Academic literature on the topic 'Cluniacs'

The two works of Rodulfus Glaber, the Histories and the Life of St William, have always been held to be of special importance because of the supposed Cluniac origins of this writer. Glaber is commonly referred to as a Cluniac monk, as can be seen from the title of an important modern series of articles about him, while Delaruelle's famous essay about Cluny and Holy War leans heavily upon his ‘Cluniac connections’. The lack of literary sources about the history of Cluny in the reign of Odilo accounts in part for the extensive use of his Histories by the numerous corps of historians of Cluny. By contrast the Life has been somewhat neglected, and indeed the literature on St William of Dijon in English is very limited. It is important, therefore, to discover in what sense, if any, Glaber can be called a Cluniac.

This paper reconsiders the first ‘General Chapter’ of Benedictine abbots (late 1131). To explain the timing and circumstances of this event, previous scholarship mostly referred to the influence of the Cistercians on reformist groups within ‘traditional’ monasticism. A closer look at the primary evidence reveals how the first General Chapter needs to be framed against the activities of overlapping coalitions of ecclesiastical and secular agents pursuing various political, ideological and institutional interests. It also allows the causes of the ensuing dispute with the Cluniacs to be established more securely, and provides new insights into contemporary usages of statutes and the semantics of the word ‘ordo’.

Bernard of Clairvaux's letter to his young cousin Robert, written in the early 1120s CE, ignited a public controversy between the powerful Cluniacs and the upstart Cistercians over proper monastic practice and recruitment that smoldered throughout the twelfth century. This article examines how Cistercian polemics arose out of this new monastic competition to form Cistercian identity. Bernard of Clairvaux and the Cistercians under his influence employed a rhetoric that drew on notions of space, age, and gender to present their rivals as worldly, feminine, and immature and themselves as mature and masculine warriors on the front lines of ascetic battle against the vices. In doing so, the Cistercians deployed a gendered concept of “childhood” and “youth” that shaped their understanding of monastic conversion and progression as maturation from a worldly, feminized child to a mature and masculine monk. By centering “childhood” as a category of analysis, this article demonstrates the importance of age to Cistercian constructions of monastic masculinity. The gender-crossing martial, nuptial, and maternal imagery for which the Cistercians are famous relied on constructions of the “child.” This article shows that “childhood” and “adulthood” are mutually constitutive, gendered categories and reveals that “childhood” is as important to constructing Christian masculinities as notions of “woman.”

ABSTRACTIt is commonly understood the old monastic order in England confronted the King's Reformation unreformed: the houses of the Benedictines, Cistercians and Cluniacs were seemingly untouched by the spirit of renewal that charged continental congregations in the conciliar era, and their conventional patterns of observant life persisted in the face of a fast-changing world beyond the precinct walls. This paper reexamines this view. There was no formal process of congregational reform in England and the effectiveness of the order's governing bodies faltered over the course of the fifteenth century. Yet the responsiveness of the monks to contemporary trends in learning and teaching and in patterns of personal and corporate devotion may be traced in many of their manuscript records. This is indicative, certainly, of the lively engagement of individual brethren but in a number of instances it can be read as part of a collective impulse for reform that animated the house as a whole, and perhaps even networks of houses. It was an impulse that owed much to a generation of (generally, graduate) monks that rose to prominence against the background of the great church councils; their influence allowed it to flourish, albeit briefly, in the triennial sessions of the Benedictine chapters. Their interest in humanism passed to the next generation of superiors, some of whom appear to have transformed their conventual curricula. Their pioneering work perhaps also stimulated a refined conception of the monastic profession which blossomed in the half-century before the suppressions, one suffused with a sharp, one might say, antiquarian sense of the heritage of early English monasticism, and the scholarly calibre and spiritual purity of its celebrated fathers. The energy that emanated from a number of these houses in the reigns of Henry VII and his son attracted like-minded seculars into collaborations that were not necessarily claustral in focus but certainly reformist in tone. Of course, such extra-mural interest and interaction did little to defend the monastic redoubt from the assault of the Cromwellian commissioners.

