Journal articles: 'Class of 1918'

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Burgess, Keith, and Bernard Waites. "A Class Society at War: England, 1914-1918." American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163019.

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Englander, David, and Bernard Waites. "A Class Society at War: England, 1914-1918." Economic History Review 42, no. 1 (February 1989): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597068.

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Ladygina, Yuliya. "Beyond the Trenches: Ol'ha Kobylians'ka’s Literary Response to the First World War." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 2, no. 2 (September 8, 2015): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2s888.

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Abstract: Ol'ha Kobylians'ka’s short stories about the First World War constitute a rare case of a Ukrainian woman writing on one of the greatest catastrophes in modern history, a subject neglected even in Ukraine. Drawing on recent scholarship on First World War literature, this research proves that Kobylians'ka’s war stories deserve a re-evaluation, not as long-ignored curiosities from the pen of Ukraine’s most sophisticated writer of the time, but as insightful psychological studies of Western Ukrainians and as valuable cultural documents that present an original perspective on the common European experience of 1914-1918. The article pays particular attention to Kobylians'ka’s creative assessment of the Austrian and Russian treatment of Western Ukrainians during different stages of the First World War, which exposes anew fatal political weaknesses in Europe’s old imperial order and facilitates a better understanding of why Ukrainians, like many other ethnic groups in Europe without a state of their own, began to pursue their national goals more aggressively as the war progressed. Alongside popular texts, such as “Na zustrich doli” (“To Meet Their Fate,” 1917), “Iuda” (“Judas,” 1917), and “Lyst zasudzhenoho voiaka do svoiei zhinky” (“A Letter from a Convicted Soldier to His Wife,” 1917), this article examines Kobylians'ka’s three little-known stories—“Lisova maty” (“The Forest Mother,” 1915), “Shchyra liubov” (“Sincere Love,” 1916), and “Vasylka” (“Vasylka,” 1922)—thus presenting the most complete analysis of Kobylians'ka’s war fiction in any language.Keywords: Modernist Literature, Literature of the First World War, Women Writings of the First World War, Ol'ha Kobylians'ka’s War Fiction

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Tobin, Elizabeth H. "War and the Working Class: The Case of Düsseldorf 1914–1918." Central European History 18, no. 3-4 (September 1985): 257–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900017349.

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The causes of any revolution are notoriously hard to discover. Despite years of effort, historians still disagree about the relative importance of the short-term and long-term causes of the German revolution in 1918–19. Some describe the “events” at the end of the war as a largely unrevolutionary desire for peace and food, brought about by the privations of the war years; others explain them as the culmination of decades of escalating class conflicts, which the conditions of war sharply exposed. One problem with this whole debate has been an insufficient knowledge of exactly what happened to Germany's workers during the war. Although most historians agree that money wages went up, real wages declined and most people ate less, few have been able to gauge the extent or importance of the change in wages or determine whether workers were simply somewhat hungry, malnourished, or starving. Furthermore there is not enough known about the composition of the work force during the war and the different hardships endured by skilled and unskilled workers.

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Ugolini, Laura. "Middle-Class Fathers, Sons and Military Service in England, 1914–1918." Cultural and Social History 13, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14780038.2016.1202012.

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Smith, Harold L., and Ross McKibbin. "Class and Cultures in England, 1918-1951." American Historical Review 105, no. 2 (April 2000): 613. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1571581.

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Mac Bhloscaidh, Fearghal. "The Caledon Lockout: Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Rural Ulster, 1918–1922." International Labor and Working-Class History 98 (2020): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547919000334.

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AbstractThis paper examines an unsuccessful strike by Irish Catholic and Protestant workers at a woolen mill in 1919. The location, Caledon in County Tyrone, is renowned as a stronghold of Ulster Unionism and Orangeism, yet in the context of the revolutionary period in Ireland from 1916–1926, traditional sectarian divisions briefly abated in the face of working-class solidarity. In this respect, the analysis offers something of a corrective to assumptions regarding the immutability of sectarian divisions in Ulster. The article also places Caledon within the context of a widespread and sustained movement of unskilled workers in the main provincial city, Belfast, and across much of rural Ulster between 1918–1920. Nevertheless, the manner in which the employer defeated the strike and the village's subsequent history of violent sectarianism offers valuable insights into the creation and consolidation of Northern Ireland, or what many local Catholics called “the Orange State,” which celebrates its centenary in 2020.

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GARST, W. DANIEL. "From Sectoral Linkages to Class Conflict." Comparative Political Studies 32, no. 7 (October 1999): 788–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414099032007002.

