that Eça put in his books only the privileged social classes of his time. Beyond the vague designation of "social critic", Eça witnessed a world in a process of transformation, which could no longer be what it used to be

This study of the theatre of the British Labour Movement had its roots in 1985 when History Workshop published a collection of documents relating to the Workers' Theatre Movements in Britain and America between 1880 and 1935. In his introductory essay in Theatres of the Left, Raphael Samuel concludes that there are no traditions in British Labour Theatre except those which have been broken or lost, that There is no continuous history of socialist or alternative history to be discovered, rather a succession of moments separated from one another by a rupture (1). Since this conclusion was reached, others have repeated Samuel's assertion in varying forms. So, Andrew Davies talks of "scanty Chartist theatrical activity" and of the mainstream lab6ur movement in the 1920s remaining "uninterested in cultural matters" and Ian Saville asserts that the conception of a partisan, organised theatre devoted to spreading the socialist message throughout the working classes only began to take shape in Britain in the mid-1920s (2). Yet a cursory glance at the theatre which preceded the Workers' Theatre Movement, a glance which Raphael Samuel provides in his introductory essay on theatre and socialism in Britain, reveals I a plethora of activity in the labour movement. From the Chartists and the Owlenites in the nineteenth century, through the Socialist Sunday Schools and the Socialist League to the Clarion movement, the Independent Labour Party and the Labour Party, the theatrical activity pointed to by Samuel is startling in comparison to anything we can see today. What follows is an attempt to look at some of those moments, to look at the plays they produced and at both how and why working class political organisations looked to the theatre, to try to ascertain if they were indeed no more than broken threads and if so to try to account for why this may be the case. It is also an attempt to re-examine some of our notions of what is political theatre, for since the discovery of the work of the Workers' Theatre Movement and subsequently of the Actresses Franchise League much has been made of these as the starting point of political theatre in Britain. Yet, for a country with one of the longest traditions of organised working class movements, such assertions seem at best strange, at worst dishonest. One clue as to the reason for such claims can be found in the characterisation of the theatre of the organised working class prior to the Workers' Theatre Movement which has become common currency. It was, in the words of Colin Chambers, primarily of ethical and anti-militarist rather than directly political", or in the words of Raphael Samuel: First, the belief that it is their mission to bring the working class into contact with "great" art (ie capitalist art) and second, the tendency to produce plays which may deal with the misery of the workerss may even deal with the class struggleg but which show no way out, and which therefore spread a feeling of defeat and despair (3). Such definitions of what is (or rather what is not) political theatre rest very heavily on a notion that political is most importantly propaganda. If the theatre that existed in connection with political organisations prior to 1926 was not propagandist then it follows for some that it was not political. What follows is therefore also an attempt to uncover a different approach, by looking at the groups own justifications for their involvement in theatrical ventures as part of the struggle for socialism.

La théorie de la valeur-travail élaborée par l'économiste anglais David Ricardo (1772-1823) a rapidement été mise à profit par les théoriciens socialistes afin de démontrer l'iniquité du salariat et pour donner une base à un système socialiste de production et d'échange ; Karl Marx (1818-1883) l'a subséquemment développée à titre d'explication de l'ensemble du processus de la production capitaliste, il en a fait le principe de la lutte des classes. Rédigée dans une perspective contextualiste, cette thèse vise donc à démontrer minutieusement, par la théorie et par l'histoire à la fois, que Marx emploie intentionnellement la théorie économique ricardienne dans le Capital afin de convaincre son premier public, principalement composé des membres de l'école historique d'économie politique allemande (« Historische Schule der Nationalökonomie »), de l'antagonisme nécessaire des intérêts de classes. Mais cette thèse vise également à démontrer l'insuffisance fondamentale de l'interprétation hégélienne du Capital. Cette interprétation présente non seulement des difficultés exégétiques rédhibitoires, mais elle nuit malheureusement à la bonne compréhension des textes de Marx et de Hegel. Marx pense la lutte des classes en termes ricardiens et non pas en termes hégéliens. Et contrairement à ce l'on a d'abord proclamé au début du XXe siècle, la compréhension du Capital n'exige pas la compréhension de la philosophie de Hegel. En renouant dans cette thèse avec l'interprétation ricardienne du Capital, nous renouons avec la seule interprétation que Marx a lui-même publiquement et officiellement entérinée de son ouvrage — un fait historique avéré que la majorité des interprètes du Capital persiste encore aujourd'hui à ignorer. En soi, l'interprétation ricardienne du Capital n'est donc ni originale ni nouvelle. Elle ne possède pas non plus de panache philosophique. En revanche, elle a été corroborée par Marx, ce qui constitue un moyen sûr de réfuter ou d'écarter définitivement certaines interprétations que l'on a parfois données du Capital au cours du XXe siècle, a fortiori son interprétation hégélienne, et de contribuer par là à l'avancement des études marxiennes. En plus de rappeler, de revaloriser et de revendiquer l'héritage ricardien de Marx à l'aide d'un luxe inédit de précisions théoriques et historiques, cette thèse propose enfin de réinsérer la pensée économique et politique de Hegel dans la tradition caméraliste allemande (« Kameralwissenschaften »), une tradition intellectuelle à laquelle les interprètes hégéliens du Capital ont arraché Hegel afin de téléologiquement faire de lui le précurseur de Marx.

