Journal articles on the topic 'Co-operative farm'

AbstractThe British co-operative movement is associated mainly with industrial areas. Where consumer co-operatives existed in the countryside they were located in market towns and formed by rural trade unions, especially railwaymen, occasionally quarrymen or farmworkers. Yet the Co-operative Union membership encompassed a significant number of small single village societies founded by paternalistic gentry.This paper draws on examples in Shropshire, East Yorkshire, Berkshire and Oxfordshire, to offer an account and explanation of the never before studied, paternalistic co-operatives. Recruiting estate workers and farm labourers, individual country squires showed themselves capable of using a co-operative ideology and framework, usually associated with the labour movement, to achieve very different and paternalistic goals. The relationship between these paternalistic village societies and the wider co-operative movement, both locally and nationally, is discussed, including the company paternalism of the Co-operative Wholesale Society's own farming operations. A comparison with the ‘Blue co-ops’ of the Lancashire Conservative dominated cotton spinners’ union is also made. The paper concludes that the failure of paternalistic co-operatives was part of the post Great War revival of rural cultural conservatism, linked to the effects of agricultural depression.

In 1976, ten members of the Welsh Mountain Breed Society, established Camda Cynwyd Ltd as a co-operative society. The stated aim is to breed slightly bigger Welsh Mountain ewes that lamb easily and rear heavier lambs whilst retaining the hardiness and other beneficial traits of the breed.A nucleus flock of 150 ewes was created in 1976 with the more productive ewes out of each member's MLC recorded flock. Camda hired facilities for keeping and recording the nucleus flock at the ABRO hill farm, Rhydglafes, North Wales for six years. Anticipating the disposal of the ABRO farm by the AFRC in 1984, a lease was obtained on a 340 acre hill farm at Cernioge Mawr, Pentrefoeias, and the flock transferred there during the summer and autumn of 1982. Each year, fifty high performance, mature ewes (immigrants) were introduced to the nucleus from members flocks, until 1984 when it was closed.

The purpose of the article was to determine the influence of non-formal education on entrepreneurship skill development among rural farmers in Ikwerre Local Government Area of Rivers State. The study design was descriptive survey. The target population was six hundred and fifty (650) members of the farmers' co-operative societies in the Ikwerre Local Government Area. The sample size was two hundred (200) farmers purposively selected based on the size of farm holdings. Instrument for data collection was a structured questionnaire in a 4-point rating scale of agreement. The instrument was tested using Cronbach Alpha reliability test and was found to be reliable at 0.79. Data collected were analyzed descriptively using mean and standard deviation. The findings showed that community outreach, on-the-job training and co-operative training programmes were veritable tools for rural farmers' entrepreneurship skill development. Hence, the need to situate agricultural entrepreneurship centres in the rural area was recommended.

Economics of a farming system is the key determinant of its sustainability. Organic and conventional farming systems are two distinct types of production systems having contrasting farm management practices and output price as well. Furthermore, organic farming system is promoted for environmental protection and conventional farming system is cursed for the environmental degradation. The present study was conducted to compare the economics of organic and conventional vegetable production in Kathmandu valley. Thirty farmers each involved in commercial organic and conventional vegetable farming were selected randomly for the study. Data were collected through survey method using semi-structured questionnaire. The estimated per ropani per year cost of cultivation of vegetables in the organic farm (NPR 69,170) was lesser than in conventional farm (NPR 1,00,562). The gross return per ropani in a year in the organic vegetable farm (NPR 1,01,536) was significantly lesser than from conventional farms (NPR 1,35,747). Benefit to cost ratio (BCR) was higher in organic farm (1.47:1) in comparison to conventional farm (1.35:1). This study revealed that organic vegetable farming was more profitable than conventional vegetable farming in Kathmandu valley. To expand commercial agriculture: quality inputs, input and output price stability, co-operative or corporative marketing should be promoted.

The present study aimed at obtaining the existing grain storage facilities - their problems and prospects at farmers, commercial, common and co-operative levels on some selected flood prone areas of Bangladesh. The study was conducted at Belkuchi upazila under Sirajgonj district. A total of randomly selected forty farmers and ten traders were surveyed from four villages under four different unions through structured questionnaire. Farmers and traders were classified as small, medium and large on the basis of their total land ownership and annual income status. The farmers used traditional storage structures such as Dole, berh, Motka, Jala, steel drum, gunny and plastic bags and Gola. On the other hand, the traders used gunny and plastic bags and privately owned godowns for storing food grains for short time basis. Average production, consumption, sale, farm use, labour wage, storage volume, cost, durability and losses of different storage structures for major grain crops like paddy, wheat and mustard were identified by farmers and traders category. Considering the capital cost, expected life and storage loss steel drum, gunny and plastic bags and Motka/Jala were found more economical for the farmers. The advantages and disadvantages of farmers, commercial, common and co-operative level storage structures were also identified. As the study area was a flood prone one, average 60% farmers were affected and average 8% stored grains were damaged by the flood of 2007. A total of 73% farmers and traders expressed their interest on co-operative storage system at the time of flood to store food grains with paying cost as they have no alternative storage facilities other than the proposed safely constructed co-operative storage structures. On the basis of the opinion of farmers and traders, the suitable location and type of storage structure were also proposed. A layout design and the cost of an operational storage structure for storing 60 metric tonnes of paddy and the possible management of the co-operative storage system were also proposed.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/pa.v18i2.18244 Progress. Agric. 18(2): 223 - 233, 2007

The production planning is one of the key managerial decisions in agricultural business, which must be done periodically every year. Correct decision must cover the agriculture demands of planting the crops such as crop rotation restrictions or water resource scarcity, while the decision maker aims to plan the crop design in most profitable way in sense of maximizing the total profit from the crop yield. This decision problem represents the optimization of crop design and can be treated by the me­thods of linear programming which begun to be extensively used in agriculture production planning in USA during 50’s. There is ongoing research of mathematical programming applications in agriculture worldwide, but the results are not easily transferable to other localities due to the specific local restrictions in each country. In Czech Republic the farmers use for production planning mainly their expert knowledge and past experience. However, the mathematical programming approach enables find the true optimal solution of the problem, which especially in the problems with a great number of constraints is not easy to find intuitively. One of the possible barriers for using the general decision support systems (which are based on mathematical programming methods) for agriculture production planning in Czech Republic is its expensiveness. The small farmer can not afford to buy the expensive software or to employ a mathematical programming specialist. The aim of this paper is to present a user friendly linear programming model of the typical agricultural production planning problem in Czech Republic which can be solved via software tools commonly available in any farm (e.g. EXCEL). The linear programming model covering the restrictions on total costs, crop rotation, thresholds for the total area sowed by particular crops, total amount of manure and the need of feed crops is developed. The model is applied in real-world problem of Czech agriculture cooperative and the results of its solution are compared to the real decision made. The applicability of the model in every day agriculture managerial practice in Czech Republic is discussed and its possible enlargement is mentioned.

