Journal articles: 'Clement of Alexandria'

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Kovacs, Judith L. "Clement (Titus Flavius Clemens) of Alexandria." Expository Times 120, no. 6 (March 2009): 261–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524608101840.

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Vennerstrom, Carl. "“To Those Who Have Ears to Hear:” Clement of Alexandria on the Parables of Jesus." Open Theology 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 354–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2020-0168.

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Abstract This article addresses the topic of parables in the Stromateis of Clement of Alexandria. The broad thesis is that New Testament scholarship can help clarify early Christian interpretation of the New Testament. Clement of Alexandria has a very precise definition of the genre of parable. This definition is compared with various literary definitions found in the work of the grammarian Trypho of Alexandria and with one modern definition. Both of these comparisons bring out the precision, clarity, and usefulness of Clement’s definition for understanding the function of parables. The discussion then turns to the grounding of Clement’s definition in the saving mission of the Son. Since Clement closely links parables with prophecy and redemptive suffering, John Meier’s exposition of the Parable of the Wicked Tenants is introduced to show how parables can concretely express the redemptive suffering of the Son. Meier also demonstrates how the disciples were themselves involved in writing and completing this parable, so the article closes with an analysis of one of Clement’s interpretations of a parable, his own contribution to the tradition of parabolic speech.

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HOEK, ANNEWIES. "HOW ALEXANDRIAN WAS CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA? REFLECTIONS ON CLEMENT AND HIS ALEXANDRIAN BACKGROUND." Heythrop Journal 31, no. 2 (April 1990): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.1990.tb00130.x.

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Spellman, Lynne. "Clement of Alexandria." Ancient Philosophy 29, no. 1 (2009): 235–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200929122.

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Kovacs, Judith L. "Clement of Alexandria." Evangelische Theologie 79, no. 5 (September 1, 2019): 353–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2019-790506.

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AbstractDieser Beitrag untersucht das originäre Denken Klemens von Alexandriens (ca. 150 - ca. 215), eines frühen Interpreten der gesamten Bibel und Wegbereiter der philosophischen Interpretation des Evangeliums. Er behandelt zunächst Klemens Leben, Werk und Kontext in Alexandria und betrachtet anschließend seine Antworten auf die folgenden Fragen: (1) Was ist der Sinn des menschlichen Lebens? (2) Wer ist Gott und wie kann er erkannt werden? (3) Was ist Gottes Gesamtplan für die Erlösung des Menschen? (4) Wie soll der Christ zur Vollkommenheit und ewigen Betrachtung Gottes vorankommen? Klemens war ein optimistischer und aufgeschlossener Wahrheitssuchender in einer Zeit, in der die christliche Religion gerade erst Gestalt annahm. Er war der Ansicht, dass die Erkenntnis Gottes und die Liebe zu ihm der Grund des Seins des menschlichen Lebens sei und dass Gottes Heilsplan ein komplexes System der Erziehung und Vollkommenheit beinhalte. Dieser schließe auch Christus, das göttlichen Wort, den ultimativen Lehrer, ein. Seine biblische Exegese und Theologie hinterließen ein wichtiges Vermächtnis bei späteren Theologen, insbesondere im griechischsprachigen Osten.

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Jackson, Michael. "Clement of Alexandria." Ecclesiology 5, no. 1 (2009): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174553108x378549.

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García-Peláez, María-Elena, and Luis Xavier López-Farjeat. "The Excess of Moderation: Clement of Alexandria against Laughter." Philosophy of Humor Yearbook 3, no. 1 (October 1, 2022): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/phhumyb-2022-001.

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Abstract The aim of this article is to revisit Clement of Alexandria’s Paedagogus 2.5.45-8 discussing whether Clement holds a moderate position οf laughter or, like most early Christians, tends to an “antigelastic” position. Some scholars, such as Stephen Halliwell and Laura Rizzerio, have concluded that Clement holds an intermediate position between an optimistic approach to laughter and its condemnation. However, in this essay we argue that while Clement’s position is not a straightforward antigelastic one, his apparent acceptance of laughter is so narrow that his moderate view ends up being compromised. Ultimately, he is strongly inclined to condemn laughter and to prescribe an ascetic life devoid of laughter.