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Although the sectoral framework on global commerce and coalition formation provides a better explanation of trade and political alignments in pre-1914 Britain than the Stolper-Samuelson framework, it shares the main shortcoming of the latter when applied to the interwar period. Neither approach explains the restructuring of politics along class lines after 1918. According to the sectoral framework, the continued imperfect mobility of capital and labor and deeper divisions within the business community should have led to greater, not less, cross-class cooperation over trade and trade-related issues. This article extends an earlier critique of the Stolper-Samuelson framework to address this puzzle. It argues that weak worker trade union organization modifies the incentive of business owners to align with labor on trade, even when imperfect capital mobility and divisions in the business community heighten the incentive of capitalists to form lobbying coalitions with labor. In addition to addressing the marked contrast in British politics before and after 1914, this argument has broader comparative implications. In particular, it offers a potential explanation for why pre-World War I Britain was unique, compared with other Western European countries, in being marked by strong business-labor collaboration over trade and political reform.

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Šarenac, Danilo. "A View of the Disaster and Victory from below: Serbian Roma Soldiers, 1912–1918." Social Inclusion 8, no. 2 (June 4, 2020): 277–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i2.2821.

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The Kingdom of Serbia fought in three consecutive conflicts between 1912 and 1918. These events merged into a devastating experience of an all-out war, completely reshaping all aspects of contemporary life. As the first centenary of these events has recently shown, the memories of wartime still play a very prominent role in the Serbian national narrative. By 1915 around 20% of Serbian combatants belonged to some of the country’s minorities. Second class citizens on the social margins of society, the Serbian Roma constitute those whose wartime history is the least known to research and the public. However, the wartime diaries kept by Serbian soldiers are full of causal references to their Roma fellow combatants. This article provides an overview of the duties Roma soldiers played in the war, based on the perspective of Serbs who were fighting alongside them. The article tackles the general image and the position of the Roma population in the Kingdom of Serbia. In addition, the horrific challenges the war created for Serbian society are tackled from the perspective of those who were, already in peace time, in the most disadvantageous situation socially and economically. Overall, despite the unifying experience which the wartime suffering imposed on all citizens of the Kingdom, the old prejudices towards the Roma survived after 1918.

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Camfield, David. "From Revolution to Modernising Counter-Revolution in Russia, 1917–28." Historical Materialism 28, no. 2 (April 4, 2020): 107–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341798.

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Abstract This article presents a historical-materialist approach to key issues of revolution and counter-revolution and uses it to analyse what happened in Russia between 1917 and the late 1920s. What took place in 1917 was indeed a socialist revolution. However, by the end of 1918 working-class rule had been replaced with the rule of a working-class leadership layer that was improvising a fragile surplus-extracting state of proletarian origin. The eventual transformation of that layer into a new ruling class represented the triumph of a modernising counter-revolution. The decisive determinants of these developments were material pressures acting, first, on a working class plunged into catastrophic social crisis and war and then, after the Civil War, on the party-state leadership layer that sought to maintain its state against both European capitalist societies and the classes from which it had to extract surpluses. However, aspects of Bolshevik ideology also played a role.

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Sherwood, Gayle. "Charles Ives and “Our National Malady”." Journal of the American Musicological Society 54, no. 3 (2001): 555–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2001.54.3.555.

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Abstract In his psychoanalytical biography of Ives, Charles Ives: “My Father's Song,” Stuart Feder convincingly argued that Ives's health breakdowns in 1906 and 1918 were the result of emotional and psychological factors rather than a physical heart condition. But the Freudian approach and terminology employed by Feder were unknown in American in 1906 and had not been fully accepted even by 1918. Therefore, how would an American doctor in 1906 have diagnosed Ives's “condition”? A careful examination of key events in Ives's life between 1902 and 1908, and a close reading of his correspondence indicate that he may have been recognized as neurasthenic. Ives's neurasthenia locates his identity by nationality, ethnicity, gender, economic and social class, education, profession, environment, and lifestyle. As a result, his artistic values and character traits emerge as remarkably typical of his country, culture, and time.

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Phimister, Ian. "Coal, Crisis, and Class Struggle: Wankie Colliery, 1918–22." Journal of African History 33, no. 1 (March 1992): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031856.

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Despite its pivotal economic position in Central Africa, the history of Zimbabwe's Wankie Colliery has scarcely been explored. Although the historical pattern of capital accumulation and class struggle on the colliery has yet to be traced in any detail, this article suggests that a useful starting point is the protracted labour crisis which convulsed the colliery in 1918. Attempts to expand output through intensified pressure on a dwindling supply of black labour soon established a vicious circle in which workers' health deteriorated rapidly. Hundreds of black miners were incapacitated by ‘tropical ulcers’. An ensuing commission of enquiry exonerated the colliery's management of any blame, but it is nonetheless significant for the light it casts on the British South Africa Company Administration's narrow conception of its role after the Privy Council decision depriving it of ownership of ‘unalienated’ land in the Colony. The article's last section examines the conflict between the colliery's management and organized white workers in the context of the racial division of labour. In doing so, it emphasizes the structural vulnerability of white labour in the colonial era.

