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Journal articles on the topic 'Club Arnau de Vilanova'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2025

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1

MENSA I VALLS, Jaume. "La «fallacia consequentis» en la polémica escatólogica entre Arnau de Vilanova y los profesores de la Universidad de París." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 10 (October 1, 2003): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v10i.9270.

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The article presents, analyzes and comments a text of Arnau de Vilanova that has been conserved relative to the discussion that maintained this author with the theologians of Paris (in the transit of century XIII to the XIV) on the «fallacia consequentis», in the context of the eschatological controversy (the possibility of Biblically predicting the corning of the Antichrist). The theologians of Paris disqualified the argumentation of Arnau de Vilanova because he incurred the «fallacia consequentis». Arnau de Vilanova defends himself of this accusation.

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2

Requesens i Piquer, Joan. "L’Arnau de Vilanova presentat per Francesc Eiximenis." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 23, no. 23 (2024): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.23.28844.

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Resum: Aquest estudi es fa sobre un passatge de Francesc Eiximenis en la seva obra Primer Llibre del Crestià que, per un vell error de quasi cent anys, ha propiciat una imatge alterada sobre el metge Arnau de Vilanova. S’ha partit del ms. 456 de la Biblioteca de Catalunya i de l’incunable de Lambert Palmart estampat a València el 1483. Aquí s’estudia quina va ser i per quina raó la tria en què el franciscà va comparar Arnau considerat com a alquimista en oposició al rei Salomó. Paraules clau: Eiximenis, Arnau de Vilanova, Salomó, alquímia, nigromància Abstract: This study is based on a passage

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3

Campos Souto, Mar. "Algunos orientalismos del Recetario para diversas enfermedades atribuido a Arnau de Vilanova." Revista de Lexicografía 1 (August 3, 2019): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/rlex.1995.1.0.5695.

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4

Grau Torras, Sergi. "Aristotle in the Medical Works of Arnau de Vilanova (c. 1240–1311)." Early Science in Medicine 19, no. 3 (2014): 236–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-00193p02.

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Arnau de Vilanova, one of the most important physicians of the Latin Middle Ages, was familiar with the vast majority of Aristotle’s works that had been translated into Latin. He used a wide range of them, such as the Organon – the introductory books on logic – and the natural philosophical books, which cover a different branches of knowledge. He used Aristotle as an authority, trying to reconcile him with the field of medicine as practiced in his time. In so going, he defined a new theoretical model of medicine by the standards of natural philosophy, while continuing to emphasize the boundari

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5

Mensa i Valls, J. "¿Fue Arnau de Vilanova un profeta apocalíptico?" Bulletin de Philosophie Médiévale 38 (January 1996): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.bpm.3.522.

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6

March Tortajada, Robert. "Arnau de Vilanova El llibre dels vins." REVISTA VALENCIANA DE FILOLOGIA 7, no. 7 (2023): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.28939/rvf.v7.204.

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El llibre dels vins, d’Arnau de Vilanova, es tracta d’una mena de rara avis escritapel metge medieval. De fet, tal com indica Patrick Gifreu al pròleg, el manualn’és una excepció: es troba prop de l’alquímia, però, sense haver caigut en elparany d’haver sigut definit com a text apòcrif.Ara bé, la temàtica no és original, com a mínim, no per a l’edat mitjanaen què el vi té una importància valuosíssima. Hom sap que la vinya i elseu fruit han tingut un pes fonamental de temps ençà. Per tant, no descobrimCatarroja en afirmar que el plaer per aquesta beguda hauria estat present enles societats que

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7

Giralt, Sebastià. "The Consilia Attributed To Arnau De Vilanova1." Early Science and Medicine 7, no. 4 (2002): 311–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338202x00216.

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AbstractFour of the works attributed to Arnau de Vilanova may be considered consilia, which is the name of the genre of texts that expound medical treatments for illnesses suffered by specific individuals. In this paper, I first address the problem of their authenticity within the framework of the so-called "Arnaldian question". The evidence presented here confirms that Arnau de Vilanova was the author of the Regimen podagre and the Epistola ad Bremundum Montisferrarii, while the question regarding the authorship of the Regimen quartane and the Cura febris ethice remains unresolved. This artic

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8

Valls, Jaume Mensa I. "Arnau de Vilanova, el “Pequeño Cristo”: Significado y sentido del neologismo christinus en su obra espiritual." Traditio 70 (2015): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012393.