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Ivanovic, Filip. "Knowledge and tradition in Clement of Alexandria." Filozofija i drustvo 24, no. 2 (2013): 264–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1302264i.

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One of the most important exponents of the School of Alexandria, Clement of Alexandria (ca. 150. - ca. 215.) is the author of a famous trilogy, consisting of Protrepticus, Paedagogus, and Stromata, which correspond to the three ways of acting of the Logos, namely to convert the pagans to the true faith, to cure the soul from passions, and to uplift the soul to the methodic and intellectual life of spiritual perfection. Logos thus acts through exhortation, training, and teaching. Clement considers himself to be the guardian of the Apostolic tradition and takes the task of conserving this tradition, which consists of cosmological and theological truths. With that goal in mind, the Alexandrian talks about the relation between pagan philosophy and Christianity, allegorical interpretation of the Scripture, the need of revealing and concealing the knowledge, which, in order to be correctly understood, has to be interpreted in accordance with the tradition. The intention of this short article is to point out these concepts and their connections in the way Clement sees them.

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Ensor, Peter. "Clement of Alexandria and penal substitutionary atonement." Evangelical Quarterly 85, no. 1 (April 30, 2013): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08501002.

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The article analyses Clement of Alexandria’s doctrine of the atonement, with special reference to the question whether it expresses a penal substitutionary understanding. Following mention of the problems associated with the task, and a survey of modern scholarship on the subject, the article identifies and comments on the relevant passages from Clement’s extant works, and concludes that, while Clement’s main theological interests lie elsewhere, there is clear evidence in his works for a penal substitutionary understanding of the atoning work of Christ on the cross. This evidence strengthens the view that this particular understanding of the cross was widely held in the Church during the postapostolic period.

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Anderson, Neil D. "Clement of Alexandria (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 15, no. 3 (2007): 423–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2007.0041.

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Harrington, L. Michael. "Clement of Alexandria (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 45, no. 2 (2007): 326–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2007.0036.

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Zając, Marian. "Eucharystia jako centrum celebracji chrześcijańskiej w ujęciu katechetycznej szkoły aleksandryjskiej." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 773–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4173.

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In connection with noticed today decrease of meaning and number of participants of the Eucharistic celebration and disappearance its common and conscious experiences, author of the article in searching inspirations to solve this situation appeals to the Early Christian tradition of the Alexandrian Catechetical School of the III-V century. In this, exactly, school belief in real presence of Christ in the celebration of the Holy Eucharist and awareness of its consequences was a key value. The faced problem is figured out at the three chapters: 1. Eucharist – a celebrated mystery. 2. The Alexandrian Catechetical School in work for modern school of Eucharist (talked through multiple statements, science about Eucharist of aspect of real presence, sacrifice and fruits of experience four most famous its leaders: Clement of Alexandria, Origen of Alexandria, Athanasius of Alexandria and Cyril of Alexandria); 3. The Eucharist and catechetical mission.

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Bucur, Bogdan. "The Other Clement of Alexandria: Cosmic Hierarchy and Interiorized Apocalypticism." Vigiliae Christianae 60, no. 3 (2006): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007206778149510.

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AbstractClement of Alexandria's Excerpta ex Theodoto, Eclogae Propheticae, and Adumbrationes depict a cosmic hierarchy featuring, in descending order, the divine Face, the seven beings first created, the archangels, and the angels. This account is problematic in that it seems to incorporate a contradiction: one set of texts presents a fix cosmic hierarchy populated by different types having at its top the seven protoctists. A second set of texts, however, interprets this process of initiation as a continuous ascent on the cosmic ladder, marked by an ongoing cyclical transformation of humans into angels, of angels into archangels, and of archangels into protoctists.This article sets forth the principles governing Clement's hierarchical cosmos, and proposes a solution to the apparent contradiction between the two accounts. In essence, Clement of Alexandria internalizes the cosmic ladder and the associated experience of ascent and transformation, offering an early example of what scholars have termed "interiorized apocalypticism."

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Runia, David. "Clement of Alexandria and the Philonic Doctrine of the Divine Power(s)." Vigiliae Christianae 58, no. 3 (2004): 256–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570072041718746.