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FRENCH, DAVID. "DOCTRINE AND ORGANIZATION IN THE BRITISH ARMY, 1919–1932." Historical Journal 44, no. 2 (June 2001): 497–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001868.

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It is widely assumed that after 1918 the British general staff ignored the experience it had gained from fighting a first-class European enemy and that it was not until the establishment of the Kirke committee in 1932 that it began to garner the lessons of the Great War and incorporate them into its doctrine. This article demonstrates that in fact British military doctrine underwent a continuous process of development in the 1920s. Far from turning its back on new military technologies, the general staff rejected the manpower-intensive doctrine that had sustained the army in 1914 in favour of one that placed modernity and machinery at the very core of its thinking. Between 1919 and 1931 the general staff did assimilate the lessons of the First World War into the army's written doctrine. But what it failed to do was to impose a common understanding of the meaning of that doctrine throughout the army.

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Giustino, Cathleen M. "Rationed Life: Science, Everyday Life, and Working-Class Politics in the Bohemian Lands, 1914–1918." Central Europe 16, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 59–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14790963.2018.1498580.

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Hsia, Ke-Chin. "Rationed life: science, everyday life, and working-class politics in the Bohemian lands, 1914-1918." First World War Studies 10, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2019.1667588.

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Cohen, Gary B. "Rationed Life: Science, Everyday Life, and Working-class Politics in the Bohemian Lands, 1914–1918." History: Reviews of New Books 45, no. 3 (March 10, 2017): 71–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2017.1294954.

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Ugolini, Laura. "Growing Fat? Middle-Class Men and Food Consumption on the English Home Front, 1914–1918." Food and History 10, no. 1 (January 2012): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.food.1.102961.

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Rybak, Jan. "Rationed life: science, everyday life, and working-class politics in the Bohemian lands, 1914–1918." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 25, no. 1 (June 8, 2017): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2017.1332834.

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Bodó, Béla. "Favorites or Pariahs? The Fate of the Right-Wing Militia Men in Interwar Hungary." Austrian History Yearbook 46 (April 2015): 327–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000216.

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The dissolution of theAustro-HungarianEmpirein the fall of 1918 inaugurated a period of rapid change in East Central Europe. Independent Hungary, which emerged as one of the “successor states” to the Dual Monarchy, experienced two revolutions in ten months. However, neither the democratic regime, born in the October Revolution of 1918, nor the more radical Council Republic, founded in March 1919, was able to solve the country's pressing economic and social problems and defend its sovereignty. The collapse of the Council Republic and the occupation of Budapest and the eastern half of the country by the Romanian Army in early August 1919 provoked a right-wing reaction. The next seven months experienced a rapid rise in paramilitary and mob violence. The militias targeted the supporters of the Left, poor workers, and peasants, as well as apolitical and middle-class Jews. Political violence in the second half of 1919 and the early 1920s took the lives of between fifteen hundred and five thousand people in Hungary. The rise of paramilitary and mob violence was part of a larger European phenomenon. From Germany to Turkey, and from Hungary to Poland and the Baltic states, paramilitary groups played a major role in establishing borders and shaping the postwar social and political order domestically.

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Lichocka, Halina. "Akademia Umiejętności (1872–1918) i jej czescy członkowie." Studia Historiae Scientiarum 14 (May 27, 2015): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23921749pkhn_pau.16.003.5259.

