Journal articles on the topic 'Clymer Publications'

Rock glaciers are one of the most prominent geomorphic features in high-elevation areas and affect numerous hydrologic, ecologic, and geomorphic processes. However, little scientific attention was focused on rock glaciers during the first part of the 20th century. In 1959, Clyde Wahrhaftig and Allan Cox published a paper titled ‘Rock glaciers in the Alaska Range’, which initiated worldwide interest in these features and a subsequent surge of publications addressing rock glaciers. Wahrhaftig and Cox (1959) provided a detailed and encompassing study on rock glacier features, origins, classifications, relations to climate, movement, and composition. Their data and descriptions established a firm basis for further advancement of rock glacier research. This paper aims to assess the influence that Wahrhaftig and Cox (1959) had on subsequent publications and studies of rock glaciers.

In September 1825 two Roman inscribed and sculptured stones were recorded at Auchendavy fort on the Antonine Wall in Central Scotland by the Revd John Skinner, an Anglican clergyman, in the course of a walk along the Roman frontier between Forth and Clyde. The publication in 2003 of Skinner's journal of his walk, illustrated with his own watercolour sketches, has allowed a better understanding of both stones, which are long since lost. One may be a dedication by soldiers in garrison at Auchendavy to a group of Roman deities, and the other a representation of a local Romano-Celtic god.

Two of 20th-century American literature's most naive murderers, Clyde Griffiths and Bigger Thomas, also happen to be avid moviegoers. This may not be as coincidental as it first appears. In 1933 — roughly halfway between the publication dates of An American Tragedy (1925) and Native Son (1940) — a number of sociological studies conducted at the University of Chicago claimed that there was a demonstrable link between watching movies and committing crimes. Indeed, these so-called Payne Fund studies set out to prove that watching too many movies could lead directly to criminal behavior. In light of such studies, the influence of movies on Clyde Griffiths and Bigger Thomas seems far from incidental. At the least, An American Tragedy and Native Son suggest that the cultural ascendance of movies during the 1920s and 1930s was accompanied by widespread unease about the supposedly pernicious affects of moving pictures. The fact that both Clyde and Bigger become murderers after a healthy dose of movies suggests that Theodore Dreiser and Richard Wright were persuaded by the conclusion of University of Chicago sociologists that there was a link between “moving pictures and criminal conduct” (the title of one study). Yet Dreiser and Wright also perceived the way criminals were becoming celebrities through excessive media attention to their crimes and punishments. An American Tragedy and Native Son thus attest to the ways in which moving pictures and crime reporting conspired to produce a new discourse of spectacular criminality in modern America.

At first sight, the Territorial Sea (Amendment) Order 19981 is an unremarkable instrument. Its explanatory note states that it amends the Schedule to the Territorial Waters Order in Council 19642 ‘by adding a new baseline between the Mull of Kintyre and Laggan, as well as by making minor changes to [three points scheduled in the 1964 Order] which result from the publication of a new, larger scale chart of the area’. In fact, the note is a model of economy of information disguising the difficulties which led to the Order's addition of a further straight baseline, enclosing the Firth if Clyde, to the system of straight baselines starting in the north at Cape Wrath and which, before the above amendment was made, had ended in the south at the Mull of Kintyre. This is the story behind the addition of the new segment. The sketch map indicates the general cartography of the relevant area.

In this special section we celebrate an unusual kind of anniversary: the publication 50 years ago of Clyde Kluckhohn's “The Conceptual Structure in Middle American Studies” (Hay et al. 1940:41–51). With this short but powerful essay, Kluckhohn indicted Maya archaeology in general, and the massive program of research by the Carnegie Institution of Washington in particular, as something close to “stamp collecting” and the putterings of “slightly reformed antiquarians.” For better or worse, Kluckhohn hastened the demise of what was until that time the most broadly conceived and well executed research program in New World archaeology – the Carnegie's attempt to understand Maya civilization in both its earliest and latest expressions and from a large number of disciplinary perspectives.

The decade of the 1960's was important for American scholars who studied religion. Prospects for employment brightened considerably as public and private universities and Colleges created undergraduate and graduate programs in religious studies. Becoming more self-conscious about their academic identity, professors who staffed these programs founded the American Academy of Religion in 1964, an organization designed to promote scholarship and publication in religion. One index to the growing prominence of religious studies was the survey of humanistic scholarship commissioned by Princeton University's Council on the Humanities and funded by the Ford Foundation. Of the thirteen volumes in this series, two were devoted to the field of religion: Clyde A. Holbrook's Religion, A Humanistic Field (1963), and Religion (1965), a summary of the various fields in religious studies, edited by Paul Ramsey.