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AbstractThe present paper offers a comprehensive examination of how Clement appropriates the Philonic doctrine of the divine powers. It first examines the biblical basis of the doctrine, in which Pauline influence is superimposed on Genesis. It then successively treats the subject in the areas of theology, cosmology and the doctrine of creation, including the creation of humanity. For Clement experience of the divine power (usually in the singular) leads to knowledge of God (to the extent possible) and intimacy with him through the Son. Clement's Philonic heritage has enabled him to develop a positive and above all a dynamic theology.

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Tuccinardi, Enrico. "A Stylometric Analysis of the Mar Saba Letter Attributed to Clement of Alexandria." Vigiliae Christianae 74, no. 3 (June 2, 2020): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341437.

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Abstract Since the publication of Clement’s letter to Theodore, discovered by Morton Smith at Mar Saba, there has been a great deal of controversy surrounding its authenticity. The main aim of the present paper is to weigh the linguistic evidence for and against Clementine authorship of the letter, also checking its alleged excessively Clementine nature in an objective manner, using a profile-based stylometric technique for authorship verification which has proven to be a valuable tool for text of relatively small size. The outcomes of the analysis tend to attribute the disputed letter to Clement but they also show its hyper-Clementine quality. Is this due to a forger, deliberately trying to imitate Clement’s style or is it instead a feature characteristic of the epistolary style of Clement? Regrettably without further samples of Clement’s letters to be used as terms of comparison it seems not possible to safely answer this question.

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Paget, James Carleton. "Clement of Alexandria and the Jews." Scottish Journal of Theology 51, no. 1 (February 1998): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003693060005002x.

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Did Justin Martyr really have a conversation with Trypho the Jew as he states that he did in hisDialogue with Trypho?And even if he did not, does this text, indirectly at least, give evidence of genuine contact between Christians and Jews? When Tertullian in hisAdversus Judaeosreviled Jews for their failure to understand the scriptures in the way he did, was he in fact reviling Jews known to him who actually disagreed with him? Or put another way, do the accusations he makes against Jews give evidence of an ongoing debate with that ancient community?

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Foster, Paul. "The Thought of Clement of Alexandria." Expository Times 117, no. 12 (September 2006): 486. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524606068947.

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Foster, Paul. "The Gospels in Clement of Alexandria." Expository Times 121, no. 3 (November 3, 2009): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246091210030702.

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Heintz, Michael. "Clement of Alexandria – By Eric Osborn." Religious Studies Review 33, no. 3 (July 2007): 247–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2007.00204_12.x.

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Thiessen, Matthew. "The Many for One or One for the Many? Reading Mark 10:45 in the Roman Empire." Harvard Theological Review 109, no. 3 (July 2016): 447–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816016000171.

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In his expository remarks on 1 Pet 5:13, Clement of Alexandria portrays Mark as the preserver of the apostle Peter's gospel proclamation to those who not only dwell in Rome, but also belong to the Roman elite. In this regard, Clement's testimony coincides with the near unanimous voice of the Church Fathers, who locate the composition of the Gospel of Mark in the city of Rome (e.g., IrenaeusHaer. 3.1.1; EusebiusHist. eccl.2.15.2).

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Biriukov, Dmitry. "The Universal and the Status of Genera-Species Division in Clement of Alexandria." Scrinium 13, no. 1 (November 28, 2017): 401–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00131p25.

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In this paper I will defend an interpretation of Clement of Alexandria’s teaching about categories, according to which the categories apply only to the material world, but not to intelligible and divine reality. I draw the parallel between Clement’s theory and a corresponding doctrine offered by Eunomius, the leader of Arianism in the second half of the fourth century, which he developed as a reaction to the Nicaean horizontal discourse of Triadology.

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Zaytseva, Irina V. "The “Minor” Writings of Clement of Alexandria." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series "Humanitarian and Social Sciences", no. 1 (February 10, 2020): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17238/issn2227-6564.2020.1.15.

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Cosgrove, Charles H. "Clement of Alexandria and Early Christian Music." Journal of Early Christian Studies 14, no. 3 (2006): 255–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2006.0049.