This thesis argues that the colonial ruling class developed its first White Australia policy in 1888, creating most of the precedents for the federal legislation of 1901. White Australia was central to the making of the Australian working class, to the shaping of Australian nationalism, and the development of federal political institutions. It has long been understood as a product of labour movement mobilising, but this thesis rejects that approach, arguing that the labour movement lacked the power to impose such a fundamental national policy, and that the key decisions which led to White Australia were demonstrably not products of labour movement action. ¶ It finds three great ruling class agendas behind the decisions to exclude Chinese immigrants, and severely limit the use of indentured “coloured labour”. Chinese people were seen as a strategic threat to Anglo-Australian control of the continent, and this fear was sharpened in the mid-1880s when China was seen as a rising military power, and a necessary ally for Britain in its global rivalry with Russia. The second ruling class agenda was the building of a modern industrial economy, which might be threatened by industries resting on indentured labour in the north. The third agenda was the desire to construct an homogenous people, which was seen as necessary for containing social discontent and allowing “free institutions”, such as parliamentary democracy. ¶ These agendas, and the ruling class interests behind them, challenged other major ruling class interests and ideologies. The result was a series of dilemmas and conflicts within the ruling class, and the resolution of these moved the colonial governments towards the White Australia policy of 1901. The thesis therefore describes the conflict over the use of Pacific Islanders by pastoralists in Queensland, the campaign for indentured Indian labour by sugar planters and the radical strategy of submerging this into a campaign for North Queensland separation, and the strike and anti-Chinese campaign in opposition to the use of Chinese workers by the Australasian Steam Navigation Company in 1878. The first White Australia policy of 1888 was the outcome of three separate struggles by the majority of the Anglo-Australian ruling class—to narrowly restrict the use of indentured labour in Queensland, to assert the right of the colonies to decide their collective immigration policies independently of Britain, and to force South Australia to accept the end of Chinese immigration into its Northern Territory. The dominant elements in the ruling class had already agreed that any serious move towards federation was to be conditional on the building of a white, predominantly British, population across the whole continent, and in 1888 they imposed that policy on their own societies and the British government.

La ricerca indaga tensioni e trasformazioni che investono le principali correnti di pensiero politico in Francia nei primi anni della monarchia di Luglio, e vi osserva l’emergere del concetto di classe. Assumendo la dimensione dell’avvenimento come punto di intersezione fra storia e teoria, l’elaborato si concentra sul periodo novembre 1831-giugno 1832 per analizzare il modo in cui, nell’ordine del discorso politico repubblicano, liberale e socialista, le vicende di questi mesi vengono interpretate cercando di dar nome alle figure sociali che esse fanno irrompere nel dibattito pubblico. Il titolo Fra il nome e la storia fa dunque riferimento allo sforzo di indagare il campo di tensione che si apre fra concreto divenire storico e grandi operazioni di nominazione che segnano l’affiorare di strutture concettuali della lunga durata. L’emergere della nozione di classe operaia e delle categorie che intorno a essa si organizzano viene interpretata come una «formazione discorsiva» che pone in questione significato e confini del politico. La frattura del 1848 è assunta come orizzonte e margine esterno della ricerca nella misura in cui si ipotizza che essa segni una prima affermazione del regime di verità di tale formazione discorsiva: lo statuto politico del lavoro. L’elaborato consta di quattro capitoli. I primi tre indagano la riflessione sul politico e la funzione che in essa svolge il concetto di classe a partire dall’interpretazione di alcuni avvenimenti del tornante 1831-32 proposta nel discorso repubblicano del quotidiano «Le National» e della Société des Amis du Peuple, in quello del liberalismo dottrinario di François Guizot e in quello socialista nascente, prima del movimento sansimoniano, e poi muovendo fino al 1848 francese con l’analisi propostane da Karl Marx. Il quarto capitolo indaga infine la dimensione del «sociale», la sua elaborazione e articolazione attraverso il lavoro di studio e oggettivazione delle figure del mondo del lavoro.
The research investigates the tensions and transformations of the main streams of political thought in France, considering the emergence of the notion of class. Starting from a conception of event as a point of intersection between history and theory, the dissertation focuses on the period November 1831-June 1832 in order to analyze how republican, liberal and socialist discourses interpreted the events unfolding during those months in the attempt of naming the social figures that swarmed in the public debate. The title Between the Name and the History hence refers to the analysis of the field of tension that emerges between the concrete historical becoming and the naming operations that signal the rise of long-lasting conceptual structures. The dissertation understands the appearance of the notion of working class as a «discursive formation» that questions the boundaries of the political. The 1848 break is taken as the horizon and external limit of the dissertation, since the research hypothesizes this rift as a first utterance of the regime of truth belonging to this discursive formation: the political statute of labor. The dissertation consists of four chapters. The first three chapters investigate the reflections on the political and the function of the concept of class in these reflections, triggered by some events occurring in 1831-1832. The first chapter analyzes the rhetoric emerging in the republican discourse, particularly in the newspaper National and in the Société des Amis du Peuple. The second chapter examines the reflections that sprung from the doctrinaire liberalism discourse of Guizot. The third chapter investigates the considerations of the rising socialist discourse: from the saint-simonian movement to Marx’s analysis of 1848 in France. The fourth chapter is centered upon the «social» dimension: namely, its elaboration and articulation through the study and the objectification of different figures in the realm of labor.