Abstract Scholarly publications about Dutch immigrant speech are practically non-existent -- excepting the work of Clyne (1967, 1972, 1985, 1987). This applies particularly to Dutch speakers who immigrated in the 19th and the early 20th Century. A 75-hour corpus of language data from Dutch immigrants to the United States is currently being investigated systematically at the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences' Institute for Dialectology. The general purpose of the project is to gain more insight in the nature of Dutch language and dialect maintenance or loss and of English influence on the language of these Dutch immigrants. This paper will focus specifically on English lexical elements in the speech of the first-generation immigrants (appr. 12,000 English elements in the Dutch of 97 speakers). First a diagnostic set of characteristics for code-switching, borrowing and nonce borrowing will be presented, based in part on discussions in the recent literature on other-language lexical elements in speech in contact situations and in part on a thorough review of the Dutch-American data. These characteristics do not only concern the formal linguistic level, but also the discourse, processing and extralin-guistic levels. They form the basis of a systematic classification of the various types of English elements found in the data. Next, a number of problem cases will be discussed -- with examples -- which defy easy classification in one of the three categories of other-language elements. Finally, an attempt will be made to formulate a more generalized model for the analysis of other-language lexical elements, consisting of a diagnostic and an analytic layer. The diagnostic layer assigns an element to one of the three categories of other-language elements. The analytic layer is specifically concerned with the analysis of code-switching, comprising not only a categorization of formal linguistic phenomena, but also a categorization of functional sociolinguistic factors determining the use of switched elements. Given the variety of linguistic as well as extralinguistic aspects which apparently determine the use of switched elements, it seems unlikely that one single set of constraints could be refined enough to fully account for linguistic as well as extralinguistic aspects of code-switching. Therefore, a case will be made for the establishment of more than one set of constraining factors on the use of switched elements. Instead of limiting constraints on code-switching to the formal linguistic -- in particular the syntactic -- level, separate constraining factors for the discourse, processing, functional, and motivational level might be formulated, in order to gain full insight in the process of code-switching.