Monastic renewal of the eleventh century used to be treated by scholars as essentially Cluniac : Cluny, as the head of an order totalling hundreds of houses, spread its reform across Europe as the tide spreads across a beach. More recently, since Kassius Hallinger demonstrated the existence of multiple centres of reform in his classic study of Gorze, it has become common to draw distinctions between ‘Cluniac’ and ‘young’ (or ‘second-generation’) Cluniac influences, and Cluny's ‘order’ has been redefined to include only priories directly dependent on Cluny's abbot, encompassing not hundreds of houses but only dozens. However, Cluny's order is still commonly treated as something new and unprecedented and Cluniac reform in the tenth and eleventh centuries as prefiguring the monastic renewal of the High Middle Ages.

The manuscript Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, 369 (henceforth Cfm 369) was made in the 13th century for the English Cluniac priory of St.Pancras at Lewes in Sussex. It is not known if the priory itself produced the manuscript or if it were copied elsewhere. Leroquais [1] described it as a breviary-missal. It is undoubtedly the most important surviving English Cluniac liturgical source, for it contains not only the liturgical texts of mass and office complete, but is also notated. Among the services for monastic office and mass there appears a full monastic rhymed office for St.Thomas of Canterbury, unspoilt, a rarity in England. Cfm 369 also has a full office for the patron saint of the priory, St.Pancras.

Two new species of Lachesilla, in species group Pedicularia, from Valle del Cauca, Colombia, are here described and illustrated. The males of these species present one mid clunial apophysis directed posteriorly. Species in group Pedicularia, in which the males have one mid clunial apophysis were previously known from the Departments of Cuzco and Madre de Dios, Peru. Males of Lachesilla with one mid clunial apophysis are known only in the Chinese Ceratolachesillus quinquecornus Li, and in the Mexican L. cerorma García Aldrete, in the latter, the clunial apophysis bears abundant setae, quite distinct from the glabrous, sclerotized apophyses of the other species.

El análisis detallado, tanto estilístico como tipológico, de un variado conjunto de materiales arquitectónicos y escultóricos, mayoritariamente descontextualizado, ha permitido constatar su carácter funerario así como su posible vinculación con diferentes tipologías funerarias dentro las categorías más habituales en el mundo romano: la edícula sobre podio, los altares con pulvinos o los altares decorados con roleos de acanto. Se pone de manifiesto su temprana adopción en el convento cluniense, desde comienzos de la época julio-claudia, así como las diferentes influencias estilísticas ―itálicas, galas fundamentalmente― que confluyen en la decoración cluniense, sin olvidar la fuerte impronta local. A partir de ahí, se traza un panorama global con respecto al proceso de monumentalización de las necrópolis en este ámbito geográficoDetailed analysis, both in stylistic as well as typological terms, of a range of architectural and sculptural materials, most of which have been displaced, has confirmed their funerary nature and their possible link to different funerary forms within the varieties most commonly found in the Roman world: “aedicula”, altars with “pulvini” or altars with garland. Their early incorporation into the convent at Clunia is confirmed, dating from the Julio-Claudian period, together with various stylistic influences ― mainly italic, Gaul ― which converge in Clunian decoration, whilst not forgetting the strong local influence. Based on this evidence, an overall view is traced of the process of monumentalization of the necropolises in the area.

Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2005.
Thesis research directed by: School of Music. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