This thesis examines the experiences of the inhabitants of St. Vincent during the first fifty years of freedom. It examines social changes, work opportunities and areas of conflicts that developed during the period. It also details the effects of the declining economy on the islanders. The main subjects of the thesis are the agricultural labourers who were freed from slavery. It investigates their working lives, their attempts to achieve independent status as freeholders and their family and religious experiences. It also examines the changing attitudes towards them that were held by the planter class, the clergy and colonial officials, and how these views influenced the formation of a free society. In particular, the thesis investigates how perspectives of race, class and gender differed within the island, and how these divergencies created hostilities between different social groups often leading to unrest. While the main focus of the thesis is St. Vincent, it also compares conditions in St. Vincent with other Caribbean islands and Britain. This has helped illustrate how some local conditions, such as the lack of available land, ineffective plantation management and economic factors, reduced the opportunities for the freed people of St. Vincent. However, it also illustrates a commonality of experiences among the poor in both the Caribbean and Britain. It illustrates how the lives of the poor in the Caribbean were often restricted by the same class and gender biases experienced in Britain, as well as by racial prejudices held by the ruling authorities. The thesis relies on a variety of source material. Most of the primary sources were official Colonial Office dispatches, newspapers and Wesleyan missionary letters and reports. Throughout the thesis, I have questioned the motivations of the writers of these documents and interpreted the discourses they employed. I have also attempted to place the findings of my research within current debates among Caribbean historians of the postemancipation period to illustrate the importance of further gender analysis and research.

The observation that middle class parents tend to have middle class children is rather obvious. Why this is so has been the subject of less research than the fact that it is so. Using the National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH), I employ theories about social class reproduction to examine and evaluate a model that scrutinizes the influence of self-efficacy and self-esteem on college completion or current enrollment and investigate gender differences. I find that self-esteem and self-efficacy play a vital role in social class outcomes. However, I find no evidence of gender differences in the social class reproduction process. Implications for these findings are discussed and directions for future research are briefly outlined. Particular attention is paid to the importance of the social class reproduction framework and the role that children, combined with parents, play in the process of social class reproduction.

This thesis will re-evaluate the Chartist movement through research into day-to-day practice in four areas: sociability, material networks, gender and political subjectivity. It will demonstrate that Chartism's activism and the everyday lives of its members were indistinct. In the early years of the movement and the years preceding it, activism and political thought engaged with the quotidian to successfully build a movement that was not only relevant to but an integral part of people's everyday lives. This thesis will analyse how this interaction was not limited to Chartist activists politicising everyday grievances, but also how day-to-day practices and relationships contributed to the infrastructure, intellectual culture and political programme of the movement. This thesis will make original contributions to a number of debates. It challenges the dominant view of Chartism as first and foremost a political movement distinct from its social conditions. It will be argued that this dichotomy between the political and the social cannot be sustained, and it will be shown that activists were most successful when they drew from and were part of society. It will criticise the related trend in studies of Chartism and Radicalism to focus on political identity, meaning and forms of communication. It will argue that these topics are valuable, but need to be seen within a wider existential framework and integrated with an approach that sees cultural activity as one part of a range of activities. As such, it will illustrate the ways that cultural practices are bound with social relationships. Following this, it will make the case for practice to be looked at not just in symbolic or ritualistic terms but also in terms of day-to-day activities that were crucial for the development and maintenance of political movements. It will be argued that prosaic, mundane and day-to-day activities are integral aspects of social movements and as such are worthwhile areas of research. Finally, it will add to our understanding of Chartism by providing biographical information on Henry Vincent, an under-researched figure, and the south west and west of England, under-researched regions. This thesis is organised into two parts. The first will follow the work of activists in developing Chartism in the south west of England from the end of the Swing Riots until the Chartist Convention of 1839. Here it will be argued that Chartism relied upon a close and intensive interaction between activists and the communities they were politicising, with the result being that the movement was coloured by the politics, intellectual culture and practices of those communities. The second section will look at how the private lives and social networks of individual activists were integral to their political ideas, rhetoric and capacity to work as activists. Correspondence, documents produced by the state, the radical press and the internal records of the Chartist movement all shed light on the way everyday life and political thought and action merged.

Created in 1806 by Napoleon, the conseil des prud'hommes were municipal labour arbitration boards established to settle workplace differences between workers and employers in the textile industry amicably and through conciliation. The northern French town of Tourcoing was a comparatively conservative city, where radical politics and confrontational labour relations found little support throughout the nineteenth century. Therefore, the arbitration boards known as the conseil des prud'hommes could be expected to have been a popular method of settling workplace conflicts. Initially, only employers could elect and be board members; reform in 1848 extended these rights to male workers. Other important changes occurred in the second half of the nineteenth century that could potentially affect labour relations: the legalization of strikes in 1864 and the legalization of unions two decades later. This thesis explores the impact these changes had on the use of Tourcoing's conseil des prud'hommes, as well as the outcome of cases brought to their attention between 1848 and 1894. It argues that, although the boards were underused in this period, the presence of workers on the boards was beneficial to Tourcoing's working class, particularly female and unskilled workers, who found themselves losing less and compromising more in order to settle their workplace disputes. However, the growing emphasis on compromise did not please employers who began to abandon the boards immediately after the 1848 reform. The influence of unions and socialist groups in the late 1880s and early 1890s reinforced this trend not only among employers, but also among female and unskilled workers who found the increasingly confrontational attitudes at the boards an obstacle to settling cases through conciliation. As a result, both of these groups of workers also began to turn their backs on the prud'hommes.