The perplexing and tantalizing disease of rapid eye movement (REM) sleep behavior disorder (RBD) is characterized by peculiar, potentially dangerous behavior during REM sleep. It was described both in animals and humans. RBD in mammals was first described by Jouvet and Delorme in 1965, based on an experimental model induced by lesion in pontine region of cats [1]. In 1972, Passouant et al. described sleep with eye movements and persistent tonic muscle activity induced by tricyclic antidepressant medication [2], and Tachibana et al., in 1975, the preservation of muscle tone during REM sleep in the acute psychosis induced by alcohol and meprobamate abuse [3]. However, the first formal description of RBD in humans as new parasomnia was made by Schenck et al in 1986 [4-7]. Subsequently, in 1990, the International Classification of Sleep Disorders definitely recognized RBD as new parasomnia [8]. To our knowledge, arts and literature do not mention RBD. Except for the quotation, made by Schenck et al [6] in 2002, of Don Quixote de la Mancha whose behavior in sleep strongly suggested that Miguel de Servantes actually described RBD, no other artistic work has portrayed this disorder. Only recently we become aware of the cinematic presentation of RBD which by decades precedes the first scientific description. The first presentation of RBD on film was made prior to the era of advanced electroencephalography and polysomnography, and even before the discovery of REM sleep by Aserinsky and Kleitman in 1953. [9]. The artistic and intuitive presentation of RBD was produced in Technicolor in a famous film "Cinderella" created by Walt Disney in 1950, some 35 years prior to its original publication in the journal "Sleep" [2]. Since there is an earlier version of the film initially produced in 1920, presumably containing this similar scene, we can only speculate that the first cinematic presentation of RBD might precede its scientific debut by 65 years. In a scene in a barn, clumsy and goofy dog Bruno is, as dogs usually do, lying on a mat deeply asleep and obviously dreaming of his enemy cat Lucifer. This is clearly implied by a preceding scene showing Lucifer being extremely frightened while observing the dreaming dog in action. The cat Lucifer is instantly aware that the dog is chasing him in a dream and is horrified (Pictures 1-3). In a film sequence lasting only 16 seconds, we see Cinderella being aware that Bruno is firmly asleep, apparently having a terrible dream. While lying on the ground with total absence of any muscle atonia, the dog Bruno chases the cat Lucifer in his dream. He is running and barking, and when in his dream he catches Lucifer, he tries to devour the cat. Cinderella tries to wake him up by calling his name twice, first gently and then more vigorously, as she becomes aware of the content of Lucifer?s dream and his intention. The dog is deeply asleep and does not awake in spite of being exposed to sunlight through the opening door of the barn, and called by name by Cinderella (Pictures 4-14). For such a behavior he is reprimanded by Cinderella who definitely recognized the content of his dream (Pictures 15-36). Immediately upon awakening, Bruno shows his good natured temper and amiable character (Pictures 37-40). The film shows that the producer (Walt Disney) and film directors (Wilfred Jackson, Clyde Geronimi and Hamilton Luske) were obviously aware that a dog might enact the content of a dream. It also implies that their observation from day-to-day (better to say night-to-night) life of the dream enactment is not a rare phenomenon, and that it deserves to be shown in the film. These authors were also aware that dogs having RBD were good-natured during wakefulness and that only in dreams they showed unrestrained aggression; while awake, dog Bruno was only an opponent or enemy to the cat Lucifer, but in dreams the animosity grew to aggression. Disney noticed this peculiar kind of sleep behavior and most probably was aware of its frequency and importance, and certainly not knowing it is a disease, he used it to color his cartoon character making it more likable to the observer. Since the film was nominated for Best Score, Best Song and Best Sound, it not only reflected the artistic and observational abilities of the producer, but also his sense of the importance of the phenomenon, awareness of its frequency and presence in animals. The onlooker is tempted to speculate that Disney, while obviously having been aware of such a behavior in animals, might also have knowledge of its presence in humans. Even more, since Disney?s films frequently present different sleep disturbances (e.g., obstructive sleep apnea (OSA) in dwarfs, hypersomnolence in the dwarf Sleepy, or jactatio capitis nocturna in the dwarf Dopey in film "The Snow White"), it seems plausible that he first observed RBD in man, and then artistically transferred it to his cartoon animal characters. Since the whole incident took place during the day, we assume that Bruno, apart from suffering from RBD, had another sleep disorder causing daytime REM intrusions (possibly narcolepsy and probably not OSA, as is frequent in Disney?s films, since there is no excessive daytime sleepiness). The odd thing about RBD is that it may easily, as it probably did for centuries, go as peculiar behavior in sleep ? rather than disease. While Lucifer was presented as sober and prudent cat, Bruno was clumsy and forgetful dog. We will refrain from speculating that dog?s clumsy nature could be the consequence of the CNS involvement by neuro-degenerative disease (i.e., synucleinopathy). Although we are aware that, in interpreting this episode we assumed to be at least as imaginative as the cartoon films of Walt Disney are, the fact remains that the artistic film presentation of RBD precedes its scientific description by at least 35 years.

This publication discusses heat-related deaths in Florida from 2010 to 2020 and presents safety recommendations as well as useful resources to prevent heat-related illnesses. Written by Serap Gorucu, Clyde Fraisse, and Ziwen Yu, and published by the UF/IFAS Department of Agricultural and Biological Engineering, May 2021.

Weather can significantly influence the success or failure of agricultural enterprises. Monitoring weather conditions can provide critical decision-making information. This new 4-page publication provides Haitian farmers with basic guidelines for installing and maintaining an on-farm weather station. Written by Caroline G. Staub, William Eisenstadt, William Blanc, Nicole Monval, Clyde W. Fraisse, William Lusher, George Braun, and Lee Staudt, and published by the UF/IFAS Department of Agricultural and Biological Engineering, May 2019. http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/ae532 Adapted for Haitian audiences from Your Farm Weather Station: Installaton and Maintenance Guidelines (https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/ae502)

This 5-page publication details a new tool available to growers and Extension professionals to manage risks related to climate during seasonal planning stages. The Crop Season Planning tool is a climate-based tool that enables growers to plan planting strategies that will minimize risk to climate extremes based on historical climate data at their location. Written by Caroline G. Staub, Daniel Perondi, Diego Noleto Luz Pequeno, Patrick Troy, Michael J. Mulvaney, Calvin Perry, Brian Hayes, Willingthon Pavan, and Clyde W. Fraisse, and published by the UF/IFAS Department of Agricultural and Biological Engineering, March 2018. http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/ae525