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The article shows that the Czech humanists formed the largest group among the foreign members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow. It is mainly based on the reports of the activities of the Academy. The Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was established by transforming the Krakow Learned Society. The Statute of the newly founded Academy was approved by a decision of the Emperor Franz Joseph I on February 16, 1872. The Emperor nominated his brother Archduke Karl Ludwig as the Academy’s Protector. The Academy was assigned to take charge of research matters related to different fields of science: philology (mainly Polish and other Slavic languages); history of literature; history of art; philosophical; political and legal sciences; history and archaeology; mathematical sciences, life sciences, Earth sciences and medical sciences. In order to make it possible for the Academy to manage so many research topics, it was divided into three classes: a philological class, a historico‑philosophical class, and a class for mathematics and natural sciences. Each class was allowed to establish its own commissions dealing with different branches of science. The first members of the Academy were chosen from among the members of the Krakow Learned Society. It was a 12‑person group including only local members, approved by the Emperor. It was also them who elected the first President of the Academy, Józef Majer, and the Secretary General, Józef Szujski, from this group. By the end of 1872, the organization of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow was completed. It had its administration, management and three classes that were managed by the respective directors and secretaries. It also had three commissions, taken over from the Krakow Learned Society, namely: the Physiographic Commission, the Bibliographic Commission and the Linguistic Commission. At that time, the Academy had only a total of 24 active members who had the right to elect non‑ resident and foreign members. Each election had to be approved by the Emperor. The first public plenary session of the Academy was held in May 1873. After the speeches had been delivered, a list of candidates for new members of the Academy was read out. There were five people on the list, three of which were Czech: Josef Jireček, František Palacký and Karl Rokitansky. The second on the list was – since February 18, 1860 – a correspondent member of the Krakow Learned Society, already dissolved at the time. They were approved by the Emperor Franz Joseph in his rescript of July 7, 1873. Josef Jireček (1825–1888) became a member of the Philological Class. He was an expert on Czech literature, an ethnographer and a historian. František Palacký (1798–1876) became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The third person from this group, Karl Rokitansky (1804–1878), became a member of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. The mere fact that the first foreigners were elected as members of the Academy was a perfect example of the criteria according to which the Academy selected its active members. From among the humanists, it accepted those researchers whose research had been linked to Polish matters and issues. That is why until the end of World War I, the Czech representatives of social sciences were the biggest group among the foreign members of the Academy. As for the members of the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences, the Academy invited scientists enjoying exceptional recognition in the world. These criteria were binding throughout the following years. The Academy elected two other humanists as its members during the session held on October 31, 1877 and these were Václav Svatopluk Štulc (1814–1887) and Antonin Randa (1834–1914). Václav Svatopluk Štulc became a member of the Philological Class and Antonin Randa became a member of the Historico‑Philosophical Class. The next Czech scholar who became a member of the Academy of Arts and Scientists in Krakow was Václav Vladivoj Tomek (1818–1905). It was the Historico‑Philosophical Class that elected him, which happened on May 2, 1881. On May 14, 1888, the Krakow Academy again elected a Czech scholar as its active member. This time it was Jan Gebauer (1838–1907), who was to replace Václav Štulc, who had died a few months earlier. Further Czech members of the Krakow Academy were elected at the session on December 4, 1899. This time it was again humanists who became the new members: Zikmund Winter (1846–1912), Emil Ott (1845–1924) and Jaroslav Goll (1846–1929). Two years later, on November 29, 1901, Jan Kvičala (1834–1908) and Jaromir Čelakovský (1846–1914) were elected as members of the Krakow Academy. Kvičala became a member of the Philological Class and Čelakovský – a corresponding member of the Historical‑Philosophical Class. The next member of the Krakow Academy was František Vejdovský (1849–1939) elected by the Class for Mathematics and Natural Sciences. Six years later, a chemist, Bohuslav Brauner (1855–1935), became a member of the same Class. The last Czech scientists who had been elected as members of the Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow before the end of the World War I were two humanists: Karel Kadlec (1865–1928) and Václav Vondrák (1859–1925). The founding of the Czech Royal Academy of Sciences in Prague in 1890 strengthened the cooperation between Czech and Polish scientists and humanists.

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VALLEJOS, ROLANDO ALVAREZ. "¿REPRESIÓN O DEMOCRATIZACIÓN?: la clase dominante chilena ante la crisis de la dominación oligárquica (1918-1927)." Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 13, no. 21 (June 30, 2016): 148–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v13i21.529.