This study examines how the dead were engaged with, treated and managed by one of the most influential of medieval monastic orders, the Cluniacs. At the heart of this study is a consideration of the eleventh-century Cluniac customaries. These invaluable yet under-exploited texts prescribe in minute detail how the dying, the dead body and the monk’s memory should be physically and spiritually treated and commemorated. Through them we see a highly ritualised approach to the body, structured by interplay of repetitive symbolic actions, combined with the practical requirements of treating and disposing of a cadaver. These texts were intended to regulate daily life at Cluny, and of her dependencies and affiliates (Paxton 1993a: 1), for as Abbot Hugh’s statute in 1200 directed, ‘as we are one congregation and order, we should conform in all things’ (Constable 2010: 140). They have, however, been described as ‘living texts’ (Kerr 2007: 14) and the practices they prescribe termed, ‘adaptable to local needs and desires’ (Constable 1976: 160-161). An integration of osteological and archaeological evidence has permitted a direct examination of the extent to which this was the case for the treatment of the dead. Specifically, it questions how far Cluny could impose conformity in funerary practice amongst its dependencies, which although members of the same familia, varied considerably by ‘type’ of house and geographical location. The varied ways in which Cluniac customary practice could be adapted and the diverse temporal and spatial factors influencing conformity and digression are thus addressed. Over 400 burials from four well-excavated Cluniac sites in England and France (dating predominantly from the late-eleventh through to the fifteenth century) form the comparative data-sets, where their rich archaeological and osteological documentation has permitted a direct examination of text versus practice. These sites represent two very different types of establishment: the large, original foundations of Bermondsey Abbey (London), Lewes Priory (Sussex) and La Charité-sur-Loire (Burgundy), and the smaller reformed house of Beaumont-sur-Oise (Picardy). This study has thus moved beyond individual house-specific enquiries or broad inter-order comparisons to a detailed examination of how diverse houses within one order responded to the spiritual and practical requirements of managing the dead. Novel in a British later medieval context, the taphonomic approach of anthropologie de terrain has been successfully applied post-excavation using burial photographs and associated archival material. Placing the body at the centre of enquiry, this approach has permitted a more accurate reconstruction (in the absence of ‘direct’ archaeological indicators) of the multiplicity of acts performed to and for the body in each stage of the Cluniac funerary procedure. It has permitted detailed analysis of pre-burial body preparation, interment strategies and post-burial treatment of disturbed remains, as the deceased were manipulated and re-integrated in varying ways within the funerary landscapes. The concept of the ‘death-course’ has been introduced to envisage this continual inter-related cultural and biological process; the body and soul are physically and spiritually ‘managed’ by the living, whilst the corpse is simultaneously transforming through the natural processes of decomposition and decay. Situating the deceased within this framework has helped direct enquiry towards Cluniac attitudes and responses to the dead body in each stage of the death-course, as it evolved from fresh cadaver through to skeletal matter. The results have demonstrated that a complex and dynamic relationship existed between each of the houses, their relative adherence to the customaries, and their attitudes to the dead. Influence from pre-existing monastic customaries and local traditions, developments in Cluniac customary practice, reform pressures, economic practicalities, varied emphasis on doctrinal and folkloric teachings/beliefs and broader social, political and religious changes all contributed to spatial and temporal variability in adherence. Crucially, underlying this was also the practical and unpredictable requirements of managing the realities of death: the biologically and possible spiritually unstable ‘dynamic cadaver’ (Nilsson 1998). As well as relative distance from Cluny, the ‘type’ of house was shown to be paramount; circumstances of foundation and community size greatly influenced spiritual and practical responses to the dead. This was also the case on a smaller scale, where the specific burial location was shown to directly influence how the physical and metaphysical manifestations of death were viewed, handled and managed. For Cluny’s dependencies examined here, the customaries were shown on the whole to be highly theoretical in terms of the death and burial rites. They promulgated a carefully selected or ‘ideal’ image of Cluniac spirituality, which may have been more attainable for Cluny, but practically unrealistic for many of the diverse houses under its rule. This study has revealed, however, that customary influence in funerary practice could be more subtle and indirect. A closer and more holistic scrutiny of these texts, alongside the anthropologie de terrain assessment, has revealed that the dead body (in various stages of decomposition) could fulfil diverse roles. The customaries carefully structured and directed daily practice towards cementing and reaffirming community bonds, perpetual meditation on death and continual commemoration of the dead. A number of the identified practices, particularly those relating to the management of disturbed remains, mirrored this structuring. Through handling and staging of the deceased’s body, it could acquire new meaning and purpose as a ‘tool’ for reflecting on death, as a malleable entity for promulgating Cluniac ideals, and as an ‘object’ around which a shared Cluniac identity and community bond could be created and maintained.

