Books on the topic 'Close intimate relationships'

Friendships and romantic relationships are characterized by enduring concern for each other’s welfare. It is perhaps not surprising, then, that advice, a form of social support, is common, expected, and even desired in intimate relationships. While much of the research on advice samples from friendships and romantic relationships, the influence of the specific relational context is often overlooked. This chapter addresses this limitation with a synthesis of theory and research from relationship science. Specifically, it explores the potential contributions of interdependence theory (Kelley & Thibaut, 1978), relationship turbulence theory (Solomon, Knobloch, Theiss, & McLaren, 2016), attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969), and confirmation theory (Dailey, 2006) to understand how relationship cognitions affect advice outcomes. The chapter also discusses the intersections between these theories as applied to advice and shows how these theories can guide best practices of advising in close relationships.

This book analyses the survival strategies that wealthy people in Mexico City have designed and implemented to protect themselves from kidnapping, with special focus on household employment relationships. This particular crime has demonstrated a particular evolution in the last twenty years that deserves analysis. Once a political crime, it became an economic crime that at first only targeted wealthy individuals and then over time began targeting working-class victims. This book presents a detailed history of the evolution of kidnapping in the period 1968 to 2009. It links this evolution to processes of democratization and liberalization which took place in Mexico since the 1980s. This is followed by an in-depth analysis of the strategies used by potential kidnapping victims to protect themselves from this crime, from the community level to the micro-individual level. Special attention is focused on the hiring process of household employees, namely drivers, as evidence suggests that most kidnappings are organized or facilitated in some way by a close collaborator of the victim. In this case, the book focuses on the hiring of drivers in the household. The hiring process is approached as a problem of trust. Signaling theory is the main framework used for solving this problem, as well as some ideas found in transaction cost economics, namely vertical integration.

Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) has been shown to have a variety of negative health and mental health effects on those who are afflicted, as well as negative effects on relationships with intimate partners and close relatives. Families are likely to be impacted by the specific nature of the sustained trauma. For example, PTSD related to sexual trauma may be experienced solely by the victim, who is likely to be uniquely impacted by and “impactful” to intimate partners, close family, and friends in the victim’s life. In contrast, PTSD resulting from exposure to natural disasters or terrorism may affect numerous members of a family, particularly when multiple family members have been exposed to the same event or when homes, possessions, or neighborhoods have been broadly affected. Although specific circumstances may require tailored approaches to family intervention, different types of traumas also share commonalities related to their impact on interpersonal relationships, communication, and family functioning. Little is known about effective interventions for families affected by PTSD, regardless of circumstances.

This paper argues that relationships between paid caregivers and care recipients should be eligible for equivalent legal protections as other adult-caring relationships. Care workers (or intimate workers, or domestic workers) are a vulnerable group; in law, they are not fully protected as workers or as family members, although they often form close, reciprocal-caring relationships with the people they care for. While some legal theorists have recently addressed their rights as workers, this paper considers their eligibility for rights as family members. It extends my earlier arguments for marriage equality, that marriage law (or a marriage-like law with reduced legal entitlements which I call ‘minimal marriage’) should protect a wider variety of relationship types than law currently does, on grounds of equal treatment. After reviewing these earlier arguments, I make the case for their application to care workers, addressing both theoretical and practical objections.

Schooling New Media is an ethnography of children’s music and media consumption practices at a small elementary and middle school in Vermont. It examines how transformations in music technologies influence the way children, their peers, and adults relate to one another in school. Focusing especially on digital music devices—MP3 players—it reveals the key role of intimate, face-to-face relationships in structuring children’s uses of music technologies. It explores how headphones mediate face-to-face peer relationships, as children share earbuds and listen to music with friends while participating in their peer groups’ dense overlap of talk, touch, and gesture. It argues that kids treat MP3 players less like “technology” and more like “toys,” domesticating them within traditional childhood material cultures already characterized by playful physical interaction and portable objects such as toys, trading cards, and dolls that can be shared, manipulated, and held close. Kids use digital music devices to expand their repertoires of communicative practices—like passing notes or whispering—that allow them to maintain intimate connections with friends beyond the reach of adults. Kids position the connections afforded by digital music listening as a direct challenge to the overarching language and literacy goals of classroom education. Schooling New Media is unique in its intensive ethnographic attention to everyday sites of musical consumption and performance. And it is uniquely interdisciplinary, bringing together approaches from music education, ethnomusicology, technology studies, literacy studies, and linguistic anthropology to make integrative arguments about the relationship between consumer technologies, childhood identities, and educational institutions.

Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is associated with negative health and mental health effects in those it afflicts but also has been shown to have negative effects on relationships with intimate partners and close relatives. Although different types of trauma require tailored approaches to family intervention, PTSD broadly affects interpersonal relationships, communication, and family functioning. Most of the existing literature has focused on military and veteran families affected by combat-related PTSD. This military perspective is used to structure this chapter and to highlight several areas important to an understanding of PTSD and its effect on families with children: framing PTSD from a family systems perspective and recognizing its impact on relationships and family functioning, reviewing child developmental considerations, describing unique challenges of childhood traumatic bereavement, and summarizing the developing literature examining family interventions for PTSD. Six strategies are highlighted that can mitigate risk in families affected by PTSD.

Depression is frequently associated with other psychiatric disorders, chronic health problems, and distressed close relationships. This comorbidity between depression and other disorders and problems is important. Furthermore, there has been a large increase in research on depressive comorbidity. Therefore, a book of 37 state-of-the-art reviews by experts will be helpful to teachers, researchers, practitioners, developers of relevant policies, and students in these areas. The comorbidity of depression with other psychiatric disorders is addressed in chapters focusing on panic disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder, social anxiety disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, alcohol-use disorders, eating disorders, conduct disorder, personality disorders, sexual dysfunctions, schizophrenia, suicide, and bipolar disorder. The comorbidity of depression and chronic health problems is addressed in chapters focusing on cardiovascular disease, cancer, pain, obesity, sleep disorders, multiple sclerosis, acquired immune deficiency syndrome, kidney disease, dementia, and women's health. The comorbidity of depression and distressed close relationships is addressed in chapters on intimate relationships, family relationships, and perinatal depression. There are also chapters on diagnostic issues, theory and constructs, models of comorbidity between depression and anxiety, assessment strategies, multidisciplinary treatments, community interventions, treatment in ethnic minority groups, psychosocial interventions for depressed cancer patients, and cognitive therapy for comorbid depression. Finally, in an effort to integrate the material, there are introduction, big picture, and epilogue chapters. The 37 chapters in this book reflect a scholarly and evidence-based perspective on depressive comorbidity. Moreover, the chapters address a wide array of relevant issues, including etiology, assessment, diagnosis, course, theory, research, practice, treatment, and clinical guidelines. In summary, this edited book includes 37 chapters on depression and comorbidity, and thereby provides a comprehensive, scholarly, and empirically-based compendium of reviews on this topic.

Assembling research from an international cohort of scholars dedicated to inquiry in the field, this volume investigates relationships between dance and politics, adding detail and dimension to existing research, illuminating epistemological and theoretical topographies, and forging new pathways for related inquiry. Opening up its critical terms in two directions, the project illuminates how dance achieves its politics and how notions of the political are themselves expanded when viewed from the perspective of dance. Conceiving the subject matter in mutually informing ways, through problematics that come from philosophy, social science, humanities, and history, the authors seek to participate in an ongoing conversation that is both interdisciplinary and international in scope. This Oxford Handbook of Dance and Politics comes through a turn to dance from within a range of fields such as political philosophy, interests in social movements, and approaches to bodily difference such as disability, postcolonial, critical race, and queer studies. The editors have brought together writers with intimate engagement in these dialogues and close encounter with various dance practices. The result is a book that is at once essential reading for advanced teaching and research within various dance studies curricula and that intervenes in key discussions of political theory in the current climate.

Taking a fresh look at the first two centuries of French colonialism in the Americas, this book answers the long-standing question of how and how well Indigenous Americans and Europeans communicated with each other during colonial encounters. French explorers and colonists in the sixteenth century noticed that Indigenous peoples from Brazil to Canada used signs to communicate. The newcomers, in response, quickly embraced the nonverbal as a means to overcome cultural and language barriers throughout French America. Céline Carayon's close examination of French accounts, combined with her multidisciplinary methodology, enables her to recover these sophisticated Native practices of embodied expression. In a colonial world where communication and trust were essential but complicated by the multiplicity of Indigenous languages, intimate and sensory communications ensured that colonists and Indigenous peoples understood each other well. Understanding, in turn, bred both genuine personal bonds and violent antagonisms. Nonverbal communication shaped Indigenous resistance to colonial pressures across the Americas just as it fueled the French imperial imagination and strategies. Challenging the notion of colonial America as a site of misunderstandings and insurmountable cultural clashes, Carayon shows that Natives and newcomers used nonverbal means to build relationships before the rise of linguistic fluency--and, crucially, well afterward.