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Osborn, Eric. "Arguments for Faith in Clement of Alexandria." Vigiliae Christianae 48, no. 1 (1994): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007294x00113.

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Van Den Hoek, Annewies. "Techniques of Quotation in Clement of Alexandria." Vigiliae Christianae 50, no. 3 (1996): 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007296x00184.

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Zuiddam, Benno A. "Early Orthodoxy:The Scriptures in Clement of Alexandria." Acta Patristica et Byzantina 21, no. 2 (January 2010): 307–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10226486.2010.11879132.

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Gyurkovics, Miklós. "La santa prole. Il frutto del matrimonio cristiano nella teologia di Clemente di Alessandria." Augustinianum 58, no. 1 (2018): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20185812.

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The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that the teaching of Clement of Alexandria on marriage is closely related to the author’s soteriology and cosmology. The study focuses on the Third Book of Stromateis, which provides insight into the different Christian views on marriage at the end of the second century. Study of the Third Book of Stromateis also reveals Clement’s unique method of argument, by means of which he corrects the theological positions of his opponents. Last but not least, Clement’s discussions of family life provide a window onto the social life of the Late Empire from the point of view of a second-century Christian philosopher.

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Jourdan, Fabienne. "Le Logos et l'empereur, nouveaux Orphée « Postérité d'une image entrée dans la littérature avec Clément d'Alexandrie »." Vigiliae Christianae 62, no. 4 (2008): 319–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x247656.

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AbstractIn the Protrepticus, Clement of Alexandria suggests Orpheus' song is a prefiguration of the power of the Word. In the fourth century A. D., Eusebius and Themistius will apply this interpretation of Orpheus' song respectively to the Logos and to the Emperor. In the image proposed by Eusebius the Alexandrian's influence is obvious, whereas its transformation in Themistius illustrates its political evolution. An examination of these two different applications shows not only Clement's role in the transfer of a symbolic figure, but also the originality of its first Christian transposition in the Protrepticus.

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Albano, Emmanuel. "Rivelare e Tacere." Augustinianum 56, no. 1 (2016): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20165611.

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The article aims at investigating in depth the idea of revelation expressed in the works of Clement of Alexandria. In particular, it focuses on the biblical-philosophical foundations; namely, how Clement, starting from an openness to the Greek cultural world, incorporates Greek philosophy into Christian revelation, albeit with some variations, thus making it part and parcel of his way of under-standing the relationship between Holy Scripture and Tradition.

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Drączkowski, Franciszek. "Ideał kapłaństwa w pismach Klemensa Aleksandryjskiego." Verbum Vitae 12 (December 14, 2007): 141–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.1444.

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In analyzing the writings of Clement of Alexandria, the author of the article states that the priestly ideal is in them in essence close to the ideal of holiness and perfection, typical of Christians called Gnostics. That is why in the formation and priestly work, Cłement treats with priority the perfect knowledge of Sacred Scripture and Apostolic and Church Tradition, life in accord with the Gospel and the teaching ministry in the Church of Christ - typical traits for the Christian-Gnostic. Taking into consideration the w hole ecclesiology of the Alexandrian, one can say that he distinguished two parallel hierarchies in the Church: the hierarchy of perfection and the hierarchy of office. The scope of both these hierarchies could, but did not have to link together. In the Church, Clement gave a greater place to the hierarchy of perfection (related with Gnosticism) because its scope was much broader thail the other. From the group of Gnostics, only some received offices for service in the Church.

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Шуфрин, Аркадий Матвеевич, and И. В. Пашков. "Clement of Alexandria: the Emergence of Christian Subjectivity." Библия и христианская древность, no. 4(4) (December 16, 2019): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-4476-2019-4-4-103-122.