La historia de Clunia arranca en un oppidum arévaco ubicado en un área de transición entre las estribaciones de la Sierra de la Demanda y la cuenca del Duero. Desde el Bronce Final se ha venido conformado lentamente un modelo urbano no demasiado diferente al modelo mediterráneo de las ciudades-estado, en el que la Kolounioku indígena, ubicada sobre un cerro testigo, encabeza un territorio fronterizo entre la Celtiberia histórica y el mundo vacceo. Este territorio parece además, estar definido por espacios vacíos que marcan de forma notable los límites entre arévacos y vacceos. La irrupción de Roma supone el inicio de un largo proceso de integración a diferentes niveles, donde el territorio juega un papel destacado. Los cambios son notables, como se observa en la creación de una nueva ciudad al modo romano en el vecino Alto de Castro, -que supone un desplazamiento del principal núcleo de hábitat-, e incluyen al menos una centuriación, si no de todo, de parte del territorio de la ciudad, así como la instalación de numerosos asentamientos rurales. Pero a pesar de la aparente radicalidad de estas transformaciones, los antiguos límites del territorio arévaco parecen respetarse durante un largo espacio de tiempo. Por otra parte, la Clunia romana constituye un caso singular dentro del urbanismo romano: su extensión aparente, su aprovechamiento del complejo kárstico sobre el que se asienta, o la temprana transformación de sus enormes edificios públicos, la convierten en un lugar genuino. A ello se suman otros aspectos apenas tenidos en cuenta hasta ahora, como el particular uso que se hace de los bordes del cerro que ocupa la ciudad, la articulación con las vías circundantes, o la distribución de las áreas funerarias, entre otras cosas; en resumen, las relaciones que se establecen con el espacio periurbano, y por extensión, con el mundo rural. A partir del Bajo Imperio, la transformación de la ciudad es ya un hecho consumado, y se traduce en un cambio radical del espacio urbano, y en una multiplicación de los hábitats rurales. Muchas de las villae altoimperiales persisten, y algunas conocen un momento de esplendor, pero los cambios continúan a la par que los visigodos comienzan a tener una presencia notable en la zona. La ciudad comienza a diluirse frente a un territorio mucho más dinámico, aunque problemático en lo que a su caracterización se refiere. Es en estos momentos cuando posiblemente se produce el desarrollo de un nuevo núcleo de referencia en lo que hoy es la localidad de Coruña del Conde, el cual parece identificarse con la Clunia que registran las primeras fuentes medievales. A partir de aquí, la irrupción del Islam, cuya influencia sobre Clunia apenas se hace notar más allá de los registros documentales, supone importantes cambios a nivel superestructural, pero a pesar de todo, el antiguo territorio se mantiene latente, como evidencia la creación de un alfoz, una vez que la cuenca del Duero se integra en los dominios del Condado de Castilla. Sin embargo, los yacimientos atribuidos al periodo altomedieval, dan muestras de un cambio cada vez más latente tanto en su propia dinámica vital, como respecto al antiguo territorio: se han configurado pequeñas aldeas que ocupan progresivamente los vacíos de la antigua frontera; el nuevo núcleo de Coruña suplanta definitivamente a la ciudad romana, que se ha ido desmantelando con el paso del tiempo; y el traslado de las hostilidades entre cristianos y musulmanes a otros escenarios, supone la disolución del alfoz y la pérdida de la identidad del antiguo territorio.
The history of Clunia starts in an Arevacian oppidum located in the transition area between the Sierra de la Demanda and the Duero basin. Since the Late Bronze Age, an urban model similar to the Mediterranean model of city-states has been slowly formed, in which the indigenous Kolounioku, located on a hill, heads a border territory between historical Celtiberia and the Vaccean world. This territory also seems to be defined by empty spaces that mark notably the boundaries between Arevaci and Vaccaei. The arrival of Rome supposes the beginning of a long process, where the territory plays a prominent role. The changes are remarkable, as manifest the creation of a new city in the Roman way, in the neighbouring hill called Alto de Castro, and include at least a centuriation on part of the city's territory, as well as the installation of numerous rural settlements. In spite of the apparent radicality of these transformations, the old limits of the Arevacian territory seem to be respected during a long time. Along the Late Antiquity, the city shows a radical change of the urban space in front of a dynamic territory, where a remarkable multiplication of the rural habitats is observed. Probably in this period, take place the development of a new nucleus, where now is located the village of Coruña del Conde, which seems to be identified with the Clunia recorded by the first medieval sources. The irruption of Islam, whose influence on Clunia is barely noticeable, implies important changes at the superestructural level, although the old territory remains dormant, as evidence the creation of an alfoz. In addition, small villages progressively occupy the gaps of the old frontier and the new nucleus of Coruña definitely supplants the Roman city, which has been dismantled over time. Finally, the transfer of hostilities between Christians and Muslims to other scenarios supposes the dissolution of the alfoz and the loss of the old territory identity.

