Academic literature on the topic 'Classe nominale'
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Journal articles on the topic "Classe nominale"
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Huguin, Mathilde. "Morphologie et organisation du lexique : la catégorie nominale, comparaison des déonomastiques et des dénominaux." SHS Web of Conferences 46 (2018): 08005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20184608005.
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La classe nominale peut être scindée en deux : d’une part les noms communs et de l’autre les noms propres. Notre objectif est de vérifier si d’un point de vue constructionnel ces deux classes ont des comportements différents. Dans cette étude, nous comparons les Noms propres référant à des Personnalités Politiques (NPP) et les Noms communs désignant des Humains (NcHum). L’analyse des lexèons morphologiques opèrent sur les deux catégories, d’autres éléments permettent d’argumenter en faveur d’une distinction NcHum/NPP. NcHum et NPP possè dent des espaces thé matiques au fonctionnement différent. Sémantiquement, ils ne peuvent pas non plus être caractérisés de la même manière. Si le NcHum dispose d’une signification stable, le NPP possède plusieurs types de sens qui n’apparaissent qu’en contexte. Ces différences, formelles et sémantiques, confortent l’idée que la classe nominale ne peut trouver de définition unifiée. Finalement, nous mettons en évidence le fait qu’un NcHum n’est peut-être pas plus différent d’un NPP qu’une autre catégorie nominale (toponyme, etc.).
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Vaupot, Sonia. "La détermination nominale: article et quantificateur." Linguistica 42, no. 1 (2002): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.42.1.131-142.
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Le présent article se propose d'examiner certaines occurrences de syntagmes nominaux et plus par ticulièrement de détermination nominate. L 'accent sera mis sur quelques cas susceptibles de répon dre enpartie aux exigences d 'unapprenant slovène puisque la détermination en slovène se manifeste entre autres à I 'aide des déclinaisons ou des prépositions et non de l'article. fl s 'agira essentielle ment de mettre en évidence I 'opposition article et quantificateur.Les déterminants du nom sont définis de manière classique comme Jes unités fonc tionnelles qui, antéposées au nom, permettent de construire un syntagme nominal min imal constituant la phrase. Ainsi "un" ou "Jes" sont des déterminants puisqu' on peut avoir "un chien aboie" ou "les chiens" tandis que la construction "*méchant chien aboie" est jugée agrammaticale en français ("méchant" ne faisant pas partie de cette classe). L'énoncé "un chien aboie" est certes ambigu car il peut désigner I'animal en train d'aboyer ou un type de cri appartenant à la classe des chiens. Le contexte permet en général de lever l'ambiguïté. Parfois, le syntagme nominal peut être construit sans déterminant, mais il s'agit des cas de non-détermination qui ne feront pas l'objet de cette courte étude.
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Lessard, Gregory. "Une application particulière de l’opérateur de négation." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 31, no. 2 (1986): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100011567.
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En général, les modèles courants de l’antonymie lexicale ramènent le phénomène à l’action d’un opérateur de négation qui agit sur un ou plusieurs traits sémantiques d’une unité lexicale. En même temps, ces modèles prennent pour acquis qu’entre deux contraires, il ne peut exister ni une relation d’identité ni une relation d’inclusion logique. Ainsi, partir n’est nullement identique à rester, et en même temps, partir n’implique pas rester (et vice-versa). Or, il existe en français contemporain une classe de constructions, qui se caractérisent sur le plan formel par la présence d’une base nominale et de l’un ou l’autre des préfixes A-, ANTI-, CONTRE- ou NON-, qui semblent manifester et une occurrence de l’opérateur de négation et une relation d’inclusion logique entre la construction préfixée et la base nominale seule (dans le sens que, étant donné une base nominale y et un préfixe x, on peut affirmer de la construction x + y qu’elle représente un type particulier de y).
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Callipo, Manuela. "Hyparktikón et substantivum : entre verbe et nom dans la grammaire grecque et latine." Histoire Epistémologie Langage 40, no. 2 (2018): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/hel/2018013.
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Apollonius Dyscole range parmi les hyparktikà rhḗmata les verbes aussi bien copulatifs que d’appellation : son usage reste un unicum dans l’ensemble du corpus grammatical grec tel qu’il nous a été transmis. Le système apollonien peut être expliqué – nous semble-t-il – par sa conception du nom, censé signifier à la fois la substance et la qualité du référent et donc lié à la signification de l’hyparxis / ousía : le fait de nommer un référent en implique l’existence du moins au niveau linguistique. Priscien de son côté, influencé par son arrière-plan platonicien, limite le verbum substantivum (calque de hyparktikòn rhḗma) au seul verbe sum, mais pour la première fois dans l’histoire de la linguistique ancienne transpose l’adjectif substantivum de la classe verbale à la classe nominale : il récupère ainsi d’une certaine manière l’héritage d’Apollonius et en même temps resserre à l’extrême les liens entre le nom et la substance.
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Miranda, Camille Cardoso. "Categorização nominal em línguas Arawák: revisando a questão de gênero gramatical." Estudos Linguísticos (São Paulo. 1978) 49, no. 3 (2020): 1529–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21165/el.v49i3.2658.
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Corbett (1991, 2001) e Aikhenvald (2000a) assumem que gênero e classe nominal são um tipo de categorização nominal. Diferentemente desses autores, Grinevald (2000) estabelece uma distinção de gênero e classe nominal, alegando que gênero é um termo geralmente reservado para sistemas relativamente pequenos, baseados no sexo, do tipo indo-europeu, enquanto classes nominais são geralmente usadas para além da questão do sexo, como animado/inanimado, humano/não humano, macho/fêmea etc. Assim sendo, para esta pesquisa utilizaremos a abordagem teórica de Corbett (1991), classificando gênero e classe de nomes em uma mesma categoria: gênero. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo realizar um estudo comparativo-tipológico para verificar a questão de gênero em dez línguas da família Arawák. Como resultado, verificamos que essas línguas atribuem gênero por questões semânticas com mais predominância do que formal e que em algumas línguas, como Paresi, Mehináku, Terena e Wauja, por exemplo, a distinção de gênero se perdeu.
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Chacon, Thiago Costa, and Rodrigo do Prado Sateles. "Explorações sobre padrões de indexação e classificação nominal de argumentos em línguas indígenas da América do Sul." LIAMES: Línguas Indígenas Americanas 19 (October 30, 2019): e019016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/liames.v19i0.8655674.
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Este trabalho apresenta os primeiros resultados de uma pesquisa tipológica sobre padrões de classificação nominal em línguas indígenas da América do Sul, Mais especificamente analisamos os padrões pelos quais argumentos de uma oração podem ser indexados por morfemas que os categorizam para além de dimensões semânticas dêiticas (como pessoa) e quantitativas (como número), focando em sistemas como gênero, classes nominais e classificadores. A partir de uma amostragem geográfica e filogeneticamente diversificada de línguas do continente, e uma discussão teórica sobre o que é classificação nominal e indexação de argumentos, domo objetivos principais, procuramos explorar as diferentes maneiras formais e semânticas como argumentos podem ser indexados, buscando generalizações entre tipos de sistemas de classificação nominal e sua correlação com outras categorias nominais expressas por verbos ou predicados. Também exploramos algumas generalizações greenberguianas entre padrões de classificação nominal nos verbos, no sintagma nominal e na palavra nominal. Como resultado, encontramos um conjunto de propriedades que servem para distinguir em um plano tipológico sistemas de gênero, classes nominais e classificadores. Argumentamos que essas diferenças tipológicas foram moldadas por forças diacrônicas distintas, a começar pela fonte dos sistemas de gênero, que são morfemas dêiticos como pronomes livres e demonstrativos, em contraste com compostos nominais que são a fonte dos sistemas de classificadores e classes nominais.