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Resumen: La historia de Chile hasta el golpe de Estado de 1973 se suele presentar como un progresivo proceso de profundización democrática, que a diferencia del resto de América Latina, su sistema polático fue capaz de institucionalizar el conflicto de clases sin hacer uso masivo de métodos represivos. El presente artáculo problematiza este supuesto, examinando la crisis de la dominación oligárquica en Chile en la ciudad de Iquique. Centro de concentración obrera, el conflicto de clases se encontraba altamente desarrollado en la región. Fue allá donde la necesidad de conjugar represión y legitimidad polática originó nuevas formas de aplicar y limitar la represión sobre los movimientos sociales y poláticos. La fortaleza de las organizaciones obreras obligó a relativizar la vocación represiva de la clase dominante, generando una compleja relación entre coerción y democratización, que caracterizaráa la construcción del sistema polático moderno en Chile.Palabras clave: Represión. Democratización. Iquique.REPRESSION OR DEMOCRATIZATION?: The Chilean dominant class facing the oligarchic domination crisis (1918-1927)Abstract: Until the the coup d'état of 1973 the history of Chile used to be presented as a progressive process of expanding democracy which, unlikely the rest of Latin America, was based in a political system capable of making institutionalize the conflict among classes without using doing a massive use of repressive methods. This article problematizes this assumption by examining the crisis of oligarchical domination in Chile, specifically from the city of Iquique, the center of the working-class concentration. The class conflict was highly developed at this region. It is observed the need to combine repression and political legitimacy which gave birth to the new forms to apply and limit the use of violence over political movements. The strength of labor organizations forced the dominant class to relativize its repressive vocation creating a complex relation between repression ad democratization, which would feature the construction of Chilean modern politic system .Keywords: Repression. Democratization. Iquique. REPRESSáƒO OU DEMOCRATIZAÇÃO?: a classe dominante chilena frente á crise da dominação oligárquica (1918-1927)Resumo: Até o golpe de Estado de 1973, a história do Chile costuma ser apresentada como um progressivo processo de aprofundamento democrático que, diferentemente do restante da América Latina, se pautava em um sistema polático capaz de institucionalizar o conflito entre as classes sem fazer uso massivo de métodos repressivos. O presente artigo problematiza esse pressuposto, examinando a crise da dominação oligárquica no Chile, a partir da cidade de Iquique, localizada ao norte do paás. Epicentro da concentração operária, o conflito de classes se encontrava altamente desenvolvido nesta região. Observa-se a necessidade de conjugar repressão e legitimidade polática que deu origem a novas formas de aplicar e limitar o uso da violência sobre os movimentos sociais e poláticos. A força das organizações operárias obrigou a classe dominante a relativizar sua vocação repressiva, gerando uma complexa relação entre repressão e democratização, que caracterizaria a construção do sistema polático moderno no Chile.Palavras-chave: Repressão. Democratização. Iquique.

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Blaszak, Barbara J., and Pamela M. Graves. "Labour Women: Women in British Working-Class Politics, 1918-1939." American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (February 1996): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169283.

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Wozniak, Peter, and Gary B. Cohen. "Education and Middle-Class Society in Imperial Austria, 1848-1918." History of Education Quarterly 38, no. 2 (1998): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369999.

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Zeps, Michael J., and Gary B. Cohen. "Education and Middle-Class Society in Imperial Austria, 1848-1918." American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (June 1998): 928. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650664.

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Strong, George V., and Gary B. Cohen. "Education and Middle Class Society in Imperial Austria, 1848-1918." German Studies Review 21, no. 3 (October 1998): 598. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431247.

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Mohun, Simon. "Class Structure and the US Personal Income Distribution, 1918-2012." Metroeconomica 67, no. 2 (November 25, 2015): 334–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/meca.12107.

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Graves, Pamela M., and Mary Alvery Thomas. "Labour Women: Women in British Working-Class Politics, 1918–1939." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 1 (July 1995): 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9949166.

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Hopkins, Eric. "WORKING CLASS LIFE IN BIRMINGHAM BETWEEN THE WARS, 1918–1939." Midland History 15, no. 1 (January 1990): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/mdh.1990.15.1.129.

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Keith, Jeanette. "The Politics of Southern Draft Resistance, 1917-1918: Class, Race, and Conscription in the Rural South." Journal of American History 87, no. 4 (March 2001): 1335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674731.

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Van Ingen, Linda. "“I Do Not Mean to Frown on Everything the Men Propose”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.3.

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California’s first four assemblywomen began their historic tenure in 1919 in the state’s Forty-Third Session of the Legislature. They joined a growing number of women elected to state legislatures before ratification of the federal suffrage amendment. Entitled to run for office when enfranchised by the state in 1911, and elected in 1918, Esto Broughton (Stanislaus County), Grace Dorris (Kern County), Elizabeth Hughes (Butte County), and Anna Saylor (Alameda County) challenged the all-male exclusivity of the legislature by creating political space for women’s equal inclusion and bringing the value of their diversity as women into lawmaking. Intersectionality informs this history, because assemblywomen’s status as white, middle-class women enabled them to ally with men of similar status and to focus on progress for women of their race and class. Contributing to the history of early women in elective politics, and drawing on newspaper and state legislative records, this article explores how the assemblywomen downplayed their gender in self-presentation but focused on it in legislation. The first four women, moreover, voted on two amendments to the U.S. Constitution, beginning the legislative session with ratification of the Eighteenth Amendment and concluding the year with a vote for the Nineteenth Amendment. Their efforts as California’s first legislators solidified the value of women’s diversity in the legislature and, by voting to extend woman suffrage nationwide, they ensured women’s continued inclusion in elective politics.

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Van Ingen, Linda. "“I Do Not Mean to Frown on Everything the Men Propose”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.3.