Problems 1-6 were contributed by Leon La Spina, 238 Seminole Street, Ronkonkoma, NY 11779. Problems 7-13 and 15 were submitted by Robert J. Keeley, Calvin College, Grand Rapids, MI 49546. Problem 16 was prepared by Murray H. Siegel, 136 Helmswood Circle, Marietta, GA 30064-5017. Problem 17 was supplied by Todd Swanson, Department of Mathematics, Hope College, Holland, MI 49422-9000. Problem 18 is from John Clyde, Problem Solving Competition, 601 Elm Avenue, Norman, OK 73019. Problems 19, 21, and 22 can be found in Mathematical Quickies: 270 Stimulating Problems with Solutions, by Charles W. Trigg (New York: Dover Publications, 1985). Problem 23 was published in the winter 1997 issue of Colorado Mathematics Teacher. Problem 24 came from the February 1988 issue of Math Horizons. Problem 25 was prepared by Bernardo Recaman, Carrere 21 No. 85-7, Apto. 201, Bogota, Columbia.

This volume has been many years in preparation and accordingly numerous debts of gratitude have been incurred along the way. Three such debts should be warmly and gratefully acknowledged at the outset, for without them this project could not have proceeded. Firstly, the Henry Cromwell correspondence transcribed and annotated here is contained in three volumes of the Lansdowne Collection held by the Department of Manuscripts of the British Library and I am most grateful to the British Library in general, and to the Head of Administration of Western Manuscripts in particular, for granting permission for this material to be published. The correspondence formed the basis of a Master of Letters thesis by Clyve Jones, awarded by the University of Lancaster in 1969 and comprising in large part an annotated transcript of the majority of the letters. Having decided not to prepare a scholarly edition for publication himself, Dr Jones strongly supported my own proposal to work on the material afresh and to prepare an edition for publication. Thus, secondly, I am enormously grateful to Dr Jones not only for his approval and endorsement of my taking on this project – without it, I could not and would not have taken the idea any further, as he had undertaken detailed work on the manuscript well ahead of me – but also for his unfailing help and encouragement throughout its lengthy gestation. Thirdly, I am enormously grateful to a trio of senior academics for the encouragement, help, and support that they offered at the outset, as I framed a formal publication proposal and embarked upon the work: to the late Professor Austin Woolrych, who had himself worked on the correspondence and had supervised Dr Jones's Masters thesis; to Professor Ivan Roots, who supervised my own doctoral thesis on Protectoral central government and who has remained a valued friend and mentor ever since; and to Professor Blair Worden, who was the pre-1700 literary director for the Royal Historical Society at the time that my proposal was submitted and accepted and as serious work began.