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Ferreira-Silva, Marília De Nazaré. "Construções nominais classificatórias em Parkatêje (Nominal constructions classifiers in Parkatêje)." Estudos da Língua(gem) 9, no. 1 (2011): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22481/el.v9i1.1136.
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Baseado em uma abordagem funcional, este trabalho apresenta as características da formação de alguns nomes em parkatêjê, descrevendo um conjunto de nomes da língua que ocorrem em compostos. Tais nomes imprimem nos compostos, dos quais passam a fazer parte, um significado específico relacionado a aspectos, como forma, tamanho e espessura. São nomes tomados como referência na língua. alguns desses são inalienáveis, referentes a partes do corpo, utilizados em sentido metafórico. Outros não, como é o caso do nome farinha. Esse conjunto de nomes, embora funcione à maneira de classificadores, não apresenta a mesma extensão que tais formas usualmente têm.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Parkatêjê. Nomes compostos. Termos de classe. Classificadores.
 ABSTRACT Based in a functional approach, this paper presents characteristics of some noun formation processes in Parkatêjê and describes a set of nouns from Parkatêjê language which occurs in compounds. Those nouns give an specific meaning to the compounds in which they participate, related to aspects like shape, size and thickness. They are reference nouns in the language. Some of them are inalienable, related to human body parts, used in a metaphoric sense. Others ones are not the same like the noun related to flour. That set of nouns, although occurring like classifiers, does not present the same extension as classifiers do.KEYWORDS: Parkatêjê. Compound nouns. Class terms. Classifiers.
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Estrada Ramírez, Hortensia. "El Sistema de Clases Nominales en la lengua Saliba." Revista Brasileira de Linguística Antropológica 6, no. 1 (2018): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/rbla.v6i1.21062.
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Una de las principales características de la lengua sáliba es su sistema de clases nominal que establece concordancia clasificatoria a lo largo de la oración. Esas clases nominales forman parte de la cosmovisión del pueblo sáliba que organiza el mundo que le rodea en dos grandes grupos: animados e inanimados. El sistema animado reúne características de género y número en tres categorías: masculino, femenino y plural o neutro. El sistema inanimado se divide en dos: singular y plural. El inanimado singular consta de veintidós clases nominales que se agrupan según su forma, función, estado o consistencia. El inanimado plural se subdivide en diez y ocho clases que son variables. Este sistema de clases parte del nombre y se ramifica en otras palabras que tiene la lengua para regir el morfema de clase que reciben.
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MEL'ČUK, Igor, and Élie BAKIZA. "Les classes nominales en kirundi." Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 82, no. 1 (1987): 283–341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bsl.82.1.2013681.
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Fourie, D. J. "The nominal classes of Ngandjera." South African Journal of African Languages 13, no. 2 (1993): 40–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1993.10586962.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Classe nominale"
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Adouna, Gbandi. "Description phonologique et grammaticale du Konkomba - Langue GUR du Togo et du Ghana – Parler de Nawaré." Phd thesis, Université Rennes 2, 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00416375.
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Langue de tradition orale, le konkomba n'a jamais fait l'objet d'une desrciption linguistique approfondie. La présente description s'appuie sur un corpus de données recueillies pendant nos nombreux séjours à Nawaré, canton dont nous décrivons le parler, sur l'ensemble de la chaîne linguistique konkomba, au centre-ouest du Togo et au nord-est du Ghana. La langue y est décrite sous trois aspects, qui constituent les grandes parties de la Thèse : la phonologie (nous y dégageons les phonèmes consonantiques et vocaliques, la structure syllabique, les différents tons et leurs fonctions) ; la première partie de la morphologie (nominale) part de la structure morphologique pour dégager les différentes classes nominales ; nous étudions aussi la composition. La morphologie verbale présente le verbe dans l'énoncé ; elle identifie les formes que peut prendre un verbe dans cette langue, avant de les classer d'après leur structure qui est corrélative de leur insertion dans des formes aspectuelles données. De là, un certain nombre de propriétés qui distinguent les deux catégories majeures. Nous nous intéressons aussi à la catégorie d'adjectif qui, en konkomba, participe du nom et du verbe. La dernière partie – la syntaxe – étudie la phrase, elle examine les fonctions syntaxiques aussi bien centrales que périphériques, sur la base de la valence verbale. Elle montre la nécessité, pour ce type de langue (langue Gur ou Voltaïque), d'analyser le système syntaxique dans son rapport avec la morphologie nominale. Nous examinons aussi un certain nombre de processus syntaxiques comme l'interrogation et la focalisation.
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Ollomo, Ella Régis. "Description linguistique du shiwa, langue bantu du Gabon. : phonologie, morphologie, syntaxe, lexique." Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030129/document.
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Le présent travail est une description linguistique du shiwa, une langue bantu du Nord-Est du Gabon.La thèse comporte trois parties précédées d’une introduction générale qui situe le shiwa et les Shiwa dans leur environnement géographique, sociolinguistique et socioculturel. Cette introduction présente également les données exploitées et les conditions de leur collecte.La partie phonétique et phonologie (phonématique et analyse tonale) est traitée dans l’optique fonctionnaliste. Le shiwa présente un grand nombre de réalisations phonétiques et un système phonologique complexe, six tons se réalisant sur plusieurs registres. La complexité phonétique est liée à la monosyllabisation. Elle engendre des consonnes complexes, palatalisées, labialisées, affriquées, des voyelles centralisées et nasalisées. Le système phonologique présente de multiples mécanismes de variations libres, combinatoires et contextuelles.La morphologie inspirée des méthodes de l’Ecole de Londres montre un système d’accord bantu classique avec, cependant, un nombre restreint de schèmes d’accord et de classes. La langue fait usage au singulier des mêmes préfixes pour l’ensemble des classes.Le lexique exploité compte 1104 termes, transcrits, segmentés, rangés selon la classe avec une référence les liant à l’annexe audio.Outre les éléments de description linguistique, la thèse comprend des fichiers sons. Ces fichiers sons comportent une partie des données collectées sur le terrain soit une dizaine d’heures d’enregistrements sur des lexiques spécialisés, des questionnaires et des récits<br>The present work is a linguistic description of the Shiwa, a Bantu language of northeastern Gabon. The thesis has three parts preceded by a general introduction. It places the Shiwa and Shiwa in their geographical, sociolinguistic and sociocultural environment. The introduction also presents the data used and the conditions of their collection.Phonetics and phonology part use the functionalist perspective. Shiwa has many phonetic realisations, a complex phonological system and six tones. Phonetic complexity is related to the monosyllabisation. It generates complex consonants, palatalized, labialized, affricates, centralized and nasalized vowels. The phonological system has multiple mechanisms of free, combinatorial and contextual variations.The morphology is based on the London School methods. It brings to light a system with classical Bantu agreements system. However, the language has few classes and agreements marks. It uses the same singular prefixes for all classes.The lexicon contain 1104 words, transcribed, segmented, classified by class and linking to the audio Annex.In addition to the elements of linguistic description, the thesis includes a sound data. This contain a part of data collected during our investigations: ten hours of recordings on specialized lexicons, questionnaires and stories
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Mekina, Emilienne-Nadège. "Description du fang-nzaman, langue bantoue du Gabon : phonologie et classes nominales." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LORR0328.