This chapter discusses mistake as a vitiating factor where there is an otherwise apparently binding contract between two parties. Historically there has been a very close relationship between contractual interpretation and the various doctrines which respond to mistakes in the bargaining process or in the resulting contract. It is clear that there is an intimate connection between the two. Indeed construction was the matrix from which most modern mistake theory sprang. By the middle of the twentieth century mistake appeared to have hardened into a distinct doctrine or perhaps even doctrines, but at the end of the twentieth century construction techniques resumed their earlier prominence in cases of contractual error.

This book examines the complex ways in which Latino immigrants root themselves in new places while navigating the terrain of US social hierarchies and relationships with African American neighbors. In particular, the study looks at neighborhood change in South Los Angeles, which has shifted from predominantly African American to Latino. The authors ask the following questions: How did Latino immigrants and their children make a new home for themselves in South L.A.? What kinds of relations did they develop with African Americans, and how did this change over time? And what are the consequences for civic engagement and for cross-racial community organizing? The book draws on a multiyear, mixed-method project conducted by a team of ten researchers, and it is based on nearly two hundred audio-recorded, transcribed interviews, which were conducted in homes, garages, parks, offices, and urban gardens (one hundred with Latino residents, twenty-five with Black residents, twenty-nine interviews with civic leaders, and another forty-four with Latino and Black men at public parks and community gardens), as well as new databases charting historical demographic change. Taken together, this book provides both an intimate, close-up window into how people experience urban life and race on the streets, in schools, and in homes, and it scopes out to consider change over time, providing a broader view of new civic collaborations and political projects, race and place identities. The picture that emerges challenges traditional views of assimilation, identity formation, and urban politics and emphasizes a perspective highlighting immigrant homemaking, racial-identity transformation, and the production of Black/Brown collaborations in politics and placemaking.

Over three thousand Karawari-speaking people live in the East Sepik Province, Papua New Guinea. Among the Ambonwari, who belong to one of four dialectal groups, canonical imperatives can be marked with -ra or -nda (‘do it!’), with -n (‘come to do it!’), and with potential -mbi (‘should do it!’). Non-canonical imperatives directed toward first person can be marked either with -n (‘let’s go to do it’) or with -mba and potential prefix and- (‘let’s do it’, ‘should do it’). Imperatives directed toward third person are marked with -mba and imperative prefix ka- (‘let them do it’). Negative imperatives have fewer forms than positive imperatives. For an egalitarian kinship-based society, where people’s lives depend on sharing, exchange, and cooperation, commands are a common way of daily communication. Being used as directives, demands, requests, instructions, exhortations, advice, and even greetings, they generate and reflect close relationships and intimacy between people.

The opposite of detachment is possessiveness, which generally reflects a personality profile characterized by anxious attachment. This chapter describes the psychological and behavioral traits that characterize people with anxious attachment and discusses two clinical conditions related to abnormal levels of possessiveness: child abuse and pathological jealousy. The discussion of these two conditions is based on very different databases. Whereas descriptions and explanations of pathological jealousy are based on psychiatric literature, the analysis of child abuse consists of a synopsis of studies of spontaneous cases of maternal abuse of offspring in monkeys, including the successful pharmacological treatment of abusive mothers. Also recounted is the author’s correspondence with John Bowlby regarding interpretation of the observations in monkeys. The chapter closes with a brief discussion of the psychological mechanisms that motivate normal jealousy in intimate relationships and of gender differences in jealousy, along with evolutionary explanations for such differences.