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California’s first four assemblywomen began their historic tenure in 1919 in the state’s Forty-Third Session of the Legislature. They joined a growing number of women elected to state legislatures before ratification of the federal suffrage amendment. Entitled to run for office when enfranchised by the state in 1911, and elected in 1918, Esto Broughton (Stanislaus County), Grace Dorris (Kern County), Elizabeth Hughes (Butte County), and Anna Saylor (Alameda County) challenged the all-male exclusivity of the legislature by creating political space for women’s equal inclusion and bringing the value of their diversity as women into lawmaking. Intersectionality informs this history, because assemblywomen’s status as white, middle-class women enabled them to ally with men of similar status and to focus on progress for women of their race and class. Contributing to the history of early women in elective politics, and drawing on newspaper and state legislative records, this article explores how the assemblywomen downplayed their gender in self-presentation but focused on it in legislation. The first four women, moreover, voted on two amendments to the U.S. Constitution, beginning the legislative session with ratification of the Eighteenth Amendment and concluding the year with a vote for the Nineteenth Amendment. Their efforts as California’s first legislators solidified the value of women’s diversity in the legislature and, by voting to extend woman suffrage nationwide, they ensured women’s continued inclusion in elective politics.

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Todd, Selina. "Breadwinners and Dependants: Working-Class Young People in England, 1918–1955." International Review of Social History 52, no. 1 (March 9, 2007): 57–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006002781.

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The prevailing image of twentieth-century English “youth” is as a triumphal signifier of affluent leisure consumption. By contrast, this article demonstrates the importance of young working-class people's economic role as wage-earners in the mid-twentieth century. This shaped their treatment by the family and the state and the life histories of the adults they became. Juveniles were crucial breadwinners in interwar working-class households. However, the consequences of high unemployment among adult males helped redefine youth as a period of state protection and leisure in the post-1945 decades. Nevertheless, personal affluence remained limited, and young people's economic responsibilities high, until at least the mid-1950s. The history of twentieth-century youth is best understood as one in which young working-class people's fortunes were closely linked to their family's circumstances and their importance as a supply of cheap labour. Social class thus formed, and was formed by, the experience and memory of being young.

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Oberdeck, Kathryn J. "“Not pink teas”: The Seattle working-class women's movement, 1905–1918." Labor History 32, no. 2 (March 1991): 193–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00236569100890131.

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Laybourn, Keith. "Reviews of Books:Working Class Credit and Community Since 1918 Avram Taylor." American Historical Review 108, no. 5 (December 2003): 1527–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/530097.

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Paces, Cynthia. "Rudolf Kučera, Rationed Life: Science, Everyday Life, and Working-Class Politics in the Bohemian Lands, 1914–1918." European History Quarterly 47, no. 3 (July 2017): 559–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417711663v.

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Glassheim, Eagle. "Rudolf Kučera. Rationed Life: Science, Everyday Life, and Working-Class Politics in the Bohemian Lands, 1914–1918." American Historical Review 122, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 1338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.4.1338.

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Ackers, Peter. "Protestant Sectarianism in Twentieth-Century British Labour History: From Free and Labour Churches to Pentecostalism and the Churches of Christ." International Review of Social History 64, no. 1 (April 2019): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000117.

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The British educated classes have long worried and fantasized about working-class religious belief and unbelief. Anglican churchmen feared Methodist “enthusiasm” in the eighteenth century, radicalism in the aftermath of the French Revolution, and urban, industrial irreligion after the 1851 Religious Census on churchgoing. In a mirror image of these old anxieties, most labour historians have wished away Christianity in the twentieth century. The long-standing shared socialist teleology of Marxists and Fabians leads to the modern, socialist labour movement. In this Marxian take on secularization theory, a new, more cohesive proletariat or singular “working class” forms, with an anti-capitalist, “socialist” consciousness reflected in the political, trade union, and co-operative institutions of the “labour movement”. Suddenly, economic, social, and political history find a single, unified subject. At the level of belief, socialism displaces those old Victorian pretenders for working-class hearts and minds: conservatism, liberalism, and Christianity. Sometime between 1914 and 1918, the Christian religion disappears from ordinary lives, as in Selina Todd's recent, The People, where popular religious faith is barely worth talking about.

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ROMERO SALVADÓ, FRANCISCO J. "BETWEEN THE CATALAN QUAGMIRE AND THE RED SPECTRE, SPAIN, NOVEMBER 1918 – APRIL 1919." Historical Journal 60, no. 3 (January 30, 2017): 795–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000480.

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AbstractDrawing upon a vast array of primary sources, this article focuses on a key period of modern Spanish history: November 1918 – April 1919. In the aftermath of the First World War and spurred on by the Allied victory, demands by Catalonia's political elites for greater autonomy seized the country's agenda. However, the political tussle between the centre and the Catalan elites ended a few months later with their mutual defeat. The upsurge of labour agitation and the hopes of the proletariat generated by the Bolshevik Revolution combined with bourgeois fear resulted in the question of national identity being superseded by bitter class conflict. This article conveys the thesis that these crucial months crystallized the organic crisis of the ruling liberal regime. Indeed, the outcome of these events proved its fragile foundations, dashed hopes for a reformist and negotiated solution, and constituted a dress rehearsal for the military coup of 1923, a clear example of the reactionary backlash which swept across Europe in the interwar years.