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Cette thèse consiste en une description du Fang-Nzaman, langue bantoue parlée au Gabon en Afrique Centrale. Le travail présente la phonologie en commençant par l'identification des phonèmes, avec la mise en relief des paires minimales qui permettent d'opposer les phonèmes : /mb/ vs /b/ et de les classer comme unités distinctives. Le choix des oppositions qui sont présentées a été fait en fonction des éléments nécessaires à l'identification dans certaines positions. Pour les phonèmes, le lexème permet les oppositions dans les structures les plus usitées. Les phonèmes sont ainsi définis dans leur fonctionnement et dans leur classement.Les unités discrètes sont indispensables au fonctionnement de langues, mais les éléments majeurs suprasegmentaux de la prosodie que sont les tons dans le fang-nzaman le sont aussi. Ils sont répertoriés en tons ponctuels et tons modulés.L'organisation de ces unités a permis l'identification de différentes positions occupées par les catégories grammaticales ou lexicales dans le syntagme ; après la définition des éléments du système dans le cadre syntaxique, on a procédé à l'analyse des classes nominales. L'étude des catégories grammaticales permet également d'envisager la morphologie dans le cadre d'un paradigme nominal et dans un aperçu du paradigme verbal. Le paradigme nominal inventorie les indices de classe, les détermine à partir de trois critères, la forme du préfixe nominal, l'appariement des classes et les accords de classe. La langue permet aussi d'étudier le fonctionnement des indices de classe avec les pronoms dans les énoncés<br>This thesis is a description of Fang-Nzaman, a Bantu language spoken in Gabon, in Central Africa. This work identifies the phonemes of Fang-Nzaman, highlighting the existence of minimal pairs opposing the phonemes /mb/ and /b/, which shows that they are distinctive units.The oppositions presented were chosen according to the representativeness of the elements necessary to identification in certain positions. For phonemes, the lexeme allows for oppositions in the most commonly used structures. Phonemes are thus defined in terms of their behaviour and their classification.Discrete units are key to the understanding of languages, but major suprasegmental elements of prosody, such as the tones of Fang-Nzaman, are also crucial. They are classified into punctual tones and contour tones.The organization of those units has made it possible to identify the various positions occupied by the grammatical or lexical categories in the syntactic unit and to define the elements of the system within a syntactic framework, prior to the analysis of noun classes.Thus, the study of grammatical categories makes it possible to analyze morphology in terms of a noun paradigm and, briefly, a verb paradigm. The noun paradigm lists the class affixes, identifying them on the basis of three criteria: form of the noun prefix, pairing and class inflection. The language also makes it possible to show how class affixes are used with pronouns in speech
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Kouarata, Guy Noël. "Variations de formes dans la langue Mbochi (Bantu C25)." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO20083/document.
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Notre étude s’intitule variations de formes dans la langue Mbochi (bantu C25). Elle s’inscrit dans le cadre de la linguistique historique bantu.A travers une analyse dialectométrique, elle identifie et localise les dix parlers mbochi. Elle montre que le mbochi est une langue bantu parlée dans le nord de la République du Congo, dans le département de la Cuvette (dans les districts de Boundji, Ngoko, Tchikapika et Oyo) et celui des Plateaux (dans les districts d’Ongogni, Ollombo, Abala, Alembe). Il compte dix dialectes (Olee, Mbonzi, Tsambitso, Ngilima, Bokwele, Bonyala, Ngae, Obaa, Eboyi et Ondinga). Visant une meilleure compréhension des mécanismes linguistiques qui sous-tendent la diversification linguistique dans le pays mbochi, notre analyse se focalise sur les variations phoniques, morphologiques et lexicales qui s’opèrent d’un dialecte mbochi à un autre. Elle dégage les divergences et les convergences entre les différents parlers. Aussi présente-t-elle une description phonologique et morphologique des parlers mbochi actuels (synchronie). Elle examine les correspondances phonologiques et morphologiques ainsi que les réflexes du proto-bantu en mbochi avant de procéder à la reconstruction des phonèmes et des morphèmes du proto-mbochi, mère hypothétique des parlers actuels.La présente étude divise les parlers mbochi en trois principaux sous-groupes selon leurs convergences phonologiques et morphologiques. Elle montre l’impact de la proximité géographique, du contact des langues dans la diversification de celles-ci<br>Our study entitled “variations of forms in Mbochi language (Bantu C25)” is considered as part of the Bantu historical linguistics. It identifies and locates the ten Mbochi dialects through a dialectometric analysis. It shows that Mbochi is a Bantu language spoken in the northern part of Republic of Congo, mainly in the Cuvette (in the districts of Boundji, Ngoko, Tchikapika and Oyo) and Plateau (in the Ongogni districts Ollombo, Abala Alembé) departments. It has ten dialects (Olee, Mbonzi, Tsambitso, Ngilima, Bokwele, Bonyala, Ngae, Obaa, Eboyi and Ondinga).Our analysis targets a better understanding of the underlying language mechanisms of linguistic diversity of Mbochi and is focused on sound, morphological and lexical variations from one dialect to another. It highlights the differences and similarities between these dialects. It also presents a phonological and morphological description of the current Mbochi dialects (synchrony). It examines the phonological and morphological correspondences to the proto-bantu before reconstructing the phonemes and morphemes of proto-Mbochi, the hypothetical source of the current Mbochi dialects.This study divides the Mbochi dialects into three main sub-groups according to their phonological and morphological similarities. It shows both the impact of geographical proximity and that of language contact in the diversification of these dialects
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Oliveira, Anna Maria Russo Patricio de. "Aspectos semânticos, conceituais e morfo-sintáticos das categorias nominais." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8139/tde-05022010-155317/.
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Esta dissertação discute o estatuto morfossintático, semântico e conceitual das categorias nominais, a partir das denominações encontradas em textos didáticos e em trabalhos acadêmicos. O objetivo principal é esclarecer alguns aspectos que ainda permanecem obscuros na literatura, principalmente no que diz respeito às extensões de determinadas categorias nominais. As categorias discutidas neste trabalho são os nomes próprios, os nomes concretos e abstratos, os nomes de eventos e os nomes coletivos. Investigam-se especialmente as particularidades ligadas à interpretação das diferentes categorias nominais enquanto possíveis desencadeadoras de diferentes modos de denotação. Tendo como ponto de partida a semântica formal, este trabalho recebe contribuições também de outras sub-áreas da lingüística, assim como da filosofia da linguagem. Devido à escassez de embasamento teórico recente, foram buscados argumentos tanto em autores oriundos do campo filosófico tais como Russell, Wittgenstein e Varzi como lingüistas relativamente pouco freqüentados em nossos dias, como Jespersen e Pichon. O desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, que priorizou como objeto de análise, a língua portuguesa do Brasil, parece apontar alguns aspectos relevantes na diferenciação e na delimitação das classes nominais supra citadas. No caso dos nomes próprios, foi possível observar que as duas principais teorias que tratam deles, a descritivista e a referencialista, não são necessariamente excludentes. Do estudo dos vários autores que, de uma forma ou de outra, aderiram a essas teorias, evidenciou-se que cada uma delas, isoladamente tomada, apresenta deficiências que poderiam ser preenchidas pela outra e que ambas poderiam ser beneficiadas pelo acréscimo do fator contextual. Embora haja consenso quanto ao fato de que, do ponto de vista sintático, os nomes próprios ocupam o lugar do sujeito em sentenças afirmativas e que, do ponto de vista lógico, nomes próprios são todas as expressões nominais definidas, não é suficientemente salientado que, nesse aspecto, os nomes próprios são uma subclasse dos nomes concretos, assim como, de acordo com Ockham, coincidem com os nomes concretos os adjetivos empregados na predicação. Quanto à classe dos nomes abstratos, esta mostrou-se muito mais ampla do que se possa imaginar, abarcando além dos nomes abstratos de qualidades, derivados de adjetivos, também os nomes de ação e de estados, de derivação verbal, e os nomes quantificados (pela aposição de sufixos como edo, al, ama) ou massificados (pela aposição de sufixos como ada), de derivação substantival. No que diz respeito aos nomes coletivos, a pesquisa mostrou que, por exemplo, quando são examinados em sua forma desenvolvida (grupo de flores, no lugar de buquê), estes formam uma classe conspícua e de vasta aplicação. Além disso, o estudo dessa categoria abriu um interessante questionamento no que diz respeito à denotação dos nomes de espécies, pois os nomes coletivos teriam, apesar do atributo, uma extensão menor daquela dos nomes comuns. Os nomes de eventos constituíram também um assunto que não pode ser examinado apenas do ponto de vista semântico. No decorrer da pesquisa, este assunto levantou importantes aspectos morfológicos e sintáticos, pois, contrariamente ao que é consenso na literatura, os nomes de evento não parecem ser necessariamente de derivação verbal. No português, por exemplo, foram detectados vários nomes não deverbais que denotam eventos (festa, desastre, neblina, etc.), que são selecionados pelos mesmos verbos que selecionam os nomes de eventos derivados.