Since 2011, FarmWorks Investment Co-operative Limited (FarmWorks) has been boosting Nova Scotia’s farm and food economy through small loans to local food businesses. The fund relies on community investments and relationship-based lending, markers of the provincial government’s Community Economic Development Investment Fund (CEDIF) program. FarmWorks was motivated by decreasing food production, dwindling agricultural employment and the resulting decline of rural communities across the province. These factors were compounded by systemic changes including the increased financialization of the agri-food sector. As a social economy organization, FarmWorks seeks to remedy the shortcomings of the dominant food system by prioritizing the social and ecological regeneration of local communities. It simultaneously works with existing market structures while challenging mainstream practices and developing an alternative model. Through a document review, our paper assesses the extent to which FarmWorks has been successful in its efforts “to increase the viability and sustainability of agriculture and the security of a healthy food supply.” Specifically, we examine economic outcomes (employment, revenue increase, business expansion) as well as social impact of FarmWorks loans. We situate our analysis in literature on social economy, financialization, and sustainable food systems.

Abstract This paper aims to show the main processes of rural restructuring of Hungary after the change of political system and EU integration. It describes the changes of agricultural land-use, new dynamics of urban rural relations and rural development of the last 25 years. In the paper, we argue that the most dynamic changes happened in the era of post-communism, ended by EU-accession and the era of consolidation. A characteristic phenomenon of these changes was the urban demand for providing facilities related to rural landscape and culture. Therefore, permanent and temporary migrations into rural areas have become the most important element of development for rural places in the last decades. The introduction of a new Europeanised rural development system has shaped these processes and reconfigured local power relations, economic and social networks. These turbulent changes occurred at the same time with the collapse of the socialist-type co-operative and state farm system, along with the restitution and reprivatisation of land, resulting in the concentration of land use and agricultural production. The paper aims at analysing these processes by discussing the dynamics of urban-rural relationships and the new rural development system, while the final part focuses on land-use changes and its impacts on rural society.

A method of growth analysis was used to evaluate the yield results in experiments conducted during years 1999–2001 on School co-operative farm in Žabčice. In sequential terms of sampling from two potato varieties with different duration of growing season, the effect of leaf area index (L, LAI), on yield of tubers in soils contaminated by cadmium, arsine and beryllium, was evaluated. From a growers view the phytotoxic influence on development of assimilatory apparatus and yields during the growth of a very-early variety Rosara and a medium-early Korela were evaluated. These varieties were grown under field conditions in soils contaminated by graded levels of cadmium, arsenic and beryllium. The yields of tubers were positively influenced by duration of growing season and increased of leaf area index during three experimental years. On the contrary, graded levels of heavy metals had negative influence on both chosen varieties. The highest phytotoxic influence was recorded of arsine and the lowest of cadmium. Significant influence of arsenic and beryllium on size of leaf area index in the highest applied variants was found. The influence of experimental years on tuber yields was also statistically significant.

A study was carried out to compare the breeding and calf rearing practices of modern specialized dairy farms of north and south Gujarat. The data was collected from ten specialized dairy farms, each from the north and south Gujarat. The study revealed that farms of the southern region mostly reared buffaloes, which relied on natural service, whereas northern farms mostly reared cows, and AI was more popular. Around 22.2 and 16.7% of dairy farms preferred pedigreed and sex-sorted semen from the private sector, respectively. Most of the dairy farms (60%) purchased frozen semen doses from the co-operative sector. About 20% of dairy farms used sex-sorted semen at the price of Rs. 2100-3000 per dose. One farm from the north and another one from south were using Delaval® heat detector system. The majority (75%) of the dairy farms adopted the practice of colostrum feeding by allowing for natural suckling. The majority (70%) of the dairy farms provided first colostrum feeding within 2 to 4 hours of calf birth. Some dairy farms (20%) possessed individual calf boxes. From the research finding, it can be concluded that artificial insemination was more famous in north Gujarat. Many specialized dairy farms of north Gujarat were adopting most advanced breeding practices by the use of sex-sorted and pedigreed semen of private companies to produce an offspring of the desired sex, high milk yielding potential and healthy one.

Anaerobic digestion (AD) has been recognised as an effective means of simultaneously producing energy while reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. Despite having a large agriculture sector, Ireland has experienced little uptake of the technology, ranking 20th within the EU-28. It is, therefore, necessary to understand the general opinions, willingness to adopt, and perceived obstacles of potential adopters of the technology. As likely primary users of this technology, a survey of Irish cattle farmers was conducted to assess the potential of on-farm AD for energy production in Ireland. The study seeks to understand farmers’ motivations, perceived barriers, and preferred business model. The study found that approximately 41% of the 91 respondents were interested in installing AD on their farming enterprise within the next five years. These Likely Adopters tended to have a higher level of education attainment, and together, currently hold 4379 cattle, potentially providing 37,122 t year−1 of wastes as feedstock, resulting in a potential CO2 reduction of 800.65 t CO2-eq. year−1. Moreover, the results indicated that the primary consideration preventing the implementation of AD is a lack of information regarding the technology and high investment costs. Of the Likely Adopters and Possible Adopters, a self-owned and operated plant was the preferred ownership structure, while 58% expressed an interest in joining a co-operative scheme. The findings generated provide valuable insights into the willingness of farmers to implement AD and guidance for its potential widespread adoption.