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В статье прослеживается возникновение первого в христианской мысли понимания свободы как основания человеческой субъектности. Оно связано с именем Климента Александрийского. Для этого вначале рассматривается, как понималась свобода сщмч. Иринеем Лионским. Доказывается, что его понимание свободы оставалось в рамках ближневосточного менталитета, примером чего является его трактовка библейской истории о преслушании прародителей, в которой свобода представлена дидактически, как способность человека выбирать между добром и злом. С Климента Александрийского начинается усвоение христианской мыслью греческого философского понимания человеческой природы, согласно которому человек в принципе не способен выбрать то, что не кажется ему благом для него самого. В соответствии с этим пониманием человеческой природы как изначально «эгоистичной», человеческая свобода понимается как стремление к истинному благу (в отличие от блага лишь кажущегося): быть свободным значит служить поистине себе. Таким образом, свобода уже предполагает самоотношение, которое конститутивно для «субъекта» (или «Я») в нашем современном понимании. Для Климента обожение человека не может быть достигнуто одними только его усилиями, но является делом Бога, относящегося к Себе через христианина, в котором Он пребывает. The article traces back to Clement of Alexandria the first emergence of the understanding of freedom as the ground of human subjectivity in Christian thought. Up to Irenaeus, Christian understanding of freedom remained within the framework of the Middle Eastern mentality as exemplified by the Biblical story of the Ancestors’ disobedience, where freedom is pedagogically presented as one’s ability to choose between good and evil. With Clement of Alexandria, Christian thought first appropriates the Greek philosophical understanding of human nature, according to which one is in principle unable to choose whatever does not appear to one as good for him or her. Correlatively to this understanding of human nature as inherently «selfish», human freedom is understood as pursuing one’s true good (as distinguished from a merely apparent one): to be free is to truly serve oneself. Thus freedom already implies a self-relation, which is constitutive of the «subject» (or «I») in our modern sense. Michel Foucault had brought attention to self-forming ascetic practices developed in Late Antiquity within the framework of philosophy understood as a «way of life» (rather than a mere theorizing). In Middle Platonism, such practices aimed at purifying one’s mind so as to enable it to see one’s true good in one’s assimilation to God as much as possible. For Clement, one’s deification cannot be achieved by just one’s own efforts but is a work of God relating to Himself through a Christian in whom He dwells, along the lines of Paul’s words: “It is no longer I who live, but Christ lives in me. This theocentric understanding of human subjectivity was then further developed in Byzantine patristic tradition, resulting, in particular, in Maxim the Confessor’s famous formula «One energy of God and the saints».

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Černušková, Veronika. "Clement of Alexandria On the Value of Suffering." Studia theologica 18, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5507/sth.2016.016.

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Шуфрин, Аркадий Матвеевич, and И. В. Пашков. "Clement of Alexandria: the Emergence of Christian Subjectivity." Библия и христианская древность, no. 4(4) (December 16, 2019): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2658-4476-2019-4-4-103-122.

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В статье прослеживается возникновение первого в христианской мысли понимания свободы как основания человеческой субъектности. Оно связано с именем Климента Александрийского. Для этого вначале рассматривается, как понималась свобода сщмч. Иринеем Лионским. Доказывается, что его понимание свободы оставалось в рамках ближневосточного менталитета, примером чего является его трактовка библейской истории о преслушании прародителей, в которой свобода представлена дидактически, как способность человека выбирать между добром и злом. С Климента Александрийского начинается усвоение христианской мыслью греческого философского понимания человеческой природы, согласно которому человек в принципе не способен выбрать то, что не кажется ему благом для него самого. В соответствии с этим пониманием человеческой природы как изначально «эгоистичной», человеческая свобода понимается как стремление к истинному благу (в отличие от блага лишь кажущегося): быть свободным значит служить поистине себе. Таким образом, свобода уже предполагает самоотношение, которое конститутивно для «субъекта» (или «Я») в нашем современном понимании. Для Климента обожение человека не может быть достигнуто одними только его усилиями, но является делом Бога, относящегося к Себе через христианина, в котором Он пребывает. The article traces back to Clement of Alexandria the first emergence of the understanding of freedom as the ground of human subjectivity in Christian thought. Up to Irenaeus, Christian understanding of freedom remained within the framework of the Middle Eastern mentality as exemplified by the Biblical story of the Ancestors’ disobedience, where freedom is pedagogically presented as one’s ability to choose between good and evil. With Clement of Alexandria, Christian thought first appropriates the Greek philosophical understanding of human nature, according to which one is in principle unable to choose whatever does not appear to one as good for him or her. Correlatively to this understanding of human nature as inherently «selfish», human freedom is understood as pursuing one’s true good (as distinguished from a merely apparent one): to be free is to truly serve oneself. Thus freedom already implies a self-relation, which is constitutive of the «subject» (or «I») in our modern sense. Michel Foucault had brought attention to self-forming ascetic practices developed in Late Antiquity within the framework of philosophy understood as a «way of life» (rather than a mere theorizing). In Middle Platonism, such practices aimed at purifying one’s mind so as to enable it to see one’s true good in one’s assimilation to God as much as possible. For Clement, one’s deification cannot be achieved by just one’s own efforts but is a work of God relating to Himself through a Christian in whom He dwells, along the lines of Paul’s words: “It is no longer I who live, but Christ lives in me. This theocentric understanding of human subjectivity was then further developed in Byzantine patristic tradition, resulting, in particular, in Maxim the Confessor’s famous formula «One energy of God and the saints».