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Zackiewicz, Grzegorz. "Ruch związkowy w Polsce 1918–1939." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 4 (2020): 855–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.048.12502.

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The trade union movement in Poland in the years 1918–1939 Precisely estimating the membership of trade union confederations in Poland in the years 1918–1939 is difficult, but we can assume that there were from 0.8 to 1.4 million trade unionists. Although the number of members of trade union organizations was relatively small, they played an important role in Polish social and political life. The trade union movement in the Second Polish Republic reflected political and occupational splits within the labor force, as well as its regional differentiation during the time of the partition of Poland. Although the membership of main trade union confederations was dynamic, the most influential currents of the movement–class trade unions and national-solidaristic trade unions–remained unchanged.

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Li, Yu, Eric Y. Chan, Jiangning Li, Chester Ni, Xinxia Peng, Elizabeth Rosenzweig, Terrence M. Tumpey, and Michael G. Katze. "MicroRNA Expression and Virulence in Pandemic Influenza Virus-Infected Mice." Journal of Virology 84, no. 6 (January 13, 2010): 3023–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/jvi.02203-09.

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ABSTRACT The worst known H1N1 influenza pandemic in history resulted in more than 20 million deaths in 1918 and 1919. Although the underlying mechanism causing the extreme virulence of the 1918 influenza virus is still obscure, our previous functional genomics analyses revealed a correlation between the lethality of the reconstructed 1918 influenza virus (r1918) in mice and a unique gene expression pattern associated with severe immune responses in the lungs. Lately, microRNAs have emerged as a class of crucial regulators for gene expression. To determine whether differential expression of cellular microRNAs plays a role in the host response to r1918 infection, we compared the lung cellular “microRNAome” of mice infected by r1918 virus with that of mice infected by a nonlethal seasonal influenza virus, A/Texas/36/91. We found that a group of microRNAs, including miR-200a and miR-223, were differentially expressed in response to influenza virus infection and that r1918 and A/Texas/36/91 infection induced distinct microRNA expression profiles. Moreover, we observed significant enrichment in the number of predicted cellular target mRNAs whose expression was inversely correlated with the expression of these microRNAs. Intriguingly, gene ontology analysis revealed that many of these mRNAs play roles in immune response and cell death pathways, which are known to be associated with the extreme virulence of r1918. This is the first demonstration that cellular gene expression patterns in influenza virus-infected mice may be attributed in part to microRNA regulation and that such regulation may be a contributing factor to the extreme virulence of the r1918.

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Newman, John Paul. "Rationed Life: Science, Everyday Life, and Working-Class Politics in the Bohemian Lands, 1914–1918, by Rudolf Kučera." English Historical Review 133, no. 562 (April 10, 2018): 734–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cey130.

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Kaufman, Bruce E., Michael Barry, Rafael Gomez, and Adrian Wilkinson. "Evaluating the State of the Employment Relationship: A Balanced Scorecard Approach Built on Mackenzie King’s Model of an Industrial Relations System." Relations industrielles / Industrial Relations 73, no. 4 (March 6, 2019): 664–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1056973ar.

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The industrial relations (IR) field in Canada and the United States (US) emerged in the late 1910s-early 1920s and is thus on the cusp of its 100th anniversary. The impetus for the creation of the IR field was growing public alarm in both countries over the escalating level of conflict, violence, and class polarization in employer-employee relations. The two countries established federal-level government investigative committees, theRoyal Commission on Industrial Relations(1919) in Canada and theCommission on Industrial Relations(1911-1915) in the US, to travel cross-country, gather evidence, and report their findings and overall evaluation.To commemorate the IR field’s centenary, this paper conducts the same type of cross-national ER evaluation, but with modern methods. First, this exercise requires a formal evaluation instrument, like a physical exam worksheet. Adopted is a modified version of a balanced scorecard. Second, the scorecard’s framework and questions should be theoretically informed. The framework used is a modified version of the diagrammatic model of an IR system presented by Mackenzie King inIndustry and Humanity(1918). The third step is to fill in the scorecard with data from individual workplaces, which are obtained for the US from a new nationally-representative survey of 2000+ workplaces, theState of Workplace Employment Relations Survey(SWERS). The fourth step is to aggregate all the diagnostic measures to obtain a summary numerical estimate for each of the companies of its state of ER performance and health.Based on a 1-7 (7 = highest) scale, then converted to F to A grades, we find that the average ER grade given by managers is B+ and by employees C+. The company scores are graphed in a frequency distribution that visually represents, for the first time in the literature, the lowest-to-highest pattern of employment relations performance and health across the US.