Sugarcane is the second most important industrial crop in the country occupying about 5 million hectares of area with the production of 376.9 mt. Although more than 40% of the cane area in the country is in Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu ranks first in productivity of sugarcane. Even though Tamil Nadu is in higher productivity zone, the average farm level potential yield was very less which leads lot of scope for increasing production in Tamil Nadu. Sugarcane farmers from Tamil Nadu ranged from small to large. All the farmers not following all the recommended practices. Hence, a study is required to analyses the predominant technologies in the particular area and adoption behavior of the farmers to bridge the technological gap. With that idea in mind, a study has been taken up with the objectives that to document the technological mapping and to study the adoption behavior of sugarcane farmers at Subaramani Siva Co-operative Sugar Mill area in Dharmapui district of Tamil Nadu state. From Dharmapuri districts seven blocks were selected. From each block ten respondents were selected; thus 70 respondents were constituted for the study. The Study revealed that all the blocks are not similar in case of technologies, the predominant technologies are differing block to block. Adoption pattern for protection technologies reveled that integrated weed management was adopted by majority of the respondent. The technologies ‘pheromone trap’ and ‘soil trenching of recommended termiticides’ are not at all adopted by the respondents in the study area.

The present study evaluated the income inequalities between IFAD and non-IFAD rice farmers in Nigeria’s Niger state. Undated data of 2018 cropping season elicited through structured questionnaire coupled with interview schedules from a total of 296 rice farmers (111 IFAD rice farmers and 185 non-IFAD rice farmers) through a multi-stage sampling technique. Tools viz. descriptive statistics, censored regression, Chow F-test statistics, Average treatment effect (ATE) and Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition model were used for data analysis. The findings showed that the programme had effect on the farmers’ income in the short-run; while in the long-run, the non-remunerative product’s price has diffused the impact of the programme on the farmers’ income. However, it was observed that participation in the programme made the average income accumulation of the participated farmers to higher than that of the non-participants. The discrimination difference called programme participation accounts for more than 75% of the income gap, while endowment or characteristics difference accounts for less than 24% vis-à-vis the non-treated groups. Therefore, the programme should link the farmers with the appropriate off-takers in order to insulate them from adverse effect of market imperfection which tends to dampen the rice price during the boom season. Also, the farmers should engage in co-operative marketing and monitor price behavior using market information and intelligence. The scope of programme coverage should be expanded beyond the target group so as to enhance the farm families’ livelihoods; the rural, state and the national economies.

The success of GM herbicide tolerant canola is demonstrated by its acceptance by the farm community in Canada. There have been continuing comments, however, including some from major customers, suggesting that GM canola has lower quality than conventional canola. Data drawn from both the Western Canada Canola/Rapeseed Co-operative Test data from 1998–2001 and from the Canadian Grain Commission's harvest surveys of canola from 1996–2001 were used to compare the quality of GM and conventional canola registered and grown. Weed seed contamination of harvest survey samples decreased significantly as the herbicide tolerant lines increased in production. While variety registration data suggested GM and conventional lines had no differences in oil content, data from harvest surveys suggested that GM lines tended to have slightly higher oil contents. Protein and oil contents remain inversely related with no differences in the inverse relationship due to GM. While registration requires that all lines have less than 12 micromoles per gram of glucosinolates, data from harvest surveys show GM lines to have significantly less glucosinolates than conventional lines, possibly due to decreased contamination with cruciferous weeds. A comparison of glucosinolate contents between non-GM herbicide tolerant canola and conventional non-herbicide tolerant canola showed similar differences. There were no significant differences in chlorophyll content, erucic acid levels or saturated fatty acids but harvest survey data showed GM lines were slightly more unsaturated than conventional lines. It would seem safe to conclude that differences in quality between GM and conventional canola are due to the functioning of the GM trait – herbicide tolerance – that allows the GM canola to perform to its potential in the field.

A recent article in Rural History illustrated how the Women's Institutes between the wars Were influenced by contemporary feminism. The argument of the article was that in seeking to change the material condition and status of countrywomen, and in effect, emulating craft trades union strategies, the WI movement sought to alter perceptions of women's labour in the home by enhancing their skills, encouraging co-operative endeavour and promoting an ‘active domesticity’. Furthermore, the domestic arena was extended to cover all aspects of rural life related to the home, garden, farm or allotment.However, as time passed between the wars, less interest was shown in agricultural work outside the home, and, as Morgan states elsewhere, the agricultural ‘side’ of the movement became ‘severely diminished’. Whilst one might not seriously quarrel with this statement with reference to some periods of WI history, it is, nevertheless, a somewhat reductive approach to have taken when considering the interwar period. During that time, there is evidence to suggest that in some regions at least, WI members maintained more than a passing interest in agriculture per se. This was not simply in relation to the production and preservation of food, but rather as a means of maintaining the influence of women in rural policy making. This interest can be best detected in the educational sphere, from the promotion of classes in a wide range of agricultural activities and demonstrations at agricultural and horticultural shows, to WI membership of local agricultural education committees. Furthermore, the National Federation of Women's Institutes (NFWI) fought in many ways to maintain the agricultural ‘side’ of the movement because it was an integral part of its wider mission to educate countrywomen, particularly those who were destined to live and work in the Empire

Present study was confined to Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh. In this study Nagrota Bagwan block was selected randomly. A list of farmers, who had borrowed agricultural loan, was obtained from different banks and a sample of 50 beneficiaries was obtained from this block. The existing agricultural credit system in the study area showed that, Punjab National Bank, Himachal Gramin Bank,The Kangra Central Co-operative Bank and State Bank of Patiala, State Bank of India were operating.Overall % accessibility of sampled beneficiaries to the credit indicated that about 90 % of the loan applied was sanctioned by the institutions. Borrowing through Kisan Credit Card was the highest. State Bank of Patiala was the most important source of borrowings. Cost of borrowing was also found to be low. After availing the financial assistance, the investment on the farm machinery and implements increased substantially followed by investment on livestock. The overall change in investment was calculated to be about 28 %. Paddy and potato had the highest shift in area. The area under paddy increased by 30.76 % and 23.52 % in case of potato. Area under maize (HYV) increased by 10 % while in case of vegetable the increase was 14.28 %. Area under maize (local) and wheat decreased by 35.71 % and 14.63 % respectively. Maximum increase in fertilizer application was observed in potato (22.39 %), followed bymaize (21.62 %) and cucumber (18 %). The increase in productivity of cucumber was found to be highest (26.70 %), followed by paddy (15.01 %), potato (15.33 %), and vegetables (12.76 %). Productivity of maize (10 %) increased but in less proportion as compared to other crops. There was substantial increase in milk yield of Cross Bred Cow. The average annual income per household increased by about 10 %. The study recommends that there is a need for more awareness about lending among farmers from the institutional sources. Further, loans through Kisan Credit Card were quite high thus efforts should be made so that maximum farmers have Kisan Credit Card and can avail the bank loans without any difficulty.