The Three Graces of Val-Kill changes the way we think about Eleanor Roosevelt. Emily Wilson examines what she calls the most formative period in Roosevelt's life, from 1922 to 1936, when she cultivated an intimate friendship with Marion Dickerman and Nancy Cook, who helped her build a cottage on the Val-Kill Creek in Hyde Park on the Roosevelt family land. In the early years, the three women--the "three graces," as Franklin Delano Roosevelt called them--were nearly inseparable and forged a female-centered community for each other, for family, and for New York's progressive women. Examining this network of close female friends gives readers a more comprehensive picture of the Roosevelts and Eleanor's burgeoning independence in the years that marked Franklin's rise to power in politics. Wilson takes care to show all the nuances and complexities of the women's relationship, which blended the political with the personal. Val-Kill was not only home to Eleanor Roosevelt but also a crucial part of how she became one of the most admired American political figures of the twentieth century. In Wilson's telling, she emerges out of the shadows of monumental histories and documentaries as a woman in search of herself.

For two millennia, the Ars Poetica (Art of Poetry), the 476-line literary treatise in verse with which Horace closed his career, has served as a paradigmatic manual for writers. Rarely has it been considered as a poem in its own right, or else it has been disparaged as a great poet's baffling outlier. Here, this book fully reintegrates the Ars Poetica into Horace's oeuvre, reading the poem as a coherent, complete, and exceptional literary artifact intimately linked with the larger themes pervading his work. Arguing that the poem can be interpreted as a manual on how to live masquerading as a handbook on poetry, the book traces its key themes to show that they extend beyond poetry to encompass friendship, laughter, intergenerational relationships, and human endeavor. If the poem is read for how it expresses itself, moreover, it emerges as an exemplum of art in which judicious repetitions of words and ideas join disparate parts into a seamless whole that nevertheless lends itself to being remade upon every reading. This book is a logical evolution of Horace's work, which promises to inspire a long overdue reconsideration of a hugely influential yet misunderstood poem.

This is a biography of George Platt Lynes (1907–1955), the gregarious American portrait, dance, fashion, and male nude photographer whose career spanned the late 1920s through his early death. From age eighteen, Lynes entered the cosmopolitan world of the American expatriate community in Paris when he became acquainted with the salon of Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas. Intending to pursue a writing and small-press publishing career, Lynes also began photographing authors like Stein, Jean Cocteau, André Gide, and Colette. Soon, he turned exclusively to photography, establishing himself as one of the premier fashion photographers in the Condé Nast stable, documenting the ballet companies of George Balanchine/Lincoln Kirstein, and pursuing a private obsession with seductive images of young male nudes rarely published in his lifetime. Lynes’s personal life was as glamorous and theatrical as his images with their brilliant studio lighting and dramatic Surrealist setups. Barely out of his teens, he met publisher Monroe Wheeler, who was already in a relationship with emerging expatriate novelist Glenway Wescott. The peripatetic threesome maintained a polyamorous connection that lasted some fifteen years. Their New York apartment became a mecca for elegant name-dropping dinner parties. Their ménage-a-trois complicates our understanding of the pre-Stonewall gay “closet.” This biography, drawing upon intimate letters and an unpublished memoir of Lynes’s life by his brother, the writer and editor Russell Lynes, paints a portrait of the emerging influence of gays and lesbians across cultural genres that defined transatlantic cosmopolitan culture and presaged later gay political consciousness.

With a quality all their own, Wittgenstein’s Family Letters reveals a side of Ludwig Wittgenstein few would have known. The familiarity and intimacy of the letters offer new insights into the development of his relationships and ideas over the course of forty years. In his usual frank, and sometimes brutally honest manner, he explains his decisions to lead a life in absolute agreement with what he considered right for him. In correspondence with his siblings we learn more about Ludwig’s refusal to be known as a ‘Wittgenstein’ during his time as a school teacher and his insistence to celebrate Christmas not with the family, but with friends. Using a different tone for each of his siblings, he creates distinct portraits of the siblings themselves. The open and simple tone to Hermine, a mother figure to Ludwig; the practical and sometimes joking tone to Paul; and, most strikingly, the loving and witty tone to Helene Salzer, the sibling closest to Ludwig and with whom he remained in contact until his death. The most intellectual and original of his sisters, Margaret, is seen primarily through her letters to Ludwig, as almost no letters to her are believed to have survived from him. Translated into English for the first time, these personal letters not only illuminate Wittgenstein the philosopher, they bring us closer to Ludwig Wittgenstein the man.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.