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GAGNÉ, RENAUD, and MIGUEL HERRERO. "THEMIS AT ELEUSIS: CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA, PROTREPTICUS 2.22.5." Classical Quarterly 59, no. 1 (April 23, 2009): 289–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838809000275.

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Osborn, Eric. "Clement of Alexandria: God Discarnate and God Incarnate." Expository Times 118, no. 8 (May 2007): 372–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524607077866.

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Havrda, Matyáš. "Galenus Christianus? The Doctrine of Demonstration in Stromata VIII and the Question of its Source." Vigiliae Christianae 65, no. 4 (December 17, 2011): 343–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007211x550583.

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The article is a source-critical study of the doctrine of demonstration in the so-called eighth book of Stromata by Clement of Alexandria. After an overview of the doctrine, as presented in Str. VIII 3,1-15,1, it examines parallels in philosophical literature, especially in the writings of Galen. This examination brings to light correspondences (not all of which have been previously noted) whose number and proximity opens the question of the relation between Galen and the source of Stromata VIII. After considering three explanations to account for these similarities, the article proposes that Galen’s lost writing on demonstration could be Clement’s source.

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Kokoszko, Maciej, Jolanta Dybała, Krzysztof Jagusiak, and Zofia Rzeźnicka. "Chleb nieodpowiedni dla chrześcijan: moralne zalecenia Klemensa Aleksandryjskiego w konfrontacji z naukowymi ustaleniami Galena." Vox Patrum 64 (December 15, 2015): 249–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3715.

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The goal of the present discussion is to determine what kind of bread Clement of Alexandria had in mind, when, in his Paedagogus, castigated some of Alexandria inhabitants for the consumption of a kind produced form excessively purified (by sieving) flour (which due to the process was becoming devoid of any nutritional values), which, as an item of luxury, would ultimately lead its consumers to effeminacy. In order to identify the food and link it to the varieties produced in those times, the authors of the study have analyzed select treatises of Galen, who, being a contemporary of Clemens, is acclaimed to have been the most eminent physician of the period between the IInd and the IIIrd centuries after Christ, and an authority in the area of bread nutritional values. Having outlined the scope of Clement’s activities and knowledge as well as having presented the corpus of data in the line left by Galen, the authors of the present study conclude, that the Christian wrote about a kind of bread baked with a generous amount of leaven (since it was the additive that made the dough rise), and consequently they identify the variety artos zymites. As for the technology of baking, they opine that the bread described by the Christin writer belonged to bread types obtained from kribanon or ipnos. The authors also opine that the crucial piece of information given by Clement allowing to identify the variety is the one concerning flour used for the purpose. They claim that, since it was presented as very well-sieved, contributing to the whiteness of the bread and consequently to its classification as luxurious, the choice is limited to two kinds of the food, namely artos katharos or plytos artos. Out of the two only the latter’s characteristics given by Galen matche Clement’s description of the bread as a foodstuff of low nutritional value. Consequently, the authors of the article conclude that it was plytos artos that was the bread variety alluded to in Paedagogus. Moreover, they come to the opinion that the discussion on bread show that Clement’s words included in Paedagogus show consistency with contemporary dietetic doctrines. Accordingly, the latter were either not absent from the Christian’s general knowledge or constructed on popular lore he shared.