In the mid-1960s, a bitter dispute broke out between parents in the Atlee-Jenner School District in Southern Alberta Canada, and the Medicine Hat School Board over the bussing of children for the first time to a new school a long distance away. The move was precipitated by the consolidation of several smaller school districts and the subsequent closing of the local school. The parents’ argument was that the road by which the bus was to travel was in an unfinished state and was dangerous. However, the conflict is illustrative of a much deeper issue. An argument might be made that this dispute illuminated a much larger crisis in rural life on the prairies. It may represent, as a case study, the problems and difficulties involved in a shift from rural life, with its unique sorts of interpersonal relationships built on the strength of local community and co-operative spirit, to a much more urbanized and structured existence. As the Great Depression had shown, the myth that you could always go back to the farm for some measure of economic security had been dispelled. However, one’s control over the education of one’s children, and thus the inculcation of appropriate values and beliefs, after having been first of all, institutionalized with universal public schooling (both Protestant and Roman Catholic), had been, at least up to this point, largely a local concern, under a central authority (Ministry of Education). School divisions on the prairies had been relatively small and numerous, for practical reasons, such as transport and regular attendance. Gradually, these small divisions came to be replaced by larger administrative units, thus threatening the perceived control and familiarity of local communities. The other half of the equation in this dispute was the reaction of the Deputy Minister at the time, W.H. Swift. Swift could empathize with the basic issues in play, having strong rural roots himself. Deputy Minister of Education, W.H. Swift was also one of the last to hold that position rising up through the ranks of the education system, from teacher to school inspector to academic. Swift had earned a Ph.D. at an early age, and rose quickly through the ranks of the civil service, learning his job under the tutelage of G. F. McNally. Swift and McNally represented a tradition in the Department, having earned their positions through experience and hard work. As such, they might be viewed as self-made moral exemplars, leaders who could be viewed as role models by the rank and file. This article seeks not only to illustrate how Swift actually functioned in his role as Deputy Minister in times of crisis and high public visibility, but also to show how he reacted when confronted with moral decisions. The Atlee case, taking place between the years 1955 and 1965, serves as an example of the controversy which had developed in many areas as small rural schools were closed as a result of the divisional amalgamations begun by the Social Credit Government before the Second World War. On a wider scale the issues embodied in the dispute also reflect a changing rural landscape. Just as the small family farm was under corporate pressure, so it was with the local school. These economic and administrative transformations brought with them social and cultural changes as well. Although the case was one of the last examples of this kind, it was certainly one of the most bitterly contested.

Industrial clustering and co-operativization are two globally acknowledged policy mechanisms for regional industrial development. Alappy district of Kerala is one of the major hubs of coir industry in India and it occupies a substantial place in the coir map of the world. Alappy possesses almost all the physical attributes of a typical industrial cluster with a critical mass of related units and ancillaries enjoying spatial agglomeration and sharing common facilities. The coir industry of Alappy is largely organized on ‘workers’ co-operative’ basis. Despite the incidence of these supportive policy measures and favourable environmental conditions, the industry is on the verge of decline. The findings of the current study show that though Alappy possesses a fare score in the assessment of its cluster attributes, most of the firms are consistently reporting losses and their number is increasing year by year. A similar trend is seen in the case of firm survival and new firm creation. Among the output indicators, employment generation is the only aspect which is consistently showing positive results. Drawing on personal interviews with relevant stakeholders such as managers/secretaries of co-operative societies and government officials and a critical analysis of various policy documents, this article attempts to explore why the globally acclaimed policy mechanisms such as industrial clustering and co-operativization fail to bring the fruits of competitiveness and innovation to the coir industry in Alappy. The study also proposes an entrepreneurial ecosystem approach as a mechanism to revive this floundering industry and discusses its adaptability and complementarity with the co-operative framework prevailing in the industry.

The profitability of milk production in the developing world varies widely among farming systems. This results from poor animal productivity and an inefficient marketing-chain structure in which farmers seldom profit from their dairying activities. The lack of chilling facilities for milk storage and the need to adulterate the raw product along the market chain to enhance profit margins means that consumers are not well catered for. Co-operative selling of milk, along with the acquisition of higher-quality feeds and veterinary medicines, has boosted the financial resilience of small-holder farming communities worldwide, although, in many regions, the co-operative model has not succeeded largely through a lack of trust between families even within the communities. Commercial reality dictates that farming communities work together to achieve financial sustainability, although the model adopted for each community may differ. Although milk has traditionally provided many consumers with their only source of animal protein, vitamin and minerals, we are now discovering its many other virtues, particularly in relation to cognitive development and memory retention and the provision of antioxidants. The impact of milk-processing technology on some of these remarkable properties requires further investigation to ensure that milk consumers worldwide benefit from these positive attributes.