<br>This work discusses the morphosyntatic, semantic and conceptual statute of nominal categories from the denominations found in textbooks and academic writings. The main purpose is to clarify some aspects which remain obscure in the literature, mainly in regard to extensions of particular nominal categories. The categories discussed are the proper names, the concrete and abstract names, the event nouns and collective nouns. Particularities related to interpretations of different nominal categories are investigated as possible triggers of different denotation modes. Formal Semantics is the starting point of this work, which also has contributions from other subareas of Linguistics and from Philosophy of Language as well. Due to the lack of recent theoretical framework, arguments have been searched either in authors deriving from the philosophical area such as Russell, Wittgenstein and Varzi, or in not frequently studied nowadays linguists, like Jespersen and Pichon. The development of this research, which prioritized as its main analysis object Brazilian Portuguese, seems to point out some relevant aspects in the differentiation and delimitation of the nominal classes supra cited. Regarding proper names, it was possible to observe that the two main theories that deal with them, the descriptivist and referentialist ones, are not necessarily excludent. Considering the authors who somehow adhered to these theories, it became evident that each of them presents deficiencies that could be filled by the other and that both would benefit from the addition of the contextual factor. Despite of the consensus about the fact that, according to the syntactic point of view, proper names occupy the subject position in affirmative sentences and that, according to the logical point of view, proper names are all the definite nominal expressions, it is not enough highlighted that, in respect to that, proper names are a subclass of concrete names, likewise, to Ockham, III coincide with concrete nouns the adjectives used in predication. Concerning the abstract names class, it turned out to be much larger than could be expected, including not only the abstract names of qualities, but also nouns of actions and states, of verbal derivation, and the nouns quantified (by the adposition of suffixes like -edo, -al, -ama) or massified (by the adposition of suffixes like -ada), of nominal derivation. With respect to collective nouns, the research revealed that, for instance, when examined in their developed form grupo de flores (group of flowers) instead of buquê (bouquet), they represent a conspicuous class of large application. Additionally, the study of this category led to an interesting questioning of the species names denotation because the collective nouns seem to have, besides the attribute, a smaller extension than that of common names. Similarly, event nouns cant be analyzed only on a semantic basis. As the research advanced, this issue raised important morphological and syntactic aspects, because in spite of the consensus found in the literature, event nouns dont seem to be necessarily derived from verbs. In Portuguese, for example, there are non-deverbal event nouns like festa (party), desastre (disaster), neblina (fog), etc., which are selected by the same verbs that select the derived event nouns.
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Skaf, Roula. "Le morphème d= en araméen-syriaque : étude d’une polyfonctionalité à plusieurs échelles syntaxiques." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015INAL0012/document.
Full textAbstract:
Le fonctionnement du morphème polyfonctionnel d= en syriaque des Évangiles de la Peshiṭta est décrit morphosyn-taxiquement et dans une perspective typologique, en synchronie et par comparaison, pour certains points, avec d’autres versions et avec d’autres langues sémitiques. Ancien démonstratif en proto-sémitique, d= est un relateur à plusieurs niveaux syntaxiques : support de détermination, marqueur des relations génitivales et relatives, introducteur de complétives et adverbiales. Un critère syntaxique distingue sémantiquement les syntagmes génitivaux aliénables et inaliénable même si cette distinction tend à s’estomper, à des degrés différents selon les catégories sémantiques d’inaliénables, termes de parentés et parties du corps. Si les structures syntaxiques sont semblables pour les relatives restrictives et les non-restrictives, il est impossible de relativiser ces dernières pour les relatives objet, dative et adjointe. La stratégie à trou syntaxique constitue la stratégie primaire dans la hiérarchie d’accessibilité, et toutes les fonctions de la tête dans la matrice, sauf l’objet de comparaison, sont relativisables.Les fonctions de complémenteur de d= sont plus larges qu’en sémitique ancien. d= s’emploie avec 12 des 14 types de prédicats de la classification typologique de Noonan au lieu de 3 en sémitique ancien. Le syriaque est conforme à la hiérarchie implicationnelle, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Le critère syntaxique de saturation de la valence verbale et des critères sémantiques et contextuels permettent de distinguer les adverbiales des complétives. Lorsque d= forme des locutions conjonctives avec des prépositions ou des adverbes, la polysémie des valeurs est désambigüisée grâce au contexte, à l’exception de la conjonction monosémique temporelle mo d=. Dans le discours rapporté, le discours Reproduit est majoritairement introduit sans d=, alors qu’il l’est avec d= pour le discours Reformulé. Le grec n’a eu aucune influence sur son utilisation<br>The behaviour of the polyfunctional morpheme d= in the Syriac language of the Gospels of the Peshiṭta is described in a typological perspective, in synchrony and in comparison, for some properties, with other varieties of Syriac and with other Semitic languages. d=, a former demonstrative in Proto-Semitic, is a relator at various syntactic levels: a determination place-holder, a genitival and relative marker, an introducer of completive and adverbial clauses.Chapter 1 introduces the topic of the study and the theoretical framework and chapter 2 discusses the state of art.Chapter 3 is dedicated to the study of the genitive phrase. We discovered that a syntactic criterion allows to distinguish semantically between alienable and inalienable phrases, to different degrees according to the semantic categories of the inalienable set, i.e. kinship and body part terms.In chapter 4, we showed that even though syntactic structures are similar for restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses, it is impossible to relativize the latter for object, dative and adjoint relatives clauses. The syntactic gap strategy constitutes the primary strategy in the accessibility hierarchy and all the functions of the head in the main clause, except the object of comparison, are relativizable.Chapter 5 deals with the functions of d= as a complementizer and an introducer of adverbial clauses. The complementizer uses are wider than in Old Semitic. d= is employed with 12 of the 14 types of predicates of Noonan's typological classification as against 3 in Old Semitic. Syriac conforms to the implicational hierarchy named Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. For adverbial clauses, the syntactic criterion of saturation of the verbal valency as well as semantic and contextual criteria permit to distinguish adverbial clauses from complement clauses. When d= forms conjunctive locutions with prepositions or adverbs, the polysemy of values is disambiguated thanks to the context. Only the conjunction mo d= is monosemous (with a temporal meaning).In the last chapter (chap. 6) on reported speech, we showed that direct reported speech is mostly introduced without d=, whereas it is always the case for indirect speech. Greek did not have any influence on the use of d=<br>Il funzionamento del morfema polifunzionale d= del siriaco nei Vangeli della Peshiṭta è descritto in una prospettiva tipologica, in sincronia e attraverso la comparazione, in alcuni punti, con altre versioni e con altre lingue semitiche. Tale morfema deriva dal pronome dimostrativo proto-semitico *ḏV e funge da relatore in diversi livelli sintattici: supporto di determinazione, indicatore delle relazioni genitivali e relative, introduttore delle proposizioni completive e avverbiali. Il capitolo 1 introduce la problematica della ricerca e dell’ambito teorico; il capitolo 2 presenta uno stato dell’arte sull’argomento.Il capitolo 3 è consacrato allo studio del sintagma genitivale. Un criterio sintattico ha permesso di distinguere semanticamente i sintagmi genitivali alienabili e inalienabili, anche se questa distinzione tende ad attenuarsi, in diversi punti, secondo le categorie semantiche d’inalienabile, termini di parentela e parti del corpo.Nel capitolo 4 abbiamo mostrato che, se da una parte le strutture sintattiche sono simili per le relative restrittive e le non-restrittive, dall’altra è impossibile relativizzare le ultime per le relative complemento oggetto, complemento di termine e complemento circostanziale. La strategia con gap sintattico è la strategia primaria nella gerarchia d’accessibilità e tutte le funzioni della testa nella proposizione matrice, tranne l’oggetto della comparazione, sono relativizzabili.Il capitolo 5 tratta le funzioni di d= come complementatore e introduttore di proposizioni avverbiali. Gli impieghi del complementatore sono più ampi rispetto al semitico più antico. Il morfema d= si impiega infatti per 12 dei 14 tipi di predicato della classificazione tipologica di Noonan invece dei 3 del semitico più antico. Il siriaco è conforme alla gerarchia implicativa, Complement Deranking-Argument Hierarchy. Per le proposizioni avverbiali, il criterio sintattico di saturazione della valenza verbale e dei criteri semantici e contestuali permettono di distinguere le avverbiali dalle completive.Quando d= forma delle locuzioni congiuntive con delle preposizioni o degli avverbi, la polisemia dei valori è disambiguato grazie al contesto, fatta eccezione della congiunzione monosemica temporale mo d=Nell’ultimo capitolo, sul discorso indiretto, mostriamo che il discorso “riprodotto” è introdotto senza d= nella maggior parte dei casi, mentre si usa d= nel discorso “riformulato”. Il greco non ha alcuna influenza sul suo utilizzo
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Theledi, Kgomotso Mothokhumo Ambitious. "Descriptive nominal modifiers in Setswana." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52755.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
The study focused on three descriptive nominal modifiers which specify the attributes of
nouns, i.e. the morphological adjective, the relative clause and the descriptive possessive.