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The aim of this article is to study the meaning and significance of the word christinus (diminutive of Christus; “little Christ”) in the spiritual work of Arnau de Vilanova (ca. 1240–1311). This Catalan doctor and thinker created the neologism and used it twice in the titles of two of his works (Allocutio christini de hiis que conveniunt homini secundum propriam dignitatem creaturae rationalis ad inclitum dominum tertium Fredericum, Trinacriae regem illustrem and Tractatus epistolarum christini). On both occasions Arnau de Vilanova used the term in the genitive, referring to himself. This conc

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9

Giralt, Sebastià. "Proprietas: Las propiedades ocultas según Arnau de Vilanova." Traditio 63 (2008): 327–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036215290000218x.

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Entre las prácticas y creencias varias que compartieron el nombre de magia en la baja edad media descollan la nigromancia y la magia natural como las dos principales corrientes de la magia medieval de tradición escrita. La nigromancia era conceptualmente más próxima a la religión, en el sentido de que pretendía obtener la ayuda de unos poderes sobrenaturales — espíritus, demonios — por medio de ritos, si bien − o quizás por esto mismo — era la más combatida por la Iglesia. En cambio, la magia natural resultaba más próxima a las ciencias medievales, puesto que su finalidad era conocer y explota

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10

Alonso, Guardo Alberto. "El manuscrito expoliado, el patricio gotoso, y el médico a distancia. Una versión francesa del 'Regimen podagre' de Arnau de Vilanova." Romania. Revue des langues romanes 139 (January 1, 2021): 355–70. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13926825.

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Se realiza una comparación entre la «Consultation de Jean Le Fèvre, médecin établi a Montpellier, sur le traitement de la goutte» y el "Regimen podagre" de Arnau de Vilanova, texto este último que ha servido de fuente y modelo para redactar el primero.

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11

Mc Vaugh, Michael. "Arnau de Vilanova and Paris : one embassy or two ?" Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge 73, no. 1 (2006): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ahdlm.073.0029.

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12

Mensa i Valls, Jaume. "Conocimiento médico y conocimiento teológico en Arnau de Vilanova." Mediaevalia Textos e estudos 41 (2024): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21836884/med41a3.

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Arnald of Villanova, a medical doctor by training and a theologian by vocation, has gone down in history as one of the most outstanding physicians of the Latin Middle Ages; his theological works, however, were condemned a few years after his death, and the possibility of their being known and studied only emerged just over a century ago. According to Arnald, medicine is a scientia while simultaneously being an ars operativa, both of which facets are indissociable. The physician is akin to a “minister of nature” who performs his role by way of his ars. This manner of understanding medicine pres

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13

Giralt, Sebastià. "La epístola contra la nigromancia de Arnau de Vilanova." La corónica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures 36, no. 1 (2007): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cor.2007.0029.

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14

Backman, Clifford R. "Arnau de Vilanova and the Franciscan Spirituals in Sicily." Franciscan Studies 50, no. 1 (1990): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/frc.1990.0012.

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15

Mensa i Valls, Jaume, and Maria Cabré Duran. "La revelació anònima Vae mundo in centum annis: edició i estudi." SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals, no. 24 (December 30, 2024): 101–26. https://doi.org/10.1344/svmma2024.24.7.

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Aquest estudi presenta la profecia medieval coneguda com a Vae mundo in centum annis, molt influent en la configuració de l’imaginari religiós i polític de la Corona d’Aragó i més enllà de les seves fronteres. La profecia prediu calamitats i canvis polítics a diverses regions, amb simbolismes que els autors medievals i moderns van interpretar de diverses maneres. Arnau de Vilanova fou el transmissor de la profecia, tot i que no n’és l’autor, i la va incorporar a la seva obra De mysterio cymbalorum ecclesiae. L’estudi proposa, en primer lloc, una edició crítica i autònoma de la profecia i, en s

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16

Giralt, Sebastià. "Nous manuscrits de l’obra mèdica d’Arnau de Vilanova." Asclepio 72, no. 2 (2020): p313. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/asclepio.2020.14.

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[ca] Aquest article és una primera presentació dels resultats obtinguts en el procés de revisió dels manuscrits de l’obra mèdica d’Arnau de Vilanova en el marc del desenvolupament de la base de dades Arnau BD dedicada a recopilar els còdexs del corpus atribuït a aquest metge medieval. La nostra revisió ha permès no tan sols reunir en un sol recurs els testimonis coneguts prèviament dels escrits mèdics d’Arnau sinó també descobrir 36 manuscrits amb un o més textos seus que havien passat desapercebuts en els estudis arnaldians anteriors.