Le concezioni e le prassi di responsabilitŕ sociale d'impresa (CSR, corporate social responsibility) che si sono affermate sino a tempi molto recenti riflettono prevalentemente una logica reattiva, incentrata sulla necessitŕ delle aziende di rilegittimarsi nei confronti dei loro stakeholder corrispondendo alla richiesta di riduzione e prevenzione dei costi sociali legati all'attivitŕ d'impresa (degrado ecologico, disoccupazione conseguente a ristrutturazioni, ecc.). Tuttavia l'attuale periodo, anche per le incertezze e questioni poste dalla crisi economica, rappresenta una fase singolarmente feconda per andare oltre questo approccio adattivo e raccogliere la sfida di una visione piů avanzata della dimensione sociale dell'agire d'impresa come innovazione sostenibile. Tale modello si basa sulla valorizzazione di beni, risorse ed esigenze di significato sociale ed č indirizzato alla creazione di valore integrato - economico, umano-sociale e ambientale - nel lungo termine. La caratteristica centrale di questo profilo d'impresa č la tendenza a operare in maniera socialmente proattiva, sviluppando un'attitudine a cogliere o persino anticipare le direzioni del cambiamento sociale con i suoi bisogni e problemi emergenti e facendo sě che l'integrazione di obiettivi economici e socio-ambientali nei processi strategico-produttivi si traduca in fattore di differenziazione dell'offerta di mercato e in una reale fonte di vantaggio competitivo. Nel presente lavoro si indica la praticabilitŕ di un simile modello riferendosi ai risultati di una recente indagine condotta su un campione di dieci imprese italiane, eterogenee per dimensioni, collocazione geografica, fase del ciclo di vita e settori di attivitŕ, che si estendono da comparti tradizionali (come quelli alimentare, edilizio, sanitario, dell'arredamento e della finanza) a campi di piů recente definizione e a piů elevato tasso di cambiamento tecnologico (quali l'ingegneria informatica, la comunicazione multimediale, il controllo dei processi industriali e il risanamento ambientale). La logica di azione di queste organizzazioni sembra ruotare intorno a una duplice dinamica di "valorizzazione del contesto": da un lato, l'internalizzazione nella strategia d'impresa di richieste e al contempo di risorse sociali orientate a una maggiore attenzione per l'ambiente naturale, per la qualitŕ della vita collettiva nei territori, per i diritti e lo sviluppo delle persone dentro e fuori gli ambienti di lavoro; dall'altro lato, la capacitŕ, a valle dell'attivitŕ di mercato, di produrre valore economico e profitti generando anche valore per la societŕ. Nei casi analizzati č presente la valorizzazione delle risorse ambientali, che si esprime mediante la riprogettazione di prodotti e processi e politiche di efficienza energetica di rifornimento da fonti di energia rinnovabile, raccordandosi con nuove aspettative sociali rispetto alla questione ecologica. Č coltivato il valore umano nel rapporto spesso personalizzato con i clienti e i partner di business ma anche nella vita interna d'impresa, attraverso dinamiche di ascolto e coinvolgimento che creano spazi per la soddisfazione di svariati bisogni e aspirazioni che gli individui riversano nella sfera lavorativa, aldilŕ di quelli retributivi. C'č empowerment del "capitale sociale" dentro e intorno all'organizzazione, ravvisabile specialmente quando le condotte d'impresa fanno leva su risorse relazionali e culturali del territorio e si legano a meccanismi di valorizzazione dello sviluppo locale. Troviamo inoltre il riconoscimento e la produzione di "valore etico" per il modo in cui una serie di principi morali (quali la trasparenza, il mantenimento degli impegni, il rispetto di diritti delle persone) costituiscono criteri ispiratori dell'attivitŕ di business e ne escono rafforzati come ingredienti primari del fare impresa. E c'č, naturalmente, produzione di valore competitivo, una capacitŕ di stare e avere successo nel mercato che si sostiene sull'intreccio di vari elementi. Uno di essi coincide con l'uso della leva economico-finanziaria come risorsa irrinunciabile per l'investimento in innovazione, piuttosto che in un'ottica di contenimento dei costi relativi a fattori di gestione - come la formazione - che possono anche rivelarsi non immediatamente produttivi. Altrettanto cruciali risultano una serie di componenti intangibili che, oltre alla gestione delle risorse umane, sono essenzialmente riconducibili a due aspetti. Il primo č lo sviluppo di know-how, in cui la conoscenza che confluisce nelle soluzioni di business č insieme tecnica e socio-culturale perché derivante dalla combinazione di cognizioni specializzate di settore, acquisite in virtů di una costante apertura alla sperimentazione, e insieme di mappe di riferimento e criteri di valutazione collegati alla cultura aziendale. L'altro fattore immateriale alla base del valore competitivo consiste nell'accentuato posizionamento di marchio, con la capacitŕ di fornire un'offerta di mercato caratterizzata da: a) forte specificitŕ rispetto ai concorrenti (distintivi contenuti tecnici di qualitŕ e professionalitŕ e soprattutto la corrispondenza alle esigenze dei clienti/consumatori e al loro cambiamento); b) bassa replicabilitŕ da parte di altri operatori, dovuta al fatto che le peculiaritŕ dell'offerta sono strettamente legate alla particolare "miscela" degli altri valori appena considerati (valore umano, risorse relazionali, know-how, ecc.). Ed č significativo notare come nelle imprese osservate questi tratti di marcata differenziazione siano stati prevalentemente costruiti attraverso pratiche di attenzione sociale non modellate su forme di CSR convenzionali o facilmente accessibili ad altri (p.es. quelle che si esauriscono nell'adozione di strumenti pur importanti quali il bilancio sociale e il codice etico); ciň che si tratti - per fare qualche esempio tratto dal campione - di offrire servizi sanitari di qualitŕ a tariffe accessibili, di supportare gli ex-dipendenti che avviano un'attivitŕ autonoma inserendoli nel proprio circuito di business o di promuovere politiche di sostenibilitŕ nel territorio offrendo alle aziende affiliate servizi tecnologici ad alta prestazione ambientale per l'edilizia. Le esperienze indagate confermano il ruolo di alcune condizioni dell'innovazione sostenibile d'impresa in vario modo giŕ indicate dalla ricerca piů recente: la precocitŕ e l'orientamento di lungo periodo degli investimenti in strategie di sostenibilitŕ, entrambi favoriti dal ruolo centrale ricoperto da istanze socio-ambientali nelle fasi iniziali dell'attivitŕ d'impresa; l'anticipazione, ovvero la possibilitŕ di collocarsi in una posizione di avanguardia e spesso di "conformitŕ preventiva" nei confronti di successive regolamentazioni pubbliche in grado di incidere seriamente sulle pratiche di settore; la disseminazione di consapevolezza interna, a partire dai livelli decisionali dell'organizzazione, intorno al significato per le strategie d'impresa di obiettivi e condotte operative riconducibili alla sostenibilitŕ; l'incorporamento strutturale degli strumenti e delle soluzioni di azione sostenibile nei core-processes organizzativi, dalla ricerca e sviluppo di prodotti/ servizi all'approvvigionamento, dall'infrastruttura produttiva al marketing. Inoltre, l'articolo individua e discute tre meccanismi che sembrano determinanti nei percorsi di innovazione sostenibile osservati e che presentano, per certi versi, alcuni aspetti di paradosso. Il primo č dato dalla coesistenza di una forte tradizione d'impresa, spesso orientata sin dall'inizio verso opzioni di significato sociale dai valori e dall'esperienza dell'imprenditore-fondatore, e di apertura alla novitŕ. Tale equilibrio č favorito da processi culturali di condivisione e di sviluppo interni della visione di business, da meccanismi di leadership dispersa, nonché da uno stile di apprendimento "incrementale" mediante cui le nuove esigenze e opportunitŕ proposte dalla concreta gestione d'impresa conducono all'adozione di valori e competenze integrabili con quelli tradizionali o addirittura in grado di potenziarli. In secondo luogo, si riscontra la tendenza a espandersi nel contesto, tipicamente tramite strategie di attraversamento di confini tra settori (p.es., alimentando sinergie pubblico-private) e forme di collaborazione "laterale" con gli interlocutori dell'ambiente di business e sociale; e al contempo la tendenza a includere il contesto, ricavandone stimoli e sollecitazioni, ma anche risorse e contributi, per la propria attivitŕ (p.es., nella co-progettazione dei servizi/prodotti). La terza dinamica, infine, tocca piů direttamente la gestione delle risorse umane. Le "persone dell'organizzazione" rappresentano non soltanto uno dei target destinatari delle azioni di sostenibilitŕ (nelle pratiche di selezione, formazione e sviluppo, welfare aziendale, ecc.) ma anche, piů profondamente, il veicolo fondamentale della realizzazione e del successo di tali azioni. Si tratta, cioč, di realtŕ organizzative in cui la valorizzazione delle persone muove dagli impatti sulle risorse umane, in sé cruciali in una prospettiva di sostenibilitŕ, agli impatti delle risorse umane attraverso il loro ruolo diretto e attivo nella gestione dei processi di business, nella costruzione di partnership con gli stakeholder e nei meccanismi di disseminazione interna di una cultura socialmente orientata. In tal senso, si distingue un rapporto circolare di rinforzo reciproco tra la "cittadinanza nell'impresa" e la "cittadinanza dell'impresa"; vale a dire, tra i processi interni di partecipazione/identificazione del personale nei riguardi delle prioritŕ dell'organizzazione e la capacitŕ di quest'ultima di generare valore molteplice e "condiviso" nel contesto (con i clienti, il tessuto imprenditoriale, le comunitŕ, gli interlocutori pubblici, ecc.). In conclusione, le imprese osservate appaiono innovative primariamente perché in grado di praticare la sostenibilitŕ in termini non solo di responsabilitŕ ma anche di opportunitŕ per la competitivitŕ organizzativa. Questa analisi suggerisce quindi uno sguardo piů ampio sulle implicazioni strategiche della CSR e invita a riflettere su come le questioni e i bisogni di rilievo sociale, a partire da quelli emergenti o acuiti dalla crisi economica (nel campo della salute, dei servizi alle famiglie, della salvaguardia ambientale, ecc.), possano e forse debbano oggi sempre piů situarsi al centro - e non alla periferia - del business e della prestazione di mercato delle imprese.