MACIEL, Amélia Coelho Rodrigues. A sociedade civil- burguesa em Karl Max. 2016. 131f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Filosofia, Fortaleza (CE), 2016.
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A pesquisa desenvolvida nesta dissertação tem por objetivo fundamental analisar a sociedade civil-burguesa no pensamento de Karl Marx. Desta forma, perpassaremos por diversas obras de Marx pertinentes a esta temática, desde o juvenil ensaio de 1843, conhecida por Crítica da Filosofia do Direito de Hegel, até sua madura obra O Capital, de 1867. Delineia-se, então, que a metodologia privilegiada é a pesquisa bibliográfica, eminentemente teórica. Reconhecendo que Marx passou por um profundo processo de influência e revisão filosófica, especialmente das filosofias de Hegel e Feuerbach, a primeira problemática a enfrentar versará sobre os pressupostos teóricos do desenvolvimento marxiano do conceito de sociedade civil-burguesa. Sendo assim, preliminarmente, perpassaremos pela filosofia de Hegel, por meio da obra Princípios da Filosofia do Direito, de 1820. Em seguida, abordaremos a filosofia materialista de Feuerbach, detidamente nas obras Princípios da Filosofia do Futuro (1843) e Para a Crítica da Filosofia de Hegel (1839). Em seguida, passaremos pelas obras filosóficas de Marx conhecidas como de juventude. Essas obras serão a Crítica da Filosofia do Direito de Hegel, Introdução à Crítica da Filosofia do Direito de Hegel (1844) e Sobre a Questão Judaica (1843). Será importante abordar a problemática sobre as influências das filosofias de Hegel e Feuerbach, pois no próximo momento, ou seja, no segundo capítulo, será abordada a crítica de Marx à especulação neohegeliana, vinculando-a ao posicionamento marxiano acerca da sociedade civil-burguesa, utilizando a obra de Marx A Sagrada Família ou A Crítica da Crítica Crítica: Contra Bruno Bauer e Consortes, de 1845. Dando prosseguimento, a pesquisa dissertativa enfrentará a problemática histórica e econômica de Marx relacionada à sociedade civil-burguesa por meio dos Manuscritos Econômico-Filosóficos, escritos em 1844. Nesta mesma perspectiva, a próxima obra a ser explorada será A Ideologia Alemã. Nesta obra, escrita entre 1845 e 1846, em conjunto com Engels, encontraremos a conceituação acabada da sociedade civil-burguesa em Marx, considerada na concretude da esfera de produção. Por fim, encerraremos este estudo problematizando a sociedade civil-burguesa em seu funcionamento. Conforme esclarece Marx no prefácio da Contribuição à Crítica da Economia Política (1859), a anatomia da sociedade civil-burguesa é encontrada na economia política. Então, encerrando a pesquisa, estudaremos O Capital, obra onde é possível levantar a hipótese de que a análise crítica de Marx sobre a economia política reafirma sua concepção filosófica de que a sociedade civil-burguesa como a matriz ontológica do todo social.

In Sergipe, when the birth of the republic and its process impacted social relations, the economic scenario previously centered on slave labor turned to wage labor, also due to the decadence of the Sergipe sugar cane culture, together with the end of the slave system. Sugar as the flagship of the Sergipe economy impacted on inner cities such as Laranjeiras and Maruim, which together with Aracaju stood out in the economic, political and cultural scenario. In the midst of these transformations the population also changed its daily life, the city was modernized, urbanization of streets, industries became more present in the state, especially the textile factories, which impacted the way of life of people who saw in these changes opportunities a better life in other cities. The migration of people between cities reflected in demographic censuses showing continued population growth. The women were absorbed by the factories, who in search of cheap labor saw in these subjects a very profitable productive force, and in domestic work, however, they were low-paid and unqualified jobs. Women entered public spaces and places previously occupied mostly by men. It is in this scenario of changes that the present research intends to reveal the life of the black and poor women of the sergipan comarcas. From the criminal processes of the cases of defloramento, we present the daily life of these women in the moment that they activated the justice to defend their honor or of a familiar entity. The crimes as a historical source provide us with information for this work, delimited within the time frame from 1888 to the 1940s, occurring in the cities of Laranjeiras, Maruim and Aracaju, municipalities and capital of Sergipe respectively. From a descriptive and analytical approach, the data were collected specially in the testimonies and in the body of crime, analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively and with the use of tables, in order to draw a profile of the social subjects of this study. The present research also seeks to corroborate with the field of social history raising evidence of the autonomy of black women and their ways of life, even the society imposing a subalternized and objective social role, making their protagonism invisible.
Em Sergipe, o nascer da república e o seu processo impactaram as relações sociais, o cenário econômico enfraquecido, antes centrado na mão-de-obra escrava, se voltava para o trabalho assalariado, decorrência da decadência da cultura canavieira sergipana em conjunto com o fim do sistema escravista. O açúcar enquanto carro chefe da economia sergipana impactava cidades interioranas como Laranjeiras e Maruim, que juntamente com Aracaju se destacavam no cenário econômico, político e cultural. No meio dessas transformações a população também mudava o seu cotidiano, a cidade se modernizava, urbanização de ruas, as indústrias se faziam mais presentes no estado, principalmente as fábricas têxteis, o que impactou o modo de viver das pessoas que viram nessas mudanças oportunidades de uma vida melhor em outras cidades. A migração de pessoas entre as cidades refletiu nos censos demográficos apresentando crescimento contínuo da população. As mulheres foram absorvidas pelas fábricas, que em busca de mão-de-obra barata via nesses sujeitos uma força produtiva muito lucrativa, e no trabalho doméstico, mal remunerado e sem qualificação profissional. As mulheres adentraram em espaços públicos e em lugares antes ocupados em sua maioria por homens. É neste cenário de mudanças que a presente pesquisa pretende descortinar a vida das mulheres negras e pobres das comarcas sergipanas. A partir dos processos crimes dos casos de defloramento, vamos apresentando o cotidiano dessas mulheres no momento que acionavam a justiça para defenderem sua honra ou de um ente familiar. Os processos crimes ocorridos nas cidades de Laranjeiras, Maruim e Aracaju, municípios e capital de Sergipe respectivamente, enquanto fonte histórica nos forneceinformações para este trabalhodelimitado dentro do marco temporal de 1888 até a década de 1940. A partir de uma abordagem descritiva e analítica, os dados foram colhidos especialmente nos testemunhos e no corpo de delito, analisados de forma qualitativamente e quantitativamente e com uso de tabelas, para assim traçar um perfil dos sujeitos sociais deste estudo. A presente pesquisa também busca corroborar com o campo da História social levantando indícios de autonomia das mulheres negras e seus modos de vida, mesmo a sociedade impondo um papel social subalternizado e objetivado, invisibilizando seu protagonismo.
São Cristóvão, SE