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17

Santonja, Pedro. "Arnau de Vilanova (Arnaud de Villeneuve) et la pensée islamique." Annales du Midi : revue archéologique, historique et philologique de la France méridionale 103, no. 196 (1991): 421–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/anami.1991.7607.

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18

Giralt, Sebastià. "Proprietas: Las propiedades ocultas según Arnau de Vilanova." Traditio 63, no. 1 (2008): 327–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trd.2008.0001.

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19

Grau Torras, Sergi. "Arnau Vilanova i la concepció de la medicina com a ciència aristotèlica." Mot so razo 16 (December 1, 2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33115/udg_bib/msr.v16i0.22222.

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Arnau considered medicine to be an Aristotelian science, grounded on natural philosophy. However, he did not link medicine to philosophical speculation but rather con-ceived it as an art, a technique to be practiced by following Aristotelian principles. The ability and experience of the physician were fundamental to producing knowledge.

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20

MENSA I VALLS, Jaume. "El tomismo de Martín de Ateca (†1306) según Arnau de Vilanova / he Thomism of Martin de Ateca (†1306) According to Arnold of Villanova." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 21 (October 1, 2014): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v21i.5915.

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The aragonese dominican Martin de Ateca is mostly known thanks to the works of Arnau de Vilanova.This paper edits, translates and analyzes one of the most significant fragments (hitherto unpublished)of Arnau de Vilanova’s Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca. Martinannouncement. The aragonese dominican appears to be the first Thomist from the Crown of Aragon tohave been explicitly designated as such.

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21

Weill-Parot, Nicolas. "Sebastià Giralt i Soler, Arnau de Vilanova en la impremta renaixentista." Médiévales, no. 48 (June 1, 2005): 168–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/medievales.1088.

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22

Weill-Parot, Nicolas. "Sebastià Giralt i Soler, Arnau de Vilanova en la impremta renaixentista." Médiévales, no. 49 (December 1, 2005): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/medievales.1220.

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23

Giralt Soler, Sebastià. "The Translations Attributed to Arnau de Vilanova in Early Modern Printing." Medievalia 18, no. 1 (2015): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/medievalia.309.

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24

Mensa i Valls, Jaume. "Arnau de Vilanova, the philosophy and the inquisitorial sentence (Tarragona 1316)." Enrahonar. Quaderns de filosofia 42 (January 7, 2009): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/enrahonar.283.

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25

Cabré Duran, Maria. "Actes de la «III Trobada Internacional d’Estudis sobre Arnau de Vilanova»." Enrahonar. Quaderns de filosofia 56 (March 1, 2016): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/enrahonar.697.

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26

Siraisi, Nancy G., and Joseph Ziegler. "Medicine and Religion c. 1300: The Case of Arnau de Vilanova." American Historical Review 105, no. 2 (2000): 603. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1571569.

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27

Perarnau, Josep. "Dos tratados “espirituales” de Arnau de Vilanova en traducción castellana medieval." Anthologica Annua, no. 22-23 (January 8, 2024): 477–630. http://dx.doi.org/10.59530/anthann.1975.22.5.

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28

Mensa i Valls, Jaume. "Somnis i visions en l'obra espiritual d'Arnau de Vilanova." Mot so razo 16 (December 1, 2021): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33115/udg_bib/msr.v16i0.22223.

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Arnau de Vilanova’s works include references to dreams or visions on six occasions. Two visions are concerned with the genesis of his own treatises, while two moralis-ing dreams by two nuns, as well as dreams by King Fred-eric of Sicily and King Jaume II of Aragon, are reported in his Interpretatio de visionibus in somniis. His personal in-volvement differs, according to the source: he recounts and interprets his own dreams, merely narrates the nuns’ dreams, and interprets the royal dreams. The pur-pose, always pragmatic, also varies, from legitimization in his visions to the exemplary functio

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29

Ortuño Arregui, Manuel. "Las referencias bíblicas en el Eulogium de notitia verorum et pseudoapostolorum de Arnau de Vilanova." Specula Revista de Humanidades y Espiritualidad, no. 7 (September 14, 2023): 99–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.46583/specula_2023.7.1097.