The public discourse on asylum seekers in the past year or so and the generation of hatred against them contains a strong linguistic element marking clear boundaries between 'ourselves' and the asylum seekers. I will discuss this linguistic dimension, which calls for vigilance and critical awareness in future discourses of exclusion. One of John Howard's political platforms in the victorious campaign, in which he replaced Paul Keating as Prime Minister was to liberate Australia of the 'political correctness' imposed by his opponents. In this respect, at least, he came close to the far right in Australian politics. For instance, he said of far right ex-Labor Independent Graeme Campbell: 'His attacks on political correctness echo many of the attacks I made on political correctness' (The Age, 18 June 1996). 'Political correctness' is a negative term for 'inclusive language' -- avoiding or being encouraged by stylistic or policy guidelines to avoid the choice of lexical items that may be offensive to sections of the population. The converse is the discourse of exclusion. Whether it excludes on the basis of ethnicity, religion, gender or any other basis, the discourse of exclusion creates a division between 'us' and 'them', partly on the basis of different lexical items for the two groups (Clyne, Establishing Linguistic Markers of Racism). Asylum seekers have been projected by politicians (especially those in the government) as not only different from the Australian people and therefore not belonging, but also as a threat to the Australian people. To demonstrate this projection it is worth considering some of the terms and formulations of exclusion and division that have been used. As Mungo MacCallum (41) argues, 'The first step was to get rid of the term 'refugee'; it has a long and honourable history and is generally used to describe people forced to flee from their homelands.' It might be more accurate to say that the government limited its use so that no honourable associations could be made with the current group of asylum seekers. There had been newspaper columns which had focused on the achievements and contributions to the nation of previous vintages of refugees; some communities consisted largely or entirely of refugees and their descendants, including some who had given longstanding support to the Liberal Party. The semantic narrowing of 'refugee' was illustrated in the Prime Minister's pronouncement (Herald-Sun, 8 Oct. 2001) when it was alleged that asylum seekers had thrown their children overboard: 'Genuine refugees don't do that'. Thus, refugee status in the public discourse was being related to their moral representation and not to any consideration of the threat of persecution in their homeland. While refugee status was officially a legal issue, when the Prime Minister interacted with the media and the voters, the asylum seekers were already excluded by guided popular opinion, for 'I don't want people like that in Australia'. The exclusionary line based on moral grounds was echoed by Alexander Downer (The Age, 8 Oct. 2001), who described the asylum seekers as lacking the civilized behaviour to be worthy to live in Australia: 'Any civilized person wouldn't dream of treating their own children that way'. So what could the asylum seekers be called? MacCallum (2002: 43) attributes to Philip Ruddock the verbal masterstroke' of reducing the identification of the asylum seekers to a 'one word label': 'unlawful'. However, this identification came in a number of facets. They were described on both sides of parliament as 'illegals', illegal arrivals', 'illegal immigrants' (e.g. Hansard, 29 Aug. 2001). All of these terms encourage the view of intrusion. In actual fact, whether people's arrival had been authorized by the government or not, there is no such thing as an 'illegal refugee'. Other descriptions ranged from 'occasional tourists' (Gary Hardgrave, Minister for Citizenship and Multicultural Affairs; House of Representatives, 30 Aug. 2001) '; to 'café latte poor' (Senator Robert Ray, former Labor Minister for Immigration), which assumes that only the poor can be refugees. Such descriptions suggested that the asylum seekers were dishonest imposters. But the term 'illegals' lowers asylum seekers to the status of 'non-people' and this gives others the licence to treat them in a way that may be different to those who are 'people'. This is reinforced by the fact that the asylum seekers are neither nice nor poor, and therefore cannot expect to attract support from the government (and, to a large extent from the opposition). The 'bully' image of the asylum seekers was propagated by comments on the behaviour of those allegedly harming their children, described by Ruddock as 'carefully planned and premeditated' (The Age, 14 Feb. 2002). It was reinforced by Peter Reith, who described the action as a 'premeditated attempt to force their way into the country' (The Age, 8 Aug. 2001). When Kim Beazley said: 'It is not unhumanitarian (sic) to try to deter criminals' (The Age, 8 Nov. 2001), he left it to our imagination or choice whether, in supporting the government's position, he wanted to defend us from the asylum seekers or from the 'people smugglers' of whom they are victims. However he put the asylum seekers directly or by association into the criminal category. The suggestion that the asylum seekers might be economic migrants masquerading as refugees enabled the government to differentiate them from 'battlers', who are likely to support action against any 'crooks' who will take the little the battlers have away from them. So far asylum seekers as 'bad cruel people' have been differentiated from 'genuine refugees' of the past, from a nation of 'civilized', gentle, child-loving people, and from Aussie 'battlers'. 