La plupart des études modernes tendent à analyser l’histoire de la société libyenne selon un schéma qui réduit la vie sociale et économique de la Libye au nomadisme et aux rapports tribaux ou bien à la pratique de l’agriculture pastorale et au commerce du transit ; à cela se rajoute une activité corsaire exercée dans les villes côtières. Par conséquent, cette vision de l’histoire du pays est réduite à deux interprétations. Tandis que la première se rapporte strictement à l’histoire interne, la deuxième est liée aux facteurs externes ; toutefois les deux ne sont que très rarement liés. En revanche, l’objectif de notre thèse vise à prendre en compte l’ensemble des facteurs tant internes qu’externes de l’histoire de la ville de Tripoli et de ses arrière-pays sans oublier qu’il s’inscrit dans l’histoire méditerranéenne et ottomane afin d’étudier tous les aspects de l’histoire sociale et économique de la Tripolitaine via la classe marchande de l’Iyālat Ṭarābulus al-Gharb. Les sources locales tels les registres des tribunaux sharî‘a à Tripoli, le journal du commerçant Ḥasan al-Faqīh Ḥasan mais aussi européennes, notamment, les rapports des consuls français et livournais nous dévoilent les détails d’unesynergie des réseaux économiques et sociaux, nous donnant tout un autre aspect de l’histoire libyenne
Most studies on the modern history of Libya and its society tend to limit their scope to a schema that reduces the social and economic life of Libya to nomadic and tribal relations or to the practice of pastoral agriculture and transit trade; corsair activity exercised on the coastal cities is also a focus. Consequently, this vision of the country’s history is reduced to twointerpretations. While the first relates strictly to the internal history of the area, the second refers exclusively to the external factor; only rarely are both aspects analyzed together. Keeping this in mind, our dissertation takes into account both internal and external elements related to the history of the city of Tripoli and its hinterlands as well as the fact that it is partand parcel of Mediterranean and Ottoman history, aiming thereby to study all the aspects which compose the social and economic history of the Tripolitain via the merchant class of Iyālat Ṭarābulus al-Gharb. Local sources such as the registers from the Tripoli Ottoman-era sharî‘a court along with entries from the journal of the Tripoli businessman Ḥasan al-FaqīhḤasan in addition to European consular reports, in particular, those from the French consuls as well as the Livorno consular reports reveal a synergy of economic and social networks which show an entirely new aspect of Libyan history

Thesis (M. Ed.) -- University of Limpopo, 2017.
One of the effective ways of teaching science is by developing the thinking abilities of individuals by allowing them to engage in enquiry-based learning. Computer simulation (CS) can help improve understanding of scientific concepts and enhance conceptual development and performance. This study focused on exploring learners’ conceptual development using CS in Grade 10 science class. A pre- and post-test research designs were used. 105 Grade 10 learners participated: 53 from one whole class were assigned to an Experimental Group (EG) and 52 from another class to a Control Group (CG). The EG was taught using CS while the CG was taught using the traditional approach. Data on learners’ performance were collected using a performance test and interviews were employed to collect data on learners’ attitudes towards science. The results revealed that the EG performed better than the CG (t-test, p < 0.05), (ANCOVA, p < 0.01). Girls in the EG performed better than girls from the CG (t-test, p < 0.05), and independent sample t-test revealed that girls in the EG were in the same range with boys after intervention suggesting that CS did not discriminate against gender in this study. Furthermore, the results from interviews indicate that learners from EG exhibited positive attitudes towards science, unlike their counterparts from the CG. This suggests that learners from the EG may have been excited to observe phenomena on the screen of a computer that they would otherwise not do due to lack of laboratory equipment in their school.

This study comprises an examination of the role of ideas concerning gender roles and respectability in the elaboration of a specific notion of a white colonial middle class in Cape Town, Cape Colony, in the decades before the establishment of Representative Government at the Cape. It pays particular attention to the cultural interaction of the incoming British settlers with the older Dutch society already in place in Cape Town. The insertion of British middle-class ideals of domesticity into Cape society had a decisive impact upon the public culture which would underpin the new political dispensation in the colony when a Representative Assembly was set up in 1853. The thesis argues that the new colonial political order which was enshrined in the constitution of 1853 was grounded upon a new gender order which set out distinctive roles for middle-class men and women and which allowed for the expression of a particular kind of personal and social respectability. Political developments in the Cape colony were thus inextricably tied to the elaboration of this new gendered social system. The thesis approaches the question of white colonial identity through several avenues. These include: the creation of a public sphere and changes in commercial culture; the importance of issues of the family and domestic service in structuring reform initiatives; the nature of male and female honour and its defence through defamation cases; the role of marriage in Cape colonial society; and the mediation of sexual transgressions through religious and civil authorities. Finally, the manner in which domestic ideology impacted upon political culture is approached through two case studies of political crisis during this period. The thesis thus seeks to advance South African historiography by undercutting the traditional division between studies of private and public life at the Cape in this period.