The morphological adjective appears in an adjectival phrase, which has to consist of a
determiner and an adjective. The adjective must have agreement with the head noun in
an NP. The adjective root may appear with nominal suffixes such as -ana and -gadi, it can
be reduplicated, it may be transposed to other categories and it may even be
compounded. The AP may also occur in predicative position as well as in comparative
clauses.
The relative clause may have the same semantic properties as the adjective. The relative
clause in Setswana consists of a determiner in the position of the complementizer followed
by an lP. Such an lP may have a copulative or non-copulative verb. Attention in this study
has focused on the nominal relative, which appears as a complement of a copulative verb.
These nominal relative stems have been divided into two sections, i.e. a section in which
the nominal relative stems may not appear in a descriptive possessive construction and a
second section where these stems may also appear as a complement of the possessive
[a]. The semantic features of these nominal relative stems have been isolated and it is
clear that they show a wide variety of semantic features. This type of relative clause
represents the most prolific category, which specifies the attributes of nouns.
The third category, which displays the semantic feature of an attribute of a noun, is the
descriptive possessive construction. The syntactic and semantic structure of this type of
phrase has been investigated. A wide variety of complements of the possessive [a] have
been isolated in Setswana and some semantic features have received specific attention,
i.e. group nouns and partitives.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:
Die studie fokus op drie deskriptiewe nominale bepalers wat die attribute van naamwoorde
spesifiseer nl. die morfologiese adjektief, die relatief en die deskriptiewe possessief.
Die morfologiese adjektief kom voor in 'n adjektieffrase wat bestaan uit 'n bepaler en 'n
adjektief. Die adjektief moet klasooreenstemming hê met die kernnaamwoord in 'n
naamwoordfrase. Die adjektiefstam kan voorkom met nominale suffikse soos ana en gadi,
dit kan geredupliseer word, oorgeplaas word na ander kategorieë en selfs samestellings
vorm. Die adjektieffrase kan ook voorkom in 'n predikatiewe posisie sowel as in
vergelykings.
Die relatief kan dieselfde semantiese eienskappe hê as die adjektief. Die relatief in
Setswana bestaan uit 'n bepaler in die posisie van die komplementeerder gevolg deur 'n
infleksiefrase. So 'n infleksiefrase kan 'n kopulatiewe of nie-kopulatiewe werkwoord bevat.
Die aandag in hierdie studie het gekonsentreer op die nominale relatief wat voorkom as 'n
komplement van 'n kopulatiewe werkwoord. Hierdie nominale relatiewe stamme is verdeel
in twee afdelings nl. 'n afdeling waarin die nominale relatiewe stamme nie kan voorkom in
'n deskriptiewe possessiewe konstruksie en 'n tweede afdeling waar hierdie stamme ook
kan voorkom as 'n komplement van die possessiewe [a]. Die semantiese kenmerke van
hierdie nominale relatiewe stamme is geïsoleer en dit is duidelik dat hulle 'n wye
verskeidenheid van semantiese kenmerke het. Hierdie tipe relatief verteenwoordig In baie
wye keuse t.o.v. die attribute van naamwoorde.
Die derde kategorie wat die semantiese kenmerk van 'n attribuut van 'n naamwoord
vertoon, is die deskriptiewe possessiewe konstruksie. Die sintaktiese en semantiese
struktuur van hierdie tipe frase is nagegaan. 'n Groot verskeidenheid komplemente van die
possessiewe [a] is geïsoleer in Setswana en sommige semantiese kenmerke het
spesifieke aandag gekry nl. groepnaamwoorde en partitiiewe.
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Hauser, Charlotte. "Subordination in LSF : nominal and sentential embedding." Thesis, Université de Paris (2019-....), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019UNIP7188.