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Bengtsson, Tommy, Martin Dribe, and Björn Eriksson. "Social Class and Excess Mortality in Sweden During the 1918 Influenza Pandemic." American Journal of Epidemiology 187, no. 12 (July 27, 2018): 2568–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/aje/kwy151.

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Wasserman, Ira M. "Status Politics and Economic Class Interests: The 1918 Prohibition Referendum in California." Sociological Quarterly 31, no. 3 (June 1990): 475–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1990.tb00340.x.

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CHISHOLM, LINDA. "Class, Colour and Gender in Child Welfare in South Africa, 1902–1918." South African Historical Journal 23, no. 1 (December 1990): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582479008671673.

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Veeraraghavan, D., and T. Thankappan. "Class Conflict and the Colonial State in Madras Presidency up to 1918." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 10, no. 1 (March 1, 1990): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07323867-10-1-1.

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Jones, Esyllt W. "Contact Across a Diseased Boundary: Urban Space and Social Interaction During Winnipeg’s Influenza Epidemic, 1918-1919." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 13, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031156ar.

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Abstract During the influenza epidemic of 1918-1919 in Winnipeg, several hundred predominantly Anglo-Canadian middle- and upper-class women volunteered to nurse and feed victims of the disease, particularly the poor of the city's north end. The contact between victim and volunteer, north and south, promoted a sense of social order, but was simultaneously unsettling for the women involved and for the broader community. The paper utilizes Mary Louise Pratt's notion of “contact zone” to suggest that the extraordinary qualities of social interaction during the epidemic, when lives normally lived apart intersected, were a source of social tension. This tension was partially resolved through limitations upon who fit the role of volunteer, principles of scientific management and professionalism, and the construction of an ideal feminine heroine. Individual women's volunteerism nevertheless reflected a more ambiguous experience.

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Burri, Michael. "Austrian Festival Missions after 1918: The Vienna Music Festival and the Long Shadow of Salzburg." Austrian History Yearbook 47 (April 2016): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237816000114.

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Rising from the ruins of a post-1918 Austria shed of its monarchical leadership and much of its former territory, the Salzburg Festival acquired a symbolic authority during the First Austrian Republic that continues to ensure its privileged place in Austrian politics and culture to this day. At the core of this privileged place are two signature legacies that, while grounded in the festival's prewar history, fortified a particular agenda of the Second Austrian Republic in defining Austrian history and national identity in the decades following World War II. The first, as expressed in 1919 by the festival's most articulate cofounder, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, is that with its Salzburg setting, the festival should be understood as situated in the “heart of the heart of Europe,” a place where the antitheses of Central European geography (German and Slavic, German and Italian), social class (commoner and elite), and aesthetic genre (dramatic theater and opera) encounter one another only to be dissolved through transcendence in an “organic unity.”

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Sosnowska, Joanna. "Inicjatywy opiekuńcze i oświatowo-wychowawcze łódzkiej społeczności żydowskiej w latach I wojny światowej – Przytulisko dla Dzieci Wyznania Mojżeszowego." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 34 (October 12, 2018): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2016.34.2.

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In 1914–1918, the Łódź Jewish community organized activities for children and teenagers in more than ten social and charitable organizations and institutions. Some of them were established even before 1914, some were opened during WWI. The Shelter for Jewish Children was among the centres operating during the difficult war times and dating back to the time before the Great War. The Shelter was established on the initiative of Sara Poznańska, wife of Maurycy Poznański, a prominent Jewish industrialist and social activist in Łódź. Members of the Board of the new institution included rich, middle class Jewish women, factory owners and merchants. In 1917, they were joined by S. Poznańska as President, Maria Hertzowa as Vice-President, Stefania Hirszbergowa as Treasurer and Paweł Becker as Secretary of the Board. Several sections were identified in the Shelter with different functions in mind: the Pedagogical, Medical, Food, Maintenance, and Clothes Sections. The task of the Pedagogical section was care for the intellectual and physical development of the children. Efforts were made to propagate Polish issues in education (the children were taught history and the Polish language). The Medical Section focused on hygiene and the children’s health. The Food Section prepared hot meals, i.e. dinners and breakfasts. The Maintenance Section’s responsibility was to develop a sense of cleanliness and order in the children. The Clothes Section put an emphasis on maintaining the children’s clothes in order, mainly by mending them. During WWI, the Shelter took care of over 200 pre-school and school children (aged 4–12).

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Deak, John. "Rationed Life: Science, Everyday Life, and Working-class Politics in the Bohemian Lands, 1914–1918, written by Kučera, Rudolf." East Central Europe 45, no. 2-3 (November 29, 2018): 376–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04502009.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Class of 1918'

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