'Queue-jumper' is a term that differentiates asylum seekers from both the 'mainstream' and the succession of migrants who have come at various times. This term occurs in several debates (used e.g. by Senator Ron Boswell and Kay Ellison, 29 Aug. 2001). Firstly, it invokes the twin cultural concepts of fairness and orderliness. The 'destruction' of 'political correctness' and especially Pauline Hanson's expressed views regenerated the notion that the needy were unfairly getting something for nothing that others had to work for. This included Aborigines, recently arrived migrants or refugees, single mothers, and even the disabled. The fact that there were no queues in Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran, or the Palestinian Territories in which people could stand to fill in immigration applications was not taken into account. Queuing is very much an Anglo concept of orderliness, reflecting the strong linear emphasis in British-derived cultures, even in academic discourse and school essays and in formal meetings as I have discussed elsewhere (e.g. Clyne, Inter-cultural Communication at Work). In another sense, the 'queue jumper' is a repugnant person to migrants of all backgrounds. The impression is gained from the designation that asylum seekers are taking the place in a tight quota of their relatives (or people like them) waiting to be admitted under the family reunion scheme. In actual fact, the number of asylum seekers recognized as refugees does not affect other categories such as family reunion, and in fact, the quota for the humanitarian category wasn't nearly filled in 2001. The government's handling of asylum seekers is thus underpinned by two types of moral principles -- the schoolmaster principle -- They have to behave themselves, otherwise they will be punished, and the schoolchild principle (based on the perception)-- It ain't fair; he pushed in. Another term that has played an important role in the asylum seeker discourse is 'border protection'. This term featured prominently in the 2001 election campaign, when both major parties vied to persuade voters that they were best equipped to protect Australia. It lives on in the public discourse and relates both to contemporary international politics and to traditional Australian xenophobia. The 2001 federal election was fought in the context of the terrorist attacks on the twin towers and the American-led coalition against international terrorism. Thus, the term 'border protection' was necessarily ambiguous. Was it terrorists or asylum seekers who were being kept out? Or were they perhaps the same people? Even though many of the asylum seekers were claiming to be escaping from persecution by the terrorists or those who were harbouring them. Maybe the linking association is with Islam? It is possible that 'border protection' (like the Liberal Party's 1998 election slogan 'For all of us') is also ambiguous enough to attract opponents of multiculturalism without alienating its supporters.2 Boat-loads of new arrivals have long caused fear among Australians. For much of Australia's British history, we were terrified of invasions from our north -- not just the 'yellow peril', it even included the Russians and the French, from whom Australians were protected by fortresses along the coast. This was immortalized in the final verse of the politically incorrect early version of Advance Australia Fair: Should foreign foe e'er sight our coast Or dare a foot to land, We'll rouse to arms like siers of yore To guard our native strand; Brittania then shall surely know, Beyond wide oceans roll Her sons in fair Australia's land Still keep a British soul, In joyful strains, etc. In fact, the entire original version of Advance Australia Fair has a predominantly exclusionist theme which contrasts with the inclusive values embodied in the present national anthem. While our 'politically correct' version has 'boundless plains to share' with 'those who've come across the seas', they are only open to 'loyal sons' in the original, which is steeped in colonial jingoism. The gender-inclusive 'Australians all' replaces 'Australia's sons' as the opening appellation. Are our politicians leading us back from an inclusive and open identity? I do not have space to go into the opposing discourse, which has come largely from academic social scientists, former prime ministers, and ministers of both major parties, current politicians of the minor parties, and journalists from the broadsheet press and the ABC. Objections are often raised against the 'demonisation' and 'dehumanisation' of the asylum seekers. In this short article, I have tried to demonstrate the techniques used to do this. The use of 'illegal' and 'queue jumper' to represent asylum seekers differentiates them from 'refugees' and 'migrants' and has removed them from any category with whom existing Australians should show solidarity. What makes them different is that they are cruel, even to their children, dishonest and imposters, badly behaved, unfair and disorderly – enemies of the Australian people, who want to deprive them of their sovereignty. It is interesting to see this in contrast to the comment of a spokesperson from Rural Australians for Refugees (AM, Radio National, 26 Jan. 2002): 'We can't recognise our country anymore which was based on fairness and fair go'. Notes This is based on 'When the discourse of hatred becomes respectable – does the linguist have a responsibility?', a paper presented at the Australian Linguistic Society conference at Macquarie University, July 2001. Some of the same data was discussed in 'The discourse excluding asylum seekers – have we been brainwashed?' Australian Language Matters 10: 3-10, by the same author. Research assistance from Felicity Grey is gratefully acknowledged. 2 I thank Felicity Meakins for this suggestion. References Clyne, Michael. Inter-Cultural Communication at Work. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Clyne, Michael. 'Establishing Linguistic Markers of Racism.' Language and Peace. Ed. C. Schäffner and A.Wenden. Dartmouth: Aldershot, 1995. 111-18. MacCallum, Mungo. Girt by Sea (Quarterly Essay). Melbourne: Black, 2002. Markus, Andrew. 'John Howard and the Naturalization of Bigotry.' The Resurgence of Racism. Ed. G.Gray and C.Winter. Clayton: Monash University, Department of History (Monash Publications in History 24), 1997. 79-86. Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Clyne, Michael. "Saving Us From Them" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.5 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0210/Clyne.html &gt. Chicago Style Clyne, Michael, "Saving Us From Them" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 5 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0210/Clyne.html &gt ([your date of access]). APA Style Clyne, Michael. (2002) Saving Us From Them. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(5). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0210/Clyne.html &gt ([your date of access]).