Full textAbstract:
Dans cette thèse, nous visons à étudier la complexité syntaxique de la Langue des Signes Française (LSF). Nous commençons par le cas bien étudié (dans d'autres langues des signes) des stratégies de relativisation, qui instancient à la fois la subordination et l'enchâssement récursif. On a maintes fois fait valoir que ces propriétés sont au cœur des langues humaines ; par conséquent, les clauses relatives sont le porte-drapeau de chaque langue sous-étudiée visant à faire reconnaître son statut. En ce qui concerne la LSF, nous décrivons deux marqueurs manuels que nous analysons comme des pronoms relatifs de type D, ainsi qu'une stratégie alternative non marquée manuellement, et nous montrons que la LSF a des clauses relatives à la fois à tête interne et externe. Nous montrons que, selon le pronom relatif utilisé, les propositions relatives instancient différentes propriétés sémantiques. Nous intégrons nos résultats dans le cadre formel de la grammaire générative. Nous étudions également le traitement des propositions relatives sujet et objet dans cette langue, à travers l'adaptation d'un paradigme bien connu d'occulométrie. À travers cette étude expérimentale, nous trouvons l'existence d'un avantage Sujet en LSF. Dans la deuxième partie de la thèse, nous étudions plusieurs phrases complexes : constructions temporelles, fausses questions et compléments sentenciels. Bien que nous sachions, d'après les recherches sur les langues parlées, que les constructions temporelles émergent à travers une variété de stratégies syntaxiques telles que la subordination, la juxtaposition ou la coordination, trouver leur équivalent dans les langues des signes est souvent un défi en raison de l'absence de complémentizers et autres mots fonctionnels tels que les conjonctions de coordination. Cette thèse explore les constructions temporelles dans la LSF et les inscrit dans une large perspective typologique. Nous montrons que les clauses temporelles en LSF sont très différentes de celles trouvées en Langue des Signes Italienne (LIS). En particulier, les constructions LSF utilisent deux clauses coordonnées, et le marqueur temporel fait partie de la seconde conjonction. En ce qui concerne les paires de questions-réponses (QAP), une littérature de plus en plus abondante sur les langues des signes décrit cette construction particulière, qui ressemble à une question suivie d'une réponse fragmentaire, mais qui n'est pas interprétée comme telle. Dans Kimmelman et Vink (2017), les auteurs proposent l'existence d'un processus de grammaticalisation, commençant par des questions de recherche d'information et se terminant par une composante question-réponse, créant un pont entre deux des principales analyses qui ont été proposées dans la littérature pour prendre en compte ces constructions dans les langues des signes. Nous démontrons, sur la base d'une description détaillée des propriétés des QAP en LSF, que l'échelle de grammaticalisation proposée dans Kimmelman et Vink (2017) doit être développée davantage pour intégrer les relatives sans tête comme point final. Enfin, nous présentons une étude assez approfondie des compléments sententiels en LSF, qui montre que, dans leur grande majorité, ils sont subordonnés au verbe principal qu'ils suivent. Nous montrons également que la LSF présente différents types de compléments, qu'ils soient finis ou non finis, ou introduits par un complémenteur<br>In this dissertation, we aim at investigating the syntactic complexity of LSF. We start with the well studied (in other sign languages) case of relativization strategies, which instantiates both subordination and recursive embedding. These properties have repeatedly been argued to be at the heart of human languages; hence, relative clauses are the flag holder of every understudied language aiming at seeing its status recognized. Regarding LSF, we describe two manual markers that we analyze as d-like relative pronouns, as well as a non-manually marked alternative strategy, and we show that LSF has both internally and externally headed relative clauses. We show that, depending on the relative pronoun used, the relatives instantiates different semantic properties. We integrate our findings in a generative formal framework. We also investigate the processing of subject and object relative clauses in this language, through the adaptation of a well-known eye-tracking paradigm. Through this experimental study, we find the existence of a Subject advantage in LSF. In the second part of the dissertation, we investigate several complex sentences: temporal constructions, question-answer pairs and sentential complements. While we know from spoken languages researches that temporal constructions surface through a variety of syntactic strategies such as subordination, juxtaposition or coordination, finding their equivalent in sign languages is often a challenge due to the absence of overt complementizers and other function words such as coordinators. This dissertation explores temporal constructions in LSF and frames them within a broad typological perspective. We show that LSF temporal clauses are very different from those of LIS. In particular, LSF constructions use two coordinated clauses, and the temporal marker is part of the second conjunct. Regarding Question Answer Pairs (QAP), a growing literature has emerged on sign languages describing this particular construction, which looks like a question followed by its fragment answer, but which crucially is not interpreted as such. In Kimmelman and Vink (2017), the authors propose the existence of a grammaticalization process, starting with information-seeking questions and ending with a question-answer constituent, creating a bridge between two of the main analyses that have been proposed in the literature to account for these constructions across sign languages. We demonstrate, based on an extensive depiction of LSF QAP properties, that the grammaticalization scale proposed in Kimmelman and Vink (2017) has to be further developed to integrate free relatives as its ending point. Finally, we provide a rather extensive investigation of sentential complements in LSF, showing that, in their vast majority, they are subordinated to the main predicate. We also show that LSF displays various types of complements, either finite, non-finite, or introduced by a complementizer
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Armelin, Paula Roberta Gabbai. "A relação entre gênero e morfologia avaliativa nos nominais do português brasileiro: uma abordagem sintática da formação de palavras." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8139/tde-11092015-161137/.
Full textAbstract:
Este trabalho se insere no âmbito dos estudos a respeito da formação de palavras e pretende analisar a estrutura morfossintática de diminutivos e aumentativos do português brasileiro construídos com os formadores -inh/-zinh e -ã/-zã, respectivamente. Mais especificamente, o recorte empírico feito na tese pode ser dividido em duas grandes linhas: uma que aborda a interação entre as marcas de diminutivo e de aumentativo com as marcas de gênero/classe nominal e outra que contempla a (im)possibilidade de que as formações diminutivas e aumentativas sejam não-composicionalmente interpretadas. Para tanto, reanalisamos o estatuto das noções de gênero e classe nominal, propondo que elas ocupam a mesma posição na estrutura sintática. Tal posição é identificada como uma projeção de gênero, que é parte da projeção estendida do nome. Os formadores de diminutivo e aumentativo são analisados com base nas relações que estabelecem com esse núcleo sintático de gênero. A hipótese de base é a de que nuances na relação entre os formadores avaliativos e o núcleo de gênero revelam aspectos significantes da posição estrutural ocupada por cada um deles. Em linhas gerais, propomos que o diminutivo -inh se diferencia dos outros formadores por compartilhar com a raiz o mesmo núcleo de gênero. Essa estrutura é capaz de dar conta, entre outros fatos empíricos, da possibilidade de que a vogal final da forma diminutiva seja idêntica à vogal final da forma não-diminutiva, ainda que tal vogal seja condicionada pela raiz. Por outro lado, a vogal final que completa o aumentativo -ã reflete os padrões gerais da língua, independentemente da raiz presente na derivação. Tomamos esse fato como evidência de que o aumentativo e a raiz possuem núcleos independentes de gênero. No que diz respeito às construções aumentativas e diminutivas encabeçadas pela consoante -z, a presença de núcleos de gênero independentes na estrutura sintática é ainda mais clara, uma vez que tanto a vogal que completa a raiz, como a vogal que completa as formas -zinh e -zã são fonologicamente realizadas. Assim como no caso das formações com -ã, a vogal que completa os formadores de grau encabeçados por -z é completamente independente da raiz que participa da formação, seguindo o padrão mais geral da língua. Esses fatores fazem a análise do aumentativo -ã e a análise das formas encabeçadas por -z bastante similares uma à outra: tais formas possuem, em sua estrutura sintática, um núcleo de gênero que é independente daquele que categoriza a raiz. No entanto, há diferenças no comportamento dessas formas que acabam por separar de um lado o aumentativo -ã e, de outro, as formas -zinh e -zã. Propomos que tais diferenças são derivadas do fato de o primeiro formador se anexar abaixo do núcleo de número, enquanto os dois últimos entram na estrutura depois que ela já possui um núcleo de número. Por fim, dentro de uma visão localista de gramática, em que a atribuição de significado não-composicional deverá ser licenciada dentro de domínios bem definidos, discutimos a composicionalidade das formações partir das posições sintáticas atribuídas a cada um dos formadores em questão.<br>This work is inserted within the scope of the studies that investigate word formation, and aims to analyze the morphosyntactic structure of diminutives and augmentatives in Brazilian Portuguese built with the formatives -inh/-zinh, and -ã/-za, respectively. More specifically, the empirical path of this thesis can be divided into two main lines: one that addresses the interaction of diminutive and augmentative with the notions of gender/noun classes, and one that addresses the (im)possibility of a non-compositional interpretation being attributed to the structure. In order to do so, it was necessary to review the status of notions like gender and noun class in the grammar, and the formal representation attributed to them. I propose that gender and noun class occupy the very same position in the syntactic structure. This position is identified as a gender projection, which is part of the extended projection of the noun. Diminutive and augmentative markers are, then, analyzed based on the relations they establish with the syntactic gender head. The underlying hypothesis is that differences in the relation established between the evaluative formatives and the gender head reveal important aspects of the structural position that hosts each of them. More specifically, I propose that the diminutive -inh differs from other formatives, because it shares with the root the same gender head. In this sense, -inh is attached to the same gender projection responsible for categorizing the root. This structure is capable of accounting, among other empirical facts, for the possibility that the final vowel of diminutive and nondiminutive forms is identical, even if it is a root-conditioned element. On the other hand, the final vowel that completes -ã augmentatives always reflects the general gender pattern of the language, quite independently of the root. I take this as evidence that, unlike the diminutive, the augmentative and the root have independent gender heads. Thus, the syntactic structure proposed for the augmentative formation has two gender heads: one that attaches to the root, and another one that attaches directly to the augmentative. The distance between the root and the gender head that follows the augmentative is responsible for the default phonological realization of the final vowel of the augmentative. In the same sense, in the diminutive and augmentative formations built with -zinh and -zã, the presence of two independent gender heads is even clearer, since they can be phonologically identified in the output form. It is proposed, then, that, just as in is the case of the -ã forms, the vowel completing -zinh and -zã occupies a gender head that is independent from the one that categorizes the root. Differences in the behavior of these forms point to a split between -ã on one side, and -zinh/-zã on the other. We propose that these differences are derived from the fact that while -ã attaches below a number head, -zinh/-zã, on the other hand, attaches above a number head. Finally, within a localist view of grammar, in which the licensing of noncompositional meaning must be conditioned by local domains of syntactic structure, the possibility and impossibility of non-compositional interpretation being attributed to diminutive and augmentative formations is derived from the syntactic positions assigned to each of the formatives.