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Osek, Ewa. "„Poznaj samego siebie” w interpretacji Bazylego Wielkiego." Vox Patrum 52, no. 2 (March 8, 2008): 761–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6311.

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There are some references to the famous Delphic inscription „Know thyself” (gnothi sauton) in the Hexaemeron (IX 6; VI 1) and the Homilia in illud: Attende tibi ipsi by St. Basil of Caesarea. In the Homilia in illud: Attende tibi ipsi St. Basil accepts the Philo’s and Clement of Alexandria’s opinion that the Septuagint proseche seauto („Attend to yourself”) and the Hellenie gnothi sauton („Know thyself”) are the same. According to St. Basil, influenced by the Alcibiades I, „yourself” means „a soul” as an opposite to a body and its environment. St. Basil interprets the Delphic maxim in the following meanings: (1) „Turn to yourself”, (2) „Know God from yourself”, (3) „Take care of your soul”, (4) „Control yourself”, and (5) „Remember you are a human”. His interpretation is influenced by the many philosophical writings, especially the Platonie dialogues (the Charmides, the Alcibiades I), the Stromata of Clement of Alexandria, and the Origen’s In Canticum canticorum.

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Sijakovic, Jovana. "A note on homer the raven." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 56 (2019): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1956131s.

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In the works of Clement of Alexandria pieces of Homeric verses surface from time to time as a testimony to a Christian truth or an interpretation of Scripture. Such instances in Gnostic writings presented evidence that these Gnostic writers treated Homer as their own prophet. It seems that in light of these accusations, Clement takes care to note that Homer did not understand the words he gave a voice to, any more than a raven does when he echoes what he hears. Furthermore, in all cases where Clement comes conspicuously close to implying a prophetic-like status for Homer, he does not fail to employ a phrase which explicitly divorces the poet from any theological authority.

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Opriş, Dorin, and Irina Acatrinei. "Aspects Regarding the Formative-Informative Relationship in the "Pedagogue" by Clement of Alexandria." Educatia 21, no. 23 (December 21, 2022): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/ed21.2022.23.08.

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The entire work of Clement of Alexandria, but especially the work "The Pedagogue", constitutes a brilliant synthesis of Christian theological and educational thought from the end of the 2nd Christian century, but also a reference document for the subsequent stages of development of pedagogy. For the Alexandrian pedagogue, the value of faith is illustrated by the value of the education he promotes, that is why he puts the Pedagogue at the centre of his ideational approach, as an exemplary model of thought and action. The way he defines the concepts and argues the formative-informative relationship may be surprising today, but hard to dispute. The research conclusions show the fact that the formative-informative report is relevant to the extent that it is supported by the love of the Pedagogue towards those he educates, who does not hate, knows how to be gentle and persuasive even when he disapproves of a certain behavior.

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Лизгунов, Павел. "The Concept of Humility by Clement of Alexandria and Origen." Theological Herald, no. 3(34) (August 15, 2019): 114–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450-2019-34-114-137.