Etude comparative de l'oeuvre de trois machiaveliens, vilfredo pareto, gaetano mosca, roberto michels, a travers la notion-capitale dans leur oeuvre-de la classe dirigeante. L'attachement de leur contemporain, georges sorel, au proletariat sert comme contraste, capable d'eclairer les nuances de leur pensee
Comparative study of the work of three machiavelians, vilfredo pareto, gaetano mosca and roberto michels, through the notion of the ruling class. The devotion of their contemporary, georges sorel, to the proletariat is used as a contrast capable explaining the nuances of their thought

Although much historiographical attention has been paid to the way in which Lower-Canadian political groups responded to the Union, Responsible Government, the April 1849 burning of the Parliament in Montreal, and the annexation movement, the key principle underlying the political discourses of les Rouges, the conservative English Canadians, and the ministerial press in the late 1840s remains somewhat elusive. Much of the existing scholarship, moreover, is divided along linguistic and regional lines, which often produces interpretations that do not take into account the wider political discussion between French and English Canadians. By analysing the debates between L ‘Avenir, the Montreal Gazette, La Minerve, and The Pilot, and considering the manner in which those newspapers used the 1848 European Revolutions to add strength to their visions of Lower Canada’s future, this thesis argues that interethnic harmony and disharmony represented the ultimate stakes for all Lower-Canadian political groups between 1848 and 1850. Les Rouges (L ‘Avenir) and the conservative English Canadians (the Montreal Gazette) believed that French and English Canadians could not live together in harmony, and, as a result, they demanded reforms that would strengthen the political role of the ethnic group to which they respectively belonged. In contrast, the ministerial press (La Minerve and The Pilot) believed in the possibility of interethnic harmony and wanted to preserve Responsible Government, which, in their opinion, had the potential to prevent future interethnic conflicts.

This DPhil dissertation aims to delineate an ambivalent construction of 'Britishness' in late British India by paying special attention to certain discourses and practices that regulated the lives of both colonial elites and of their impoverished and/or racially mixed kin. Peculiar racial self-anxieties of the colonial ruling classes, - namely those over hygienic / sexual degradation and cultural hybridisation, the increased presence of indigent and/or racially mixed white populations, and the undesired consequences of the last - are examined thorough a close and analytically coherent analysis of colonial representations and practices. An important feature of this research is to bring the internal-cum-class distinctions of metropolitan society to the fore in order to circumscribe a peculiarly class-specific constitution of British racial identity in the colonial context. Broadly speaking, in two related senses can the (re)production of white racial prestige in the British Raj be regarded as a class-conditioned phenomenon. First of all, colonial Britishness can be said to have been characterised by class because not all persons or groups of British descent living in the colony were recognised as 'European enough': only those from the upper or middle classes were considered as so 'European' as to be capable of ruling the 'subject races' of India. The remaining people of British racial origins, including the so-called 'poor whites', the 'domiciled Europeans' (those whites permanently settled in India), and the mixed-decent 'Eurasians', were not regarded as 'British enough' (although they were not seen as 'Indian', either). Especially, 'domiciled Europeans' and 'Eurasians', often collectively referred to as 'the domiciled class', were not treated as 'British' but only as 'Native' in socio-legal terms: the 'domiciled' differed from 'Indians' in terms of racial and cultural identification, but were supposed to be no higher than the latter by constitutional status and socio-economic standard. Secondly it was because of its recourse to 'bourgeois philanthropy' that the construction of Britishness in late British India may be said to have been bound by aspects of Victorian or Edwardian class culture. Although the British excluded their domiciled brethren from the sphere of their social and economic privileges, the former also 'included' the latter within limited frames of philanthropic and educational care. For, their exclusion from the elite white community notwithstanding, the domiciled were still regarded as one part of the European (as opposed to Indian) body politic. Thus the colonial authorities feared that an unregulated destitution of 'poor whites', domiciled Europeans, and Eurasians might present itself as a political menace to the prestige of the British race as a whole: in a sense, the authority of Britishness also depended on how 'European pauperism' could be solved before it had disorderly effects on the colonial hierarchies of race and class. It was in this context that the philanthropic management of pauperism emerged as a negative but no less unimportant measure for reproducing British prestige in the colonial context. And central to this was a specific, colonial application of a politics of class that the bourgeoisie played against the indigent and various 'unfit' populations in the metropole.