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Niang, Oumar. "Description phonologique, morphologique, organisation et fonction de catégorisation des classes nominales en pulaar." Poitiers, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007POIT5005.
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Ce travail propose une description détaillée du système phonologique et de la structure morphologique du pulaar, langue peule. En même temps, il s'intéresse à la question des classes nominales, à leur organisation formelle et à leur fonction de catégorisation au niveau lexical et en situation de discours. Au niveau phonologique, le système phonématique du pulaar, dans sa partie consonantique, est envisagé selon des marques de corrélation basées sur la sonorité, le voisement, la plosion et la nasalité. Quant aux voyelles, elles s'organisent en un système cohérent grâce à deux traits phonologiques : l'antériorité et la hauteur. [. . . ] Cette étude aborde aussi les processus phonologiques liés à l’assimilation, à la dissimilation, au phénomène d'épenthèse, à la réanalyse syllabique affectant la structure morphologique de certaines unités nominales. [. . . ] D'une part, la classe est une représentation formelle, marquée morphologiquement, puisque c'est le marqueur de classe qui permet d'identifier et de définir la classe d'appartenance d'une unité nominale. D'autre part, la classe a une fonction de catégorisation du fait des traits : syntaxique et sémantique, spécifiant le marqueur de classe. Ce sont ces traits fonctionnels qui définissent les propriétés à la base du système de classification nominale du pulaar<br>The present doctoral dissertation provides a detailed description of the phonological system and morphological structure of the Pulaar language. It also deals with the question of noun classes: their formal organisation and categorisation function, both from a lexical point of view and in discursive context. From a phonological point of view, the Pular consonant phonematic system is considered according to correlative markers based on sonority, voicing, plosion and nasality. [. . . ] The present study also deals with the phonological processes linked to assimilation, dissimilation, the phenomenon of epenthesis, syllabic reanalysis affecting the morphological structure of certain noun morphemes. [. . . ] From one angle the noun class is a formal representation, morphologically marked, since it is the class marker which allows the identification and defining of the class to which the unit belongs. From the second angle the noun class has a categorisation function due to the characteristics it presents: syntactic and semantic, specifying the class marker. It is these functional elements which define the characteristics at the basis of the noun classification of the Pular language
Books on the topic "Classe nominale"
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Ramírez, Hortensia Estrada. La lengua sáliba: Clases nominales y sistema de concordancia. Colcultura, 1996.
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Paradis, Carole. Lexical phonology and morphology: The nominal classes in Fula. Garland, 1992.
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Semantic superstructuring and infrastructuring: Nominal class struggle in ChiBemba. Indiana University Linguistics Club, 1987.
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Spitulnik, Debra A. Semantic superstructuring and infrastructuring: Nominal class struggle in Chibemba. Indiana University Linguistics Club, 1987.
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Dedè, Francesco. I nomi greci in -ar e -ōr: Eteroclisi e classi nominali. Il calamo, 2013.
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Weber, David. Relativización y clausulas nominalizadas en el quechua huallaguino (Huanuco). Ministerio de Educación, 1994.
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Valenzuela, Pilar. Relativization in Shipibo-Konibo: A typologically-oriented study. Lincom Europa, 2002.
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Word-class flexibility in classical Chinese: Verbal and adverbial uses of nouns. Brill, 2011.
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Le gúbaher, parler baïnouck de Djibonker, Basse-Casamance, Sénégal: Éléments de description linguistique : phonologie et classes nominales. Harmattan, 2012.
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Nominal versus clausal complexity in spoken and written English: Theory and description. Peter Lang, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Classe nominale"
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Blevins, James P. "Inflection Classes and Economy." In Explorations in Nominal Inflection. Mouton de Gruyter, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110197501.51.
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Alexiadou, Artemis. "Inflection Class, Gender and DP Internal Structure." In Explorations in Nominal Inflection. Mouton de Gruyter, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110197501.21.
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Müller, Gereon. "On Decomposing Inflection Class Features: Syncretism in Russian Noun Inflection." In Explorations in Nominal Inflection. Mouton de Gruyter, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110197501.189.
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Gebert, Lucyna. "Aspetto verbale e referenza nominale." In Le lingue slave tra struttura e uso. Firenze University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-328-5.10.
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The paper attempts to examine the relation between the verbal aspect in the Slavic languages and the referential status of nominal arguments of the predicate. As is well known, Slavic languages (except Bulgarian and Macedonian) have not developed articles as a grammatical category. It is suggested that in addition to the well-known means of conveying referential information in these articleless languages – such as word order, use of demonstrative/indefinite pronouns, restrictive relative clauses, case alternations and prosody – the verbal aspect also should be taken into account.
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Walsh, Michael. "Noun Classes, Nominal Classification and Generics in Murrinhpatha." In Studies in Language Companion Series. John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/slcs.37.12wal.
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Söderlundh, Hedda. "Language Choice and Linguistic Variation in Classes Nominally Taught in English." In Language Alternation, Language Choice and Language Encounter in International Tertiary Education. Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6476-7_4.
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Schwenter, Scott A., and Mark R. Hoff. "Chapter 1. Cross-dialectal productivity of the Spanish subjunctive in nominal clause complements." In Variation and Evolution. John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ihll.29.01sch.
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Fonteyn, Lauren. "Discourse Function." In Categoriality in Language Change. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190917579.003.0005.
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Taking a slightly different perspective on reference compared to the previous chapter, this chapter considers nominal and verbal gerunds in light of their discourse-functional behavior. It is argued that nouns and verbs have a different status as referents in discourse. Nouns (or nominals) serve as discourse participants, while verbs serve as relators between participants in the clauses they head. As a result, nominals tend to be anaphorically tracked in their entirety, while clauses are anaphorically accessed for their internal participants (e.g. Helping refugees is important. [It is the right thing to do] vs. [They need your help]). Nominal gerunds seem to increasingly resemble prototypical nominals in this respect, while verbal gerunds retain a clause-like internal accessibility.
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Hulden, Mans, and Miikka Silfverberg. "The Principal Parts of Finnish Nominals." In Multilingual Facilitation. University of Helsinki, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31885/9789515150257.9.
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We design an FST-driven computational method to calculate the minimal number of nominal forms—the principal parts—one must know to be able to fully inflect a lexeme in standard Finnish. To do this, we model the nominal inflection pattern as an FST according to the KOTUS inflectional classes. Our results show that knowing five forms always suffices to uniquely determine a nominal’s inflectional class, and to subsequently correctly inflect all the remaining forms. This contrasts with most sources in the literature that tend to assume seven forms are needed.
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Harley, Heidi. "Relative nominals and event nominals in Hiaki." In Nominalization. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865544.003.0009.