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Resumen: Este trabajo trata de mostrar las referencias bíblicas que usó el médico y teólogo Arnau de Vilanova en la obra de carácter polémico y espiritual, el Eulogium de notitia verorum et pseudo-apostolorum dentro de la polémica gerundense de 1304 contra Bernat Puigcercós. Para ello, vamos a exponer las diversas referencias veterotestamentarias y neotestamentarias, con una breve referencia a las citas no bíblicas. Hay que señalar que la intencionalidad del uso de las alusiones constantes a las epístolas paulinas, para argumentar las señales apostólicas del verdadero apóstol se realizan de un

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30

Giralt, Sebastià. "La fi d'una llegenda: Arnau de Vilanova davant la màgia i l'astrologia." Mot so razo 16 (December 1, 2021): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33115/udg_bib/msr.v16i0.22221.

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This article revises Arnau’s thoughts and practice regard-ing magic and astrology, two core aspects in the creation of an enduring legendary image. If apocryphal works are disregarded, the attitudes he sustains in his writing are in line with those of contemporary intellectuals: a rejec-tion of necromancy coupled with the acceptance of oc-cult astral properties as the foundation of natural magic. These properties are put to use in his medical treatises, where astrology is also the basis for some remedies. However, none of the treatises on medical astrology that have been transmitted under his

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31

Inglis, Neil L. "Medicine and Religion c. 1300: The Case of Arnau de Vilanova (review)." Catholic Historical Review 88, no. 1 (2002): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2002.0028.

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32

O'Boyle, Cornelius. "Medicine and Religion, c. 1300: The Case of Arnau de Vilanova (review)." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 74, no. 3 (2000): 594–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2000.0144.

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33

Mensa i Valls, Jaume. "Los neologismos bubulcaritas (y derivados) y bovizare en la obra espiritual latina de Arnau de Vilanova." Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi 76, no. 1 (2018): 297–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/alma.2018.2551.

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rÉtude des néologismes bubulcaritas (et dérivés) et bovizare dans l’oeuvre spirituelle d’Arnau de Vilanova. Bubulcus, bubulcaritas, bubulcaris, bubulcariter apparaissent trente-huit fois et bovizare deux fois, dans des oeuvres écrites entre les années 1302 et 1305 (plus particulièrement dans l’inédit Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca). Ces termes sont utilisés au sens figuré et servent au médecin et au théologien catalan pour décrire, qualifier et principalement réprouver la

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34

Grau Torras, Sergi. "Some Remarks on Aristotle’s “Physics” in the Medieval Works of Arnau de Vilanova." Medievalia 18, no. 1 (2015): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/medievalia.314.

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35

Horden, Peregrine. "Medicine and Religion c. 1300: The Case of Arnau de Vilanova Joseph Ziegler." English Historical Review 115, no. 463 (2000): 940–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.463.940.

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Horden, P. "Medicine and Religion c. 1300: The Case of Arnau de Vilanova Joseph Ziegler." English Historical Review 115, no. 463 (2000): 940–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.463.940.

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37

Nicoud, Marilyn. "Arnau de Vilanova, Regiment de sanitat per al rei d’Aragó. Aforismes de la memòria." Médiévales 75, no. 75 (2018): 256–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/medievales.9637.

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38

Mensa i Valls, Jaume. "VILANOVA, Arnau de (2014). Tractatus de tempore adventus Antichristi. Ipsius et aliorum scripta coaeva." Enrahonar. Quaderns de filosofia 54 (March 2, 2015): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/enrahonar.560.

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39

Paniagua, Juan Antonio. "Abstinencia de carnes y medicina. El «Tractatus de esu carnium» de Arnau de Vilanova." Scripta Theologica 16, no. 1-2 (2018): 323–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/006.16.20569.

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40

Carabot, Mónica, Carmen Mias, and Sandra Bertran. "Study on the Effect of Malnutrition in the Readmission of Patients Receiving Home-Based Hospital Care." Current Developments in Nutrition 4, Supplement_2 (2020): 1120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdn/nzaa055_005.

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Abstract Objectives Malnutrition has a high prevalence among patients of Home-Based Hospital Care (HBHC) and can aggravate medical prognosis including early hospital readmission. The primary goal of this study is to determine whether malnutrition could be a predictive factor of patient readmission to HBHC occurring within 30 days of discharge. The secondary aims are to establish the number of hospital readmissions within 30 days of discharge, and to identify nutritional indicators that predict readmission within 30 days. Furthermore, to determine the type, degree and risk of malnutrition in pa

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41

Valls-Pujol, Esperança. "Nahmanides’ Astrological and Religious Thinking and the Views of the Contemporaneous Catalan Christian Sages." Perichoresis 18, no. 4 (2020): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2020-0023.