In this paper the author has read and compared The Poetical Edda, and Margaret Clunies-Ross' book, Prolonged echoes: Old norse myth in medieval northern society(1998). The aim of this paper is to offer alternative interpretations to the ones Clunies-Ross has made by drawing on The Poetical Edda and other sources. Margaret Clunies-Ross' interpretations left much unaccounted for by giving one-sided analyses of love, marriage, status and family relations. She simply focused on the female as the one who gets undermined in all of these categories. Modin finds that this is a very narrow perspective of the gender dynamics in Norse mythology, especially after reading The Poetical Edda. She is not alone in her opinion. There is much evidence that contradicts Clunies-Ross' theories which the author of this paper aims to clarify by offering new perspectives on these texts. She also gives the reader examples of parts in Norse mythology that are not only interpreted differently from Clunies-Ross, but also several other authors, such as Catharina Ingelman-Sundberg, Peter Andreas Munch, John Lindow et cetera.

La “Terra sigillata” es un fósil arqueológico utilizado como indicador cronológico, comercial y cultural. Para ser utilizado en este sentido resulta necesario conocer su procedencia y su comportamiento en los centros productores y receptores. Las procedencias se han determinado siempre a partir de análisis macroscópicos (visuales) y el comportamiento en los centros se analiza, con frecuencia, de una forma no contrastada cientifícamente. Por todo esto, a partir de los años 60 los análisis físico-químicos y mineralógicos han puesto de manifiesto los errores cometidos por los arqueólogos al determinar fábricas macroscópicamente. Considerando la adscripción de fábricas como el primer paso sobre el que poder cimentar cualquier investigación posterior, se propone aquí un método para determinar fabricas macroscópicamente que pone en evidencia, al someterlo a los resultados de los análisis físico-químicos, los límites de esta técnica. En el campo del comportamiento se pone de manifiesto la parquedad de los resultados, en el caso de Clunia, cuando éstos se someten a un tratamiento estadístico riguroso.

Fondée à l’époque carolingienne et supprimée à l’aube de la Révolution française, l’abbaye de Savigny (Rhône) est restée longtemps ignorée des archéologues en raison de son niveau de destruction avancé. L’approche épistémologique des études saviniennes a d’abord révélé le potentiel archéologique du site, en soulignant toute la différence entre les publications officielles et les archives personnelles des savants. La confrontation des résultats de l’analyse des sources d’archives et de l’analyse des vestiges archéologiques a surtout permis de reconstituer l’histoire monumentale des édifices monastiques et de proposer des restitutions en plan du monastère, pour l’époque carolingienne, l’époque romane et la fin du Moyen Âge. De nouvelles conclusions peuvent désormais être proposées en rapport avec l’histoire savinienne. En adoptant vraisemblablement le plan standard des abbayes bénédictines dès sa création, dans le premier tiers du IXe siècle, l’abbaye témoigne d’abord de l’insertion rapide des idéaux carolingiens de vie communautaire dans le diocèse de Lyon. Elle subit ensuite de nombreux remaniements qui ne remettent pas en cause son organisation générale, mais qui adaptent les édifices existants aux exigences d’une liturgie nouvelle. La transformation de la deuxième église aboutit paradoxalement à la création d’une église mariale, à l’intersection de l’infirmerie et du cimetière, mais aussi d’une avant-nef. Ce faisant, elle répond à la fois à la multiplication des messes pour les défunts et à la ritualisation de l’accompagnement des mourants, qui reflètent les coutumes clunisiennes. Aussi faut-il envisager que l’abbaye de Savigny ait été réformée par l’abbaye de Cluny à la charnière du Xe et du XIe siècle, sans pour autant être intégrée à l’Ecclesia cluniacensis
The abbey of Savigny (Rhône), founded during the Carolingian period and nearly destroyed at the dawn of the French Revolution, has long been ignored by archaeologists due to the extent of its destruction. The epistemological approach of the Savigny studies revealed at first the archaeological potential of this site, emphasizing important differences between the official publications and the personal archives of the scientists. Comparing the results of the analysis of both archival sources and archaeological remains enabled to reconstitute the monumental history of the monastic buildings and to suggest drawing reproductions of the monastery for the Carolingian period, the Romanesque period and the end of the Middle Ages. New lines of thinking can now be put forward with regard to Savigny history. Probably built to the standard plan of benedictin abbeys from its onset during the first third of the IXth century, the abbey mainly reflects the fast integration of the Carolingian values of community life in the diocese of Lyon. It then underwent several changes which do not challenge its general organization but help the existing buildings to adapt to the requirements of a new liturgy. The transformation of the second church paradoxically results in the creation of a marian church at the intersection of the infirmary and the cemetery and, in addition, of a front-nave. Consequently, it is both an answer to the growing number of funeral masses and to the rituals used to accompany the dying that reflect the Cluny traditions. We may then consider that the abbey of Savigny could have been reformed by the abbey of Cluny at the turning from the Xth to the XIth century without being integrated into the Ecclesia cluniacensis