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Цель данной статьи - раскрыть понятие смирения у Климента и Оригена Александрийских. Для этого проводится филологический анализ употребления изучаемыми авторами слов смирение, смиренномудрие и однокоренных с ними, а также богословский анализ учения авторов о соответствующих добродетелях - в сравнении с предшествующей традицией раскрытия этой добродетели. Авторы, стоящие у истоков христианской богословской науки, обобщают сказанное прежде них о добродетели смирения и вносят собственный вклад в христианское учение о смирении. В текстах Климента и Оригена встречаются как античное словоупотребление, в котором термин «смирение» имеет уничижительный смысл, так и христианское употребление в значении нравственной добродетели. Их учение о христианских добродетелях смирения, смиренномудрия и кротости основывается на Священном Писании и содержит в себе черты учения мужей апостольских, ранних апологетов и борцов с гностицизмом. В их текстах впервые ставится вопрос о соотношении христианского и античного учений о смирении, который они пытаются решить в духе примирения античных и христианской этических систем. При этом оба автора указывают на бóльшую древность библейского учения по сравнению с учением Платона, а Климентпрямо называетплатоновское высказывание о добродетельном смирении заимствованием из Ветхого Завета. В ряде случаев зависимость авторов от античной мысли приводит к неточностям и натяжкам в передаче христианского нравственного учения. В частности, это проявляется в учении Климента о добродетельной гордости и в отвержении Оригеном библейских «телесных» форм смирения в пользу смирения по преимуществу интеллектуального. The purpose of this article is to reveal the concept of humility among Clement and Origen of Alexandria. To do this, a philological analysis of the use by the authors of the words humility, humility and cognate with them, as well as a theological analysis of the teachings of the authors about the corresponding virtues, is carried out in comparison with the previous tradition of revealing this virtue. Their teaching on the Christian virtues of humility, humility and meekness is based on the Holy Scriptures and contains features of the teachings of the husbands of the apostolic, early apologists and fighters against Gnosticism. For the first time, their texts raise the question of the relationship between Christian and antique teachings on humility, which they are trying to solve in the spirit of reconciliation of ancient and Christian ethical systems. At the same time, both authors point to the greater antiquity of the biblical teaching in comparison with the teachings of Plato, and Clement directly calls the Platonic statement about virtuous humility borrowing from the Old Testament. In some cases, the authors’ dependence on ancient thought leads to inaccuracies and stretches in the transmission of Christian moral teachings. In particular, this is manifested in Clement’s doctrine of virtuous pride and in Origen’s rejection of the biblical «bodily» forms of humility in favor of humility predominantly intellectual.

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Havrda, Matyáš. "Some Observations on Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, Book Five." Vigiliae Christianae 64, no. 1 (2010): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/004260310x12584264873897.

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AbstractThe article is a collection of comments to various passages of Clement of Alexandria’s Stromata V (1,1-2; 2,5-6; 3,2; 6,3; 8,6; 18,3; 23,2-24,2; 38,5; 71,2-3; 83,5; 90,2; 98,4; 133,7; 141,3). Its aim is to complement earlier research by re-examining the syntactic structure or the meaning of terms, by adducing new parallels or by proposing fresh explanations of difficult segments of the text.

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Vítek, Tomáš. "Heraclitus, 22 B 14 DK." Elenchos 36, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 195–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2015-360202.

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Abstract The article presents a reconstruction of Heraclitus’ saying in DK 22 B 14, which is generally thought to be two discontinuous statements (B 14a and B 14b), inorganically linked by a commentary by Clement of Alexandria. Although this sentence of Clement’s is almost unanimously rejected as a Christian misinterpretation of the pagan mysteries, the author of the article attempts to demonstrate that the core of the sentence does come almost certainly from Heraclitus. All that Clement did was to change the meaning of the sentence by changing the subjects for the objects. This new reading of the fragment makes it possible to link the two parts of the saying in a meaningful way, and at the same time to shed light on what were probably Heraclitus’ main criticisms of the initiates of the four different mysteries and the initiatory cults (B 14a). This is supported by a detailed historical and religious analysis of the probable meaning of the different designations for the initiates and the possible interconnections between them.

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Bratukhin, A. Yu. "Metаmorphosis of Plato’s c e in Clement of Alexandria." Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, no. 26 (2022): 128–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/ielcp230690152609.

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Bratukhin, A. Yu. "Soteriological terminology of Clement of Alexandria (ἀνάπαυσις and κατάπαυσις)." Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology XXIV (2020): 669–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/ielcp230690152409.

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Bratukhin, A. Yu. "The writings of Clement of Alexandria as “theological panspermia”." Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, no. 25 (2021): 205–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/ielcp230690152509.

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Maier, Harry O. "Clement of Alexandria and the Care of the Self." Journal of the American Academy of Religion LXII, no. 3 (1994): 719–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lxii.3.719.

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Leyerle, Blake. "Clement of Alexandria on the Importance of Table Etiquette." Journal of Early Christian Studies 3, no. 2 (1995): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.0.0041.

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Havrda, Matyáš. "Grace and Free Will According to Clement of Alexandria." Journal of Early Christian Studies 19, no. 1 (2011): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2011.0001.

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Edwards, MJ. "Clement of Alexandria and His Doctrine of the Logos." Vigiliae Christianae 54, no. 2 (2000): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007200x00026.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Clement of Alexandria'

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