Globally, advanced technologies are invented or discovered for the improvement of farming activities. In Nigeria, such technologies are gradually being available from research institutes and imported technologies. The low outputs of farms suggest that these technologies seem not to be highly adopted in Nigeria and the factors that determine the adoption of these technologies are yet to be explored. The study examined the socio-economic and institutional determinants of the adoption of new agricultural technologies by cooperative farmers in Nigeria. A descriptive survey research design was adopted. Multistage random sampling technique was used to select three hundred and twenty farmers (160 individual farmers and 160 co-operative farmers), statistically derived using the Taro Yamane formula. The data used for this study were sourced from primary data. Descriptive and inferential statistics were deployed in the analysis of data. Findings revealed that sex, marital status, farm size and annual farm income socio-economic are the socioeconomic factors affecting the adoption of new agricultural technologies while the frequency of contact with extension agents is the key institutional factor affecting the adoption of agricultural technologies. Recommendations made include that extension services should be improved by the Agricultural Development Programme. There should be at least two extension agents to each community who should visit the farms regularly and expose the farmers to the latest agricultural technologies through Small Plots Adoption Trials (SPATS) and On-Farm Adaptive Research. The extension service workers in ADP should enjoin individual farmers to form effective groups (Co-operative Societies) for easy diffusion of the agricultural technological innovations.

The study was undertaken in North of Bengaluru to analyze transaction cost involved in borrowing agricultural credit from formal and informal sources and to identify the factors influencing the borrowers’ transaction cost across rural-urban interface. The data was collected from randomly selected 50 farmers each from rural, peri-urban and urban transacts. The results revealed that the transaction cost in availing credit was more in formal sources in all the three gradients compared to informal sources. Among the formal sources, the total transaction cost incurred by farmers was highest in commercial banks followed by Regional Rural Banks (RRBs) and Co-operative banks in all the three gradients. In rural gradient total transaction cost incurred by farmers was highest in commercial banks (Rs. 5395.26) followed by Co-operative banks (Rs. 3112.33) and RRBs (Rs. 1811.20) and it was lowest in case of informal sources of credit (Rs. 1140.27). Rent seeking cost was the major cost in transaction cost followed by cost of documents and opportunity cost of time spent in all the gradients. Results of multiple regression analysis revealed that education, number of visits, total land holding and amount borrowed were the major factors significantly influencing the borrower’s transaction cost. From the study it was evident that transaction cost was high in formal sources, and this needs special attention by the government and the institutions like Registration and Revenue authorities to curb rent seeking behavior of officials involved which contribute towards higher transaction cost. Collateral security norms are hindering the marginal and small farmers in obtaining credit from formal sources and hence, there is a need to redesign these norms especially for small and marginal farmers.

An on-farm investigative development approach is advocated and described as a relevant method to improve industry awareness and understanding of alternative pasture species and cultivars for South Island hill and high country pastoral systems and thereby improve their currently slow or sporadic rate of adoption. On-farm investigative development trials aim at effectively bridging gaps between plant breeder, agronomist, consultant and farmer. They closely integrate research objectives and extension through the establishment of large-scale experiments with pasture plants and pasture systems on farms, in close co-operation with key farmers. They are of sound experimental design and yet large enough to be defined as a production system, contributing significantly to the livestock feeding goals of the ccroperating farmer. Such trials are an integral part of the cc-operative (DSIR/MAF) Lotus corniculatus breeding programme. Three of them, each located in ,a different environmental/geographic zone, are described. Keywords: Large-scale trials, alternative pasture species, Lotus corniculatus, plant breeding/ plant selection, South Island hill and high country.