L'estudi de la Terra Sigillata Hispanica (TS Hispanica) ha permés diferenciar la producció d'època alt-imperial, anomenada igualment Terra Sigillata Hispanica (abreviada TSH) de la d'època. baix-imperial, anomenada Terra Sigillata Hispanica Tardana (abreviada TSHT). El S. III d.C, a grans trets, ha estat sempre un problema pe la investigació arqueològica, arribant-se a plantejar fins i tot la possibilitat de l'existència d'un hiatus en aquest moment en la producció de la TS Hispanica (Meyet, 1984; Mesquíriz, 1983; Mesquíriz, 1985; Beltrán, 1990). Recentment, dos jaciments han aportat dades cronològiques clares que permeten l'estudi de la TS Hispanica en el S. III; a) el jaciment de Clunla (Peñalba de Castro, Burgos), presenta uns contextes que abasten des de començaments del S. II a finals del S. III (Tuset, 1991); b) el jaciment d'Abella (Navès, Solsonès), centre productor que no presenta una estratigrafia amb elements de datació, es pot datar per l'estudi de la seqüència estratigràfica del jaciment de la Rectoria (Navès, Solsonès) (Gurt, 1993a; Gurt, 1993b) a finals del S. Il i inicis del S. III (Casas et alli, 1989), datació recolzada igualment per una datació absoluta obtinguda per Cl4 en la UE 7 de la Rectoria (Buxeda et alli, 1994).

El treball se centra en l'estudi de la TS Hispanica recuperada en el centre receptor de Clunia, anomenada per Tuset (Tuset, 1991) Terra Sigllata Hispanica Avançada (abreviada TSHA) per les seves diferències respecte de la TSH i de la TSHT, i de la TS Hispanica produïda en el centre productor d'Abella. Ultra les dades purament arqueològiques, l'estudi es fonamenta en la seva caracterització arqueomètrica. La dualitat dels jaciments en estudi com a centre productor (Abella) i centre receptor (Clunia) permet, a nivell teòric, la definició de dos nivells de treball segons el problema es plantegi o no amb un coneixement de la zona d'incertitud, espai mínim d'atribucíó de provinença a partir d'un treball estadístic. En el cas d'Abella, on es treballa sobre un taller, el treball es desenvolupa en el nivell d'incertitud, essent per tant un dels objectius l 'establiment del grup de referència (GR). En el cas de Clunia, on no es coneix el taller o tallers productors, el treball es desenvolupa en el nivell de conjunció, establint-se per tant les unitats de referència composicional de pasta (URCP).

El treball posa de manifest la necessitat de diferenciar les aportacions degudes a la zona de procedència i als processos tecnològics, 1 i 2, que modifiquen les característiques que permeten conèixer i reconèixer la zona d'incertitud, base per a un treball de provinença en arqueometria. Igualment, es posa de manifest la necessitat de contemplar totes les alteracions i contaminacions produïdes en l'història de la producció i posterior a aquesta dels individus estudiats. Aquests processos han d'ésser adoptats en la teoria del treball arqueomètric com a un fet present normalment, essent el cas en què no es presenta un cas especial. La influència dels diversos factors que es conjuminen en les dades analítiques que s'obtenen obliguen finalment a la utilització de diverses tècniques de manera complementària (en el nostre cas la Fluorescència de Raigs X, la Difracció de Raigs X, la Microscòpia Òptica per Làmina Prima, la Microscòpia Electrònica de Rastreig -emprant ocasionalment el Microanàlisi per Energies Dispersives de Raigs X i el detector d'Electrons Retrodispersats) i la superació de la divisió entre estudis de provinença i tecnologia, ja que aquests dos aspectes, així com la funcionalitat i les alteracions i contaminacions, són els responsables de la informació obtinguda analíticamente, que sols es pot interpretar correctament amb l'atribució de les diverses característiques observades a cada factor responsable.