El 1848 representa sin duda un momento decisivo en la historia europea y no es casual que muchos historiadores lo hayan considerado un año idóneo para periodizar. En esa explosión continental (y global) de problemas civiles, nacionales y sociales sin precedentes emergieron nuevos medios de comunicación (prensa periódica, democratización del acceso a la lectura, mayor rapidez de las comunicaciones, etc.) que actuaron como termómetro y al mismo tiempo fueron causas de los cambios en la sociedad o, mejor dicho, de las sociedades. La península italiana no fue una excepción, y sobre ella se plantearan las preguntas de fondo de esta tesis: ¿de qué manera se contó la revolución? ¿Cuáles fueron los soportes privilegiados que se decidió emplear? ¿Qué formas narrativas y estratégicas se emplearon? Y por último, ¿cuáles fueron los contenidos fundamentales? En las dos décadas posteriores al 1848 no fueron solo los protagonistas del heterogéneo frente patriótico quienes escribieron o produjeron artefactos políticos de aplicación nacional. Al contrario, una gran cantidad de novelas, caricaturas y monumentos fueron elaborados por la Santa Sede con el objetivo deliberado de contrarrestar el proselitismo nacional y democrático, eliminar el reciente pasado republicano de Roma y efectuar en su contexto una profunda obra de contra-narración de los acontecimientos y de los temas del bienio revolucionario 1848-1849. La caricatura, que vive en este momento su explosión, participa activamente en la disputa política cotidiana durante la revolución. Pero no solo esto. Los textos de caricatura y sátira Il Don Pirlone a Roma y La Grande Riunione, de matriz patriótica y reaccionaria respectivamente, fueron publicados una vez consumada la derrota revolucionaria, y así se configuraron como caricaturas retrospectivas por su función de comentario, interpretación y revisión de unos acontecimientos que, pese a la dimensión presente natural de este tipo de media, se colocaban en el pasado, en el bienio 1848-1849. Está claro que tanto la Santa Sede como el frente patriótico sentían la necesidad de manipular la revolución y que este medio fue considerado eficaz por inmediato y, generalmente, universal, es decir, capaz de ir más allá de la barrera cultural que el analfabetismo erigía. Las artes plásticas –sobre todo la pintura– tampoco quedaron al margen de la disputa ideológica política y nacional, aunque su acceso siguiera siendo limitado, reservado casi siempre a las clases ciudadanas y cultas. También en este caso se asiste a un enfrentamiento entre la Iglesia y su relanzamiento cultural y una generación de pintores-soldados, voluntarios que siguen a Garibaldi y luchan en Roma y Venecia en el 1849, con los Mil en el bienio de la unificación y en la trágica campaña de Aspromonte. Desde su perspectiva privilegiada, y a través de instantáneas de batalla, retratos y, más adelante, escenas populares de vida cotidiana, devuelven una re-lectura de los sucesos contemporáneos en clave democrática, tanto en la perspectiva nacional como en clave social y de emancipación. La literatura puede considerase el arma principal en la disputa ideológica ligera. En este caso, frente a una gran cantidad de autores patrióticos –el propio Garibaldi, Guerrazzi, Sebregondi, etc. – el periódico jesuita La Civiltà Cattolica produce bajo el mandato de Pío IX una cantidad colosal de novelas históricas con el objetivo de desacralizar, minar y en definitiva destruir hasta su base las piedras angulares del patriotismo, y más en general de exorcizar cada cambio social y emancipador a través del recurso a estrategias narrativas y soluciones creativas. Los asuntos que emergen en varios modos y transversalmente en la lectura crítica de los documentos son sorprendentemente parecidos en el campo revolucionario y en el reaccionario. El martirio, la moralización de la sexualidad, el antirrepublicanismo/anticlericalismo, la centralidad de las mujeres y de su sexualidad y la referencia constante al pueblo –un concepto bastante borroso– caracterizan estas obras ligeras, que a menudo, como es el caso de las novelas de Bresciani, se mueven en el campo de la fiction. A través del análisis de contraste emergen algunos puntos de reflexión e interpretación: primero, la centralidad reconocida en el campo patriótico a la autorrepresentación como clave para una comunicación eficaz y, estrechamente relacionado con ello, la transmisión del mensaje político (el proyecto, nada obvio, de la unidad nacional); el recurso a elementos atávicos y prerracionales insertos en tramas románticas y de consumo; por fin, el enfrentamiento feroz entre nacionalismo y la Iglesia católica que, más que en el nivel religioso, se desarrolla en el social: por un lado, con el surgimiento de la clase burguesa (estrechamente vinculado al nacionalismo) y por otro, con la voluntad por parte clerical de no perder influencia y poder en zonas fundamentales de la sociedad, como la educación, la familia o la sexualidad, con la consiguiente legitimación de la existencia del clero.
The Year 1848 is without doubts a decisive moment in european history. The explosion of civil, national and social revenidcations is without precedents in the past and the rise of new media (press, democratisation of reading, quickness of comunication, ecc.) is at the same time effect and the reason of the society's change. Italy does no ecception and the question that animate this work are the following: how was the Narration of Revolution? Wich the narrative forms, the styles and the strategies? Wich contents wanted to transmit? With a comparative study between reactionary and patriotic cultural production – caricature, painture and literature – I tried answer the mentioned questions. The analysis has produced the following conclusions: the production of the two opposite sides are very similar and it confirms that the “Speech” mentioned by Alberto Mario Banti was strenghtly present in Italy of Risorgimento; the strategic thems are martyrdom, sexuality (especially of woman), antirepublicanism/anticlericalism and the insistance on the “people”, a very confused expression. Furthermore the analisys shows another important aspect: the clash between nationalism and clerical forces to impose or defend influence on strategical areas of society, such as family, education and sexuality.