Abstract This article examines the political theory of the late nineteenth-century American Populist movement, with a particular focus on its theories of state and corporation. Recent scholarship on populism has tended to present the phenomenon as a variant of direct democracy intrinsically opposed to intermediary bodies, a feature consistently traced back to American Populism as well. In this account, American Populists opposed new discourses of corporate personhood and free incorporation in the late nineteenth century owing to their tendency to distort natural bonds between peoples and leaders and to disperse the popular will. This article questions the tenability of this opposition through a close contextual engagement with original Populist texts. As the first self-declared ‘populist’ movement in modern history, Populists theorized about the usage of corporate personality for their own co-operatives and put forward ambitious visions of American statecraft, breaking with the proprietary individualism that characterized Jeffersonian agrarianism before. The article focuses on two particular genres of Populist thinking: first, their advocacy of the corporate form for their co-operative farm organizing and, secondly, a specifically statutory vision of state reform. It concludes with reflections on how these findings destabilize assumptions governing the current populism debate in political theory and American historiography.

When the South African Government in 1998 re-demarcated its 283 municipalities so that they completely cover the country in a “wall-to-wall” manner, their main focus was on growing local economies and maintaining the provision of an increased number of diverse and more complex basic municipal services to new geographical areas consisting of millions of citizens who might previously had been neglected.In most of the instances the newly established and merged municipalities were demarcated according to geographical aspects inherited from the previous political dispensation, historical municipal areas and magisterial district farm names. The fact that these municipal government jurisdictions for the purpose of improving co-operative municipal- and integrated water resources management (IWRM), in most instances do not correspond with environmental and physical land features such as the demarcated surface water (rivers) drainage regions’ boundaries, could lead to the ineffective, inefficient and non-economic municipal management of water, sanitation and environmental services.The aforementioned is a case with reference to water services management in the Free State Province town of Lindley located in the Vals River catchment and the Nketoana Local Municipality’s area of jurisdiction.An extensive literature review, the use and study of geographic tools such as maps, ortho- photos and information data bases, as well as two field visits to the area, enabled the researchers to identify the essential geographical, geo-hydrological and municipal management aspects of importance for the potable water service providers and managers in the Lindley municipal area.The researchers argue that effective trans-boundary municipal management through simunye-type co-operative governance and IWRM must be facilitated in the Vals River surface water catchment between the respective local- and district municipalities for the benefit of the Lindley, Arlington, Steynsrus and Kroonstad communities.

The Research paper is going to analyse the agriculture marketing concepts which are considered important for marketing of agriculture produce in India. Marketing of agro produce has change over a period of time. It is no longer a farm output which is only consumed in the specific geographies or district or a state but it has cross the boundaries of the state and ventured in to the other parts of the country. The product can also be sold directly in the local markets or through different distribution channels across the state. The three functions which have to be undertaken before it reaches the consumer are Cleaning, Grading, Packaging and made ready for transportation to various agents at APMC markets with the help of co-operative societies. Chillies are not stored in the raw form when it is plucked from the fields. So marketing becomes essential as the product shelf life is short before it goes for consumption. Hence, distribution plays a vital role in the marketing of chillies.

Lotus corniculatus introductions and cultivars from Europe, the Mediterranean and North and South America were evaluated for herbage production and morphological characteristics at six sites in the South Island tussock country. The sites constitute a sequence of increasing altitude, soil acidity, infertility, rainfall and cold temperatures. In the dry intermontane basins of Central Otago and the McKenzie Country, material from Portugal, Yugoslavia, Italy and France performed best, with high yields, a wide seasonal spread of production and desirable growth habit. In contrast, on the cold and infertile soils of upland Otago, material from Holland, Sweden, Canada and Russia proved superior by concentrating growth into summer. South American material had some cool season activity, but an erect growth habit and susceptibility to frosting reduced the suitability of this material. The relative merits of Lotus corniculatus compared with red, white and alsike clover, lucerne and Lotus pedunculatus are discussed. Superior plants have been isolated and will be polycrossed to produce lines for progeny testing. Experimental cultivars will be produced by bulking these superior lines for establishment/management studies and on-farm trials. A co-operative effort between research organisations and farmers is envisaged. Keywords: Introductions, adaptation, selection, breeding programme.

Improving farmer’s income through technological intervention is the urgent need in rural areas for making self-dependence and economic sufficiency. In this direction, a number of scientist farmers interaction meets were organized in KVK, Aurangabad. Farmers farm women, rural youth and girls enthusiastically participated in these programs like on campus farming off-campus training, kisan chaupal, kissan gosthi etc. raised several questions related to some their fruit and vegetables production against blue bull for income generation. Wide awareness and community participation is the need of the hour for the rational utilization and better conservation strategies of medicinal & aromatic plants. Medicinal cultivation is the emerging sector in agriculture diversification that would augment the income of small holders and generate employment opportunities in rural areas. It was felt that low marketing surplus of small landholders requires formation of co-operative groups for a contract for men with Patanjali/other agencies to help them to generate more income. Use of medicinal & aromatic plants may be available in our surroundings but due to lack of awareness, we never take care to collect, conserve and evaluate such precious materials. In addition, a holistic approach is required to manage the rich heritage of medicinal and aromatic plant with available in Bihar. The potential of medicinal & aromatic cultivation has been realized lately. There are many options available for farmers of all income and land holding groups to take up are or the other activity in medicinal and aromatic cultivation.

The article presents the research materials of agrochemical properties of soil land use in the agricultural production co-operative ”Kolos”, Oktyabrsky district of the Volgograd region. The studied agroforestry landscape is located on the left bank of the Tsimlyansk reservoir, in the watershed of the Myshkov River. The territory of the farm is typical for the light chestnut sub -- zone of soils in the South of the Volgograd region. The results of the research are data on agrochemical properties of soils, their analysis and relative assessment, as well as proposals for improving fertility. The analysis of soil samples was carried out in accordance with the guidelines for the comprehensive monitoring of soil fertility of agricultural land. The soil sample was taken from an area of 40 hectares and is a mixed sample composed of 20 individual samples taken from the depth of the arable layer (0 -- 0.30 m). The total area of the surveyed arable land is 13.3 thousand hectares. Under laboratory conditions, chemical analyses were carried out and such parameters of soil fertility as humus content, content of macronutrients (NPK), content of water-bearing salts, soil granulometric composition, pH index were determined. Laboratory data are summarized in the table. The analysis of experimental data revealed the ranges of the studied parameters and identified four groups of relative soil fertility: fields with high, medium, low and very low fertility. The grouping of fields based on the account of soil fertility will allow using more differentiated and effective application of the system of measures aimed at increasing the yield and preserving soil fertility.