El treball estadístic aborda un aspecte llargament identificat (Davis, 1986; Dufournier, 1976), però que tan sols recentment ha rebut, a partir dels treballs d'Aitchinson (Aitchinson, 1986), un ressó significatiu en arqueometria: la restricció de sumar la unitat de les dades composicionals (Baxter, 1969; Baxter, 1991; Baxter, 1992; Baxter, 1993; Leese et alli, 1989; Tangri i Wright, 1993; Neff, 1994; Buxeda i Gurt, 1993; Buxeda, 1994). El treball, a diferència de la resta d'autors que han aplicat els treballs d'Aitchinson al treball estadístic, es fonamenta en la transformació en logaritmos de raons, cercant els mètodes invariants entre el grup de permutacions o en aquells on el component emprat com a raó introdueix la mínima variabilitat. Aqueata transformació permet igualmente obtenir la matriu de variació composicional, que permet quantificar i identificar l'orígen de la variabilitat composicional que presenta la matriu de dades composicionals. En els casos d'estudi, especialment en el cas d'Abella, es pot atribuïr una gran part de la variabilitat composicional a les alteracions i contaminacions presents. Aquests processos, a nivell estadístic, constitueixen una sèrie d'operacions de pertorbació que alteraran la funció de distribució. Una correcta definició d'aquesta funció de distribució precisaria de la operació inversa per cada operación independent o la identificació d'una subcomposició de components que hagin actuat com a elements neutres en totes les operacions. A causa de les dificultats d'identificar les operacions succeïdes i de realitzar les diverses operacions inverses, que exigirien conèixer els paràmetres de fàbrica, medi i temps de la que són funció, fan impossible, per exemple, la definició del grup de referència d'Abella. Tots aquests problemes metodològics, a més, no fan sinò posar de relleu la importància del caracter subcomposicional de les dades químiques amb les que es treballa en arqueometria.

A nivell arqueològic, el treball arriba a definir diverses fàbriques d'incertitud en el taller d'Abella, que reflecteixen diversos paràmetres tecnològics, posant-se de relleu l'errònia caracterització arqueològica que sempre se n'ha fet de la ceràmica de TS Hispanica d'aquest taller. Les implicacions que això pot tenir obligarien a revisar els materials apareguts en àrees de possible difusió d'aquests materials. En el cas de Clunia, s'han pogut definir sis URCP, sense que es pugui excloure l'existència d'altres representades per un nombre insuficient d'individus. D'aquestes, quatre corresponen a una zona de conjunció que possiblement es pugui associar als tallers de la Rioja, mentre que les altres dues es corresponen a una possible zona de conjunció associable a la vall del Duero. D'aquestes, les URCP E2, E3 i E4, possiblement de la Rioja, es daten en la segona meitat del S. II, mentre que en el S. III s'assisteix a una reducció dels materials d'aquesta zona de conjunció, que ara estan representats per la URCP E1, enfront a l'aparició dels materials de la zona de conjunció de la vall del Duero (URCP D1 i D2). A nivell tecnològic, les ceràmiques d'Abella són calcàries amb cocció O/O (si bé també es donen altres tipus, com ara la R/R en TS Hispanica), les de la zona de conjunció de la Rioja són calcàries amb cocció R/O i les de la zona de conjunció de la vall del Duero són no calcàries amb cocció R/O. Aquestes diferències mostren que ni a nivell tipològic ni a nivell tecnològic es pot dissenyar una única linia d'evolució per a la TS Hispanica com normalment fa l'arqueologia tradicional.

El treball aborda igualment l'estudi dels vernissos de la TS Hispanica, reconeixent-se la utilització d'argiles il.litiques riques en ferro que, oxidats, donen el color ataronjat i vermell que presenten.