Il 1848 è senz'ombra di dubbio un istante decisivo della storia europea, non a caso è ritenuto da molti un anno periodizzante. L'esplosione continentale (ed extracontinentale) di questioni civili, nazionali e sociali non ha pari e l'ascesa dei nuovi mezzi di comunicazione (crescita vertiginosa della stampa, democratizzazione della lettura, maggiore rapidità delle comunicazioni, successivamente il telegrafo, ecc.) sono il termometro e allo stesso tempo la molla dei cambiamenti della società o, più propriamente delle società. La penisola italiana non fa eccezione e le domande di fondo che sostengono questo elaborato sono le seguenti: in che modo è stata raccontata la rivoluzione? Quali supporti privilegiati si sono scelti di impiegare? Quali sono stati le forme narrative e strategiche? E quali i contenuti dirimenti? Nel ventennio successivo al 1848 non sono solo i protagonisti del composito campo patriottico a scrivere o “produrre” artefatti politici in chiave nazionale. Al contrario una copiosa filiera di romanzi, caricature e monumenti vengono messi in campo dalla santa sede con l'intenzione deliberata di contrastare il “proselitismo” nazionale e democratico, eliminare il recente passato repubblicano a Roma e contestualmente operare una robusta opera di contro-narrazione degli eventi e dei temi cardine del biennio rivoluzionario (1848-49). La caricatura, che letteralmente esplode in termini di tirature e diffusione (anche effimera) nel corso del 1848, partecipa attivamente alla disputa politica quotidiana durante la rivoluzione. Ma non solamente. I testi caricaturali e satirici Il Don Pirlone a Roma e La Grande Riunione, rispettivamente di matrice patriottica e reazionaria, vengono pubblicati all'indomani del fallimento quarantottesco e si configurano come caricature “retrospettive” data la loro operazione di interpretazione, commento e revisione di fatti che, contrariamente alla dimensione naturale di questa tipologia mediale, si collocano nel passato (il biennio rivoluzionario, appunto). Appare quindi chiaro quanto sia la santa sede che l'avanguardia del patriottismo sentissero la necessita di manipolare e narrare (o contro-narrare) la rivoluzione e come il medium della caricatura fosse considerato efficace, perché quasi sempre facilmente intelligibile, immediato, tendenzialmente universale, capace cioè di valicare le tradizionali barriere culturale dovute all'analfabetismo. L'arte comunemente intesa -principalmente la pittura – non rimane certo ai margini della disputa ideologica politica e nazionale, benché il suo accesso rimanga tutto sommato limitato, appannaggio dei ceti cittadini e colti. Anche in questo caso si assiste ad uno scontro tra la santa sede e il suo rilancio culturale e una generazione di pittori-soldato, veri e propri volontari che seguono Garibaldi e combattono a Roma e Venezia nel 1849, tra i mille nel biennio di unificazione e nella tragica spedizione di Aspromonte. Dalla loro prospettiva privilegiata restituiscono attraverso delle “istantanee” di battaglia, ritratti, e successivamente scene popolari di vita una quotidiana, una rilettura delle contestuali vicende storiche in chiave democratica, sia dunque in prospettiva risorgimentale e nazionale che in prospettiva sociale ed emancipazionista. La letteratura mi pare si possa a buon diritto considerare la vera arma della disputa ideologica “leggera”. In questo caso a fianco di una nutrita serie di autori patriottici – Garibaldi, Guerrazzi, Sebregondi, ecc. - il periodico gesuita «La Civiltà Cattolica» mette in campo, con la benedizione di Pio IX, una colossale messe di romanzi “storici” che hanno il deliberato obbiettivo di dissacrare, minare e in definitiva distruggere alla radice i capisaldi e le parole d'ordine del patriottismo e, più in generale, di esorcizzare tramite, il ricorso a escamotage narrativi e soluzioni creative, qualsiasi cambiamento sociale ed emancipazionista. I temi che emergono a vario modo e trasversalmente nella lettura critica di questi documenti sono sorprendentemente simili tra campo rivoluzionario e reazionario: il martirio, la moralizzazione della sessualità, l'antirepubblicanesimo/anticlericalismo, la centralità delle donne e la loro sessualità e il riferimento costante al “popolo” - un costrutto concettuale piuttosto fumoso – innervano queste opere romanzesche “leggere”, a tratti, come nel caso di molti romanzi di Bresciani, assumendo i contorni di vere e proprie fiction. Dall'analisi contrastiva emergono alcuni spunti di riflessione e interpretazione: innanzitutto la centralità riconosciuta dal campo patriottico all'autorappresentazione come chiave per il successo comunicativo e conseguentemente l'efficacia del messaggio politico (il progetto, tutt'altro che scontato di un'unità nazionale); il ricorso a elementi atavici e prerazionali inseriti in trame romantiche e “di consumo”; infine lo scontro feroce tra nazionalismo e Chiesa cattolica che più che sul piano religioso si gioca sul piano sociale, da una parte l'emergere della borghesia (strettamente legata al nazionalismo) e dall'altra la ricerca clericale di non perdere presa sulle zone nevralgiche della società.

This work looks at independent working class radical education in England from the year of revolutions, 1848 to the passage of the 1870 Education Act. It takes as its starting point Richard Johnson's analysis of really useful knowledge. Differing, however, from Johnson, it argues that radical ideas and radical working-class education and schools, far from disappearing after 1848, in fact flourished. It takes as its main source the often overlooked pages of the late Chartist and radical working-class press and focuses on the detail of radical meetings and events and the ideas that informed them. After an introductory chapter which firmly situates the research in its theoretical, historical and particularly chronological context, the following three chapters consider the events of 1848 and how these influenced working-class ideas and education. The experience of radicals in the period after 1848 is then considered, when support for Chartism declined but Chartist ideas moved further to the left. Two chapters look at the later 1850s and the little discussed educational strategy for political change put forward by G.J.Holyoake and opposed by W.E Adams. Two final chapters consider the development of radical education in the post- Chartist period of the 1860s and, finally, suggest some conclusions from the work in respect of the politics of the 1870 Education Act and beyond.