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AbstractThis paper examines the astrological and religious thinking of Moshe ben Nahman (also known as Ramban or Nahmanides) and the intellectual connections in this field with two of the most outstanding Christian thinkers of his time, Ramon Llull and Arnau de Vilanova. Nahmanides, like many medieval scholars, admitted an astral influence, but he did not accept astrology as a divinatory science. He incorporated astrological doctrines in his exegetical works, assuming that Israel is not determined by any star because it only responds to God. Yet the study of medieval medicine and its applicati

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Mensa i Valls, Jaume. "Arnau de Vilanova (2017). Regiment de sanitat, per al rei d’Aragó: Aforismes de la memòria." Enrahonar. An international journal of theoretical and practical reason 61 (October 1, 2018): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/enrahonar.1232.

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43

Carré, Antònia. "Del regiment de sanitat a la literatura. El cas dâArnau de Vilanova." Anuario de Estudios Medievales 45, no. 1 (2015): 233–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aem.2015.45.1.08.

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44

Balaguer i Perigüell, Emili. "Arnau de Vilanova: la medicina, la ciencia y la técnica en tiempos de Jaime II." Anales de la Universidad de Alicante. Historia Medieval, no. 11 (1997): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/medieval.1996-1997.11.01.

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Santonja Hernández, Pedro. "La influencia del pensamiento judío en la obra de Arnau de Vilanova, médico y escritor espiritual." Helmántica 52, no. 157 (2001): 101–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36576/summa.3652.

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46

Valls, Jaume Mensa I. "Arnau de Vilanova, el “Pequeño Cristo”: Significado y sentido del neologismo christinus en su obra espiritual." Traditio 70, no. 1 (2015): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trd.2015.0009.

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47

García Ballester, Luis, and Eduard Feliu. "Las relaciones intelectuales entre médicos judíos y cristianos: La traducción hebrea de las Medicationis Parabole de Arnau de Vilanova, por Abraham Abigdor (ca. 1384)." Asclepio 45, no. 1 (1993): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/asclepio.1993.v45.1.494.

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Los historiadores de la medicina apenas han tenido en cuenta el estudio de las relaciones intelectuales entre los médicos pertenecientes a los tres grupos religiosos (cristianos, judíos, musulmanes), que durante los siglos bajomedievales convivieron en el sur de la Europa cristiana occidental. Nos referimos a los médicos que hicieron de la medicina, no sólo una práctica más o menos empírica, sino que la consideraron, además, una actividad fundada en la filosofía natural. Una de las vías utilizadas para dicha relación, fue la de las traducciones (latín-hebreo, o con el intermedio de una lengua

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48

García Morilla, Santiago, and José Antonio Robles Tascón. "LA CONSOLIDACIÓN DE LA ACTIVIDAD FÍSICA COMO CIENCIA EN EL SIGLO XIII Y SU RELACIÓN CON LA SALUD A TRAVÉS DE LA FIGURA DE ARNAU DE VILANOVA Y SU RÉGIMEN SANITATIS." Citius, Altius, Fortius 16, no. 2 (2023): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/citius2023.16.2.002.

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A mitad del Siglo XIII es cuando las fuentes sitúan el nacimiento de una de las principales figuras de este periodo en relación con la Medicina. Es por tanto Arnau de Vilanova un referente de la Edad Media en cuanto al arte de la salud y la curación y tendremos por objetivo analizar su obra desde el punto de vista del contenido de la salud y en particular con la actividad física, así como establecer las conexiones existentes de tal modo que se pueda verificar una verdadera fundamentación histórica para cimentar unas bases sólidas del deporte como Ciencia y su similitud con la actualidad. Será

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Mensa I Valls, Jaume. "Arnau de Vilanova adversario de Tomás de Aquino : la polémica sobre la conveniencia de conocer los tiempos finales." Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge 81, no. 1 (2014): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ahdlm.081.0099.

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March, Robert. "Jaume Mensa i Valls, Arnau de Vilanova a Lleida. La Confessio Ilerdensis. Estudi, edició i traducció (Lleida, 2023)." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 31, no. 2 (2024): 117–18. https://doi.org/10.21071/refime.v31i2.17628.

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