Finalment, s'aborda el problema de la caracterització macroscòpica, per tal de testar la validesa de l'observació arqueològica de lea ceràmiques. Un dels resultats obtinguts posa en evidència la forta dependència de les característiques físiques de diversos paràmetres, de provinença i, sobretot, de tecnologia, que impossibilita la validesa de les actuals aplicacions de la caracterització macroscòpica per a parlar de provinença. Es comprova igualment, la validesa d'un treball de caracterització arqueomètrica en aquells casos concrets en els quals s'hagi realitzat ja un estudi arqueomètric que hagi permés construir una aproximació a la funció inversa que passa de les característiques físiques a la provinença i tecnologia. En aquests casos, com era d'esperar, la lupa binocular (a 25X, 50X i, excepcionalment, a l00X) es revela més potent que la sola observació a ull nu, mètode que té una potència realment molt baixa.
The Hispanic Terra Sigillata from the production centre of Abella and the Advanced Hispanic Terra Sigillata from the receiver centre of Clunia were archaeometrically characterizated. Both cases are dated at the second half or the 2nd century and the 3rd century A.D., which corresponds to the less known period of that kind of pottery. The analytical techniques used were: XRF, XRD, Thin Section, SEM, SIM-EDX and SEM-EDX using the backscattered electrons detector. These techniques allowed the study of provenience and technology (including the study of the red gloss). The statistical work was performed through the log ratio transformation theory, and the compositional variation matrix was established as a powerful exploratory tool. Some alterations and contaminations were observed and its influences on the compositional variation matrix and on the distribution function, due to the perturbation operations, were studied. The relation between fabric and perturbation was emphasized. Finally, the macroscopic characterization was studied and it was demonstrated that this method is only fruitful subsequent to an archeometric characterization, since the last method allows the construction of an approximate function from the physical characteristics to the provenience and technology variables. Moreover, it renders possible the trascendency of the archaeometric characterization over the studied sherds, giving a useful tool to the archaeologists.

This study examines the life of Henry of Winchester (c.1099-1171) and his relation to the development of the English church in the twelfth century. It presents the case for considering Henry's close association to Cluniac monasticism and speaks to some of the tensions which existed between Henry and St Bernard of Clairvaux. It focuses primarily on Henry's contribution to the ecclesiastical reform movement and his importance as a leading figure in ecclesiastical government during the crisis of King Stephen's reign (1135-1154). In addition, it considers Henry's role as one of the twelfth century's most prominent art patrons. By considering his activities as monk, bishop, statesman and art patron, this study shows how Henry of Winchester was a prominent force in religious and secular life during a period of political unrest and ecclesiastical change.

The thesis of this dissertation is that the unifying factor in the life of Henry of Blois was his Cluniac profession. Given to as an oblate at a very early age, Henry was formed as a person in the abbey of Cluny. That formation could not entirely be left behind, no matter what else happened to him. At Cluny he became a member of a particular family with its own way of thinking, style of life, and values. Although he left behind the specific aspects of the religious life when he became a bishop, Henry of Blois always remained a Cluniac This thesis is developed in two parts. The first part, consisting of four chapters, establishes Henry of Blois' connection with Cluny. The paper begins with a general description of the Cluniac style and spirit and speculates on the oblate's education and upbringing in the abbey. A survey of Cluniac political thought follows, focussing mainly upon the Tractatus de Regia Potestate et Sacerdotali Dignitate of Hugh of St. Mary, monk of Fleury Using charter collections it is shown that Henry of Blois was indeed a Cluniac bishop. His consecration and subsequent involvement with all that the twelfth century episcopate entailed meant that Henry of Winchester was no longer technically a monk, but remained a Cluniac bishop The second part of this dissertation focusses upon Henry of Blois as a man of action, his relationship to King Stephen, his legateship, and his connection with Becket at the end of his life. The major sources for this study are the histories and chronicles of the period, especially the Gesta Stephani and the Historia Novella. This section is concerned with the critical question: can Henry of Winchester's deeds be understood in light of his Cluniac connection? To answer this question the dissertation compares the Cluniac political thought discussed in the second chapter, especially those common themes developed in the Tract of Hugh of St. Mary, with what Henry of Blois did as brother, counselor, legate, and friend. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
acase@tulane.edu