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In ‘Relative nominals and event nominals in Hiaki’, Harley discusses an interesting formal overlap between nominalizations which create relative-clause like structures and nominalizations which create event nominals in Hiaki (Yaqui). The nominalizer which usually derives a subject relative nominal, when applied to an argumentless predicate such as a weather verb or an impersonal passive, also derives an event nominal. Harley argues that this is because the event argument IS the ‘subject’ of an argumentless predicate, the only accessible argument for the nominalizer to reify. In the process of proposing a uniform semantics for the relative nominalizers and the event nominalizer, a detailed analysis of both is provided. The nominalizers are argued to select an AspP complement. In entity-referring relative nominals, null operator movement is involved; in the event-referring event nominals, no operator is needed or possible. The syntax and morphology of the relative nominalizers is worked out in detail, with particular attention to the genitive-marked subjects of object, oblique, and locative relative nominals. <163>
Conference papers on the topic "Classe nominale"
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Kusunoki, Yoshifumi, and Masahiro Inuiguchi. "Rule Induction through Clustering Classes for Nominal and Numerical Data." In Second International Conference on Innovative Computing, Informatio and Control (ICICIC 2007). IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icicic.2007.506.
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Mejia-Lavalle, Manuel, Eduardo F. Morales, and Guillermo Rodriguez. "Fast Feature Selection Method for Continuous Attributes with Nominal Class." In 2006 Fifth Mexican International Conference on Artificial Intelligence. IEEE, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/micai.2006.14.
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Nagashima, Tomoharu, Xiuqin Wei, Hiroo Sekiya, and Marian K. Kazimierczuk. "Power conversion efficiency of class-E power amplifier outside nominal operation." In 2011 IEEE International Symposium on Circuits and Systems (ISCAS). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iscas.2011.5937674.
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Suetsugu, Tadashi, Xiuqin Wei, and Shotaro Kuga. "Extended discrete control of class E amplifier in order to achieve nominal operation." In 2014 International Power Electronics Conference (IPEC-Hiroshima 2014 ECCE-ASIA). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ipec.2014.6870068.
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Hirayama, Katsutoshi, Yudai Furukawa, Takuya Shirakawa, Tadashi Suetsugu, Hidenori Maruta, and Fujio Kurokawa. "Switched capacitor discrete control ofvoltage dividing class E amplifier to achieve sub nominal operation." In 2016 IEEE International Conference on Renewable Energy Research and Applications (ICRERA). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icrera.2016.7884427.
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Yedavalli, Rama K., and Nagini Devarakonda. "Determination of Most Desirable Nominal Closed Loop State Space System via Qualitative Ecological Principles." In ASME 2014 Dynamic Systems and Control Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/dscc2014-6181.
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This paper addresses the issue of determining the most desirable ‘Nominal Closed Loop Matrix’ structure in linear state space systems, by combining the concepts of ‘Quantitative Robustness’ and ‘Qualitative Robustness’. The qualitative robustness measure is based on the nature of interactions and interconnections of the system. The quantitative robustness is based on the nature of eigenvalue/eigenvector structure of the system. This type of analysis from both viewpoints sheds considerable insight on the desirable nominal system in engineering applications. Using these concepts it is shown that a specific quantitative set of matrices labeled ‘Quantitative Ecological Stable (QES) Matrices’ have features which qualify them as the most desirable nominal closed loop system matrices. Thus in this paper, we expand on the special features of the determinant of a matrix in terms of self-regulation, interactions and interconnections and specialize these features to the class of ‘Quantitative Ecological Stable (QES)’ matrices and show that for checking its Hurwitz stability, it is sufficient to check the positivity of only the constant coefficient of the characteristic polynomial of a matrix in a higher dimensional ‘Kronecker’ space. In addition, it is shown that these matrices possess the most attractive property among any matrix class, namely that their Determinants possess convexity property. Establishment of this optimal nominal closed loop system matrix structure paves the way for designing controllers which qualify as robust controllers for linear systems with real parameter uncertainty. The proposed concepts are illustrated with many useful examples.
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Roscoe, Andrew J., Ibrahim F. Abdulhadi, and Graeme M. Burt. "P-Class Phasor Measurement Unit algorithms using adaptive filtering to enhance accuracy at off-nominal frequencies." In 2011 IEEE Conference on Smart Measurements for Future Grids (SMFG). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/smfg.2011.6125761.
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Baroni, Marco, Johannes Matiasek, and Harald Trost. "Wordform- and class-based prediction of the components of German nominal compounds in an AAC system." In the 19th international conference. Association for Computational Linguistics, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3115/1072228.1072324.
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Sidwell, Vince, and David Darmofal. "A Selective Assembly Method to Reduce the Impact of Blade Flow Variability on Turbine Life." In ASME Turbo Expo 2004: Power for Land, Sea, and Air. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2004-53930.
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A selective assembly method is proposed that decreases the impact of blade passage manufacturing variability on the life of a row of cooled turbine blades. The method classifies turbine blades into groups based on the effective flow areas of the blade passages, then a row of blades is assembled exclusively from blades of a single group. A simplified classification is considered in which blades are divided into low-flow, nominal-flow, and high-flow groups. For rows assembled from the low-flow class, the blade plenum pressure will tend to rise and the individual blade flows will be closer to the design intent than for a single low-flow blade in a randomly-assembled row. Since the blade metal temperature is strongly dependent on the blade flow, selective assembly can lower the metal temperature of the lowest-flowing blades and increase the life of a turbine row beyond what is possible from a randomly-assembled row. Furthermore, the life of a nominal-flow or high-flow row will be significantly increased (relative to a randomly-assembled row) since the life-limiting low-flow blades would not be included in these higher-flowing rows. The impact of selective assembly is estimated using a model of the first turbine rotor of an existing high-bypass turbofan. The oxidation lives of the nominal-flow and high-flow blade rows are estimated to increase approximately 50% and 100% compared to randomly-assembled rows, while the life of the low-flow rows are the same as the randomly-assembled rows. Alternatively, selective assembly can be used to increase turbine inlet temperature while maintaining the maximum blade metal temperatures at random-assembly levels. For the nominal-flow and high-flow classes, turbine inlet temperature increases are estimated to be equivalent to the turbine inlet temperature increases observed over several years of gas turbine technology development.
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Kaszynski, Alexander A., and Jeffrey M. Brown. "Accurate Blade Tip Timing Limits Through Geometry Mistuning Modeling." In ASME Turbo Expo 2015: Turbine Technical Conference and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2015-43192.
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Blade tip timing (BTT) is a commonly used non-intrusive stress measurement system to estimate the operational stresses within an engine’s rotors without the costly installation of strain gauges that can add additional stiffness to the rotor. BTT systems are now standard on many engine tests and ensure safe operations by avoiding running near maximum rotor stress limits. Since these systems measure blade time of arrival (TOA), processes are applied to first convert this data to displacement and then to stress. This effort focuses on the conversion of displacement to stress where the the classic approach utilizes nominal geometry obtained from an “as-designed” nominal model and creates computes the mode shapes using finite element analysis (FEA). The predicted mode shapes of the cyclic analysis reveal the relationship between maximal blade stress and tip displacement for a given nominally designed rotor. However, manufactured rotors deviate from nominal design due to inherent variability in the machining procedures. It is now possible through high fidelity optical geometry collection systems to obtain more accurate BTT limits using measured IBR geometry from as-manufactured rotors. It will be shown that due to the high variability of blade-to-blade geometry obtained from an optically scanned rotor that the BTT limits can vary significantly between blades. A method is also developed that allows comparisons between cyclic sector and full rotor FEA. This research suggests to optimize BTT probe placement not only to measure the maximum expected deflection given blade tip mode shapes, but also to account to for blade to blade geometric variation.
Reports on the topic "Classe nominale"
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LaFortune, K., and L. Perkins. NRL FTF 0.5MJ-Class Nominal Baseline Target. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/926393.
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