AbstractTo enhance milk quantity and quality which have continued to decrease in Kenya, various stakeholders have intervened through promotion of technical dairy innovations at the farm level including improved cow feeding, health management, promotion of exotic breeds, and milking hygiene. At the milkshed level, stakeholders’ focus has been on organizational innovations, specifically milk sale by farmers through groups. This study sought to characterize dairy innovations that have been adopted by farmers in the milkshed of three milk processors including New Kenya Co-operative Creameries Sotik (NKCC Sotik), Happy Cow Limited (HCL), and Mukurweini Wakulima Dairy Limited (MWDL), representing one state, private, and farmer-owned processor, respectively. Data were collected using a structured questionnaire from a sample of 1146 farmers (410, 382, and 354 in MWDL, HCL, and NKCC Sotik, respectively). A categorical principal components analysis was used to reduce 32 variables into four sets of uncorrelated components. Four categories were identified including principal component (PC) 1 (technical capacity), PC 2 (animal health management), PC 3 (organizational capacity), and PC 4 (milk hygiene). More farmers in the milkshed of MWDL adopted technical and organizational dairy innovations such as use of artificial insemination and milk sale through groups, respectively, than farmers in milkshed of NKCC and HCL. The county governments in the milkshed of HCL and NKCC Sotik need to strengthen cooperative societies to boost adoption of artificial insemination through arrangement in which milk is sold and payment of services offered on credit is settled from milk sale and ensure milk market availability throughout the year.

Property as both an idea and a practice has been interpreted through the prism of a liberal, law and economics paradigm since at least the 18th century. This dominant (and domineering) perspective stresses the primacy of individualism, the power of exclusion, and the values of private commodity. By contrast, concepts of property that evolved out of the counterculture of the 1960s and early 1970s challenged this hegemony. Countercultural, or Aquarian, ideas of property stressed pre-liberal, long forgotten property norms such as sociability, community, inclusion and personhood, and contested a private uniformity that seemed “totalizing and universalizing” (Blomley, Unsettling 102). This paper situates what it terms “Aquarian property” in the context of emergent property theory in the 1960s and 1970s, and the propertied practices these new theories engendered. Importantly, this paper also grounds Aquarian ideas of property to location. As legal geographers observe, the law inexorably occurs in place as well as time. “Nearly every aspect of law is located, takes place, is in motion, or has some spatial frame of reference” (Braverman et al. 1). Property’s radical yet simultaneously ancient alter-narrative found fertile soil where the countercultural experiment flourished. In Australia, one such place was the green, sub-tropical landscape of the New South Wales Northern Rivers, home of the 1973 Australian Union of Student’s Aquarius Festival at Nimbin. The Counterculture and Property Theory Well before the “Age of Aquarius” entered western youth consciousness (Munro-Clark 56), and 19 years before the Nimbin Aquarius Festival, US legal scholar Felix Cohen defined property in seminally private and exclusionary terms. To the world: Keep off X unless you have my permission, which I may grant or withhold.Signed: Private citizenEndorsed: The state. (374) Cohen’s formula was private property at its 1950s apogee, an unambiguous expression of its centrality to post-war materialism. William Blackstone’s famous trope of property as “that sole and despotic dominion” had become self-fulfilling (Rose, Canons). Why had this occurred? What had made property so narrow and instrumentalist to a private end? Several property theorists identify the enclosure period in the 17th and 18th centuries as seminal to this change (Blomley, Law; Graham). The enclosures, and their discourse of improvement and modernity, saw ancient common rights swept away in favour of the liberal private right. Property diversity was supplanted by monotony, group rights by the individual, and inclusion by exclusion. Common property rights were rights of shared use, traditionally agrarian incidents enjoyed through community membership. However, for the proponents of enclosure, common rights stood in the way of progress. Thus, what was once a vested right (such as the common right to glean) became a “mere practice”, condemned by its “universal promiscuity” and perceptions of vagrancy (Buck 17-8). What was once sited to context, to village and parish, evolved into abstraction. And what had meaning for person and place, “a sense of self; […] a part of a tribe’ (Neeson 180), became a tradable commodity, detached and indifferent to the consequences of its adverse use (Leopold). These were the transformed ideas of property exported to so-called “settler” societies, where colonialists demanded the secure property rights denied to them at home. In the common law tradition, a very modern yet selective amnesia took hold, a collective forgetting of property’s shared and sociable past (McLaren). Yet, property as commodity proved to be a narrow, one-sided account of property, an unsatisfactory “half right” explanation (Alexander 2) that omits inconvenient links between ownership on the one hand, and self and place on the other. Pioneering US conservationist Aldo Leopold detected as much a few years before Felix Cohen’s defining statement of private dominance. In Leopold’s iconic A Sand County Almanac, he wrote presciently of the curious phenomenon of hardheaded farmers replanting selected paddocks with native wildflowers. As if foreseeing what the next few decades may bring, Leopold describes a growing resistance to the dominant property paradigm: I call it Revolt – revolt against the tedium of the merely economic attitude towards land. We assume that because we had to subjugate the land to live on it, the best farm is therefore the one most completely tamed. These […] farmers have learned from experience that the wholly tamed farm offers not only a slender livelihood but a constricted life. (188)By the early 1960s, frustrations over the constrictions of post-war life were given voice in dissenting property literature. Affirming that property is a social institution, emerging ideas of property conformed to the contours of changing values (Singer), and the countercultural zeitgeist sweeping America’s universities (Miller). Thus, in 1964, Charles Reich saw property as the vanguard for a new civic compact, an ambitious “New Property” that would transform “government largess” into a property right to address social inequity. For Joseph Sax, property scholar and author of a groundbreaking citizen’s manifesto, the assertion of public property rights were critical to the protection of the environment (174). And in 1972, to Christopher Stone, it seemed a natural property incident that trees should enjoy equivalent standing to legal persons. In an age when “progress” was measured by the installation of plastic trees in Los Angeles median strips (Tribe), jurists aspired to new ideas of property with social justice and environmental resonance. Theirs was a scholarly “Revolt” against the tedium of property as commodity, an act of resistance to the centuries-old conformity of the enclosures (Blomley, Law). Aquarian Theory in Propertied Practice Imagining new property ideas in theory yielded in practice a diverse Aquarian tenure. In the emerging communes and intentional communities of the late 1960s and early 1970s, common property norms were unwittingly absorbed into their ethos and legal structure (Zablocki; Page). As a “way out of a dead-end future” (Smith and Crossley), a generation of young, mostly university-educated people sought new ways to relate to land. Yet, as Benjamin Zablocki observed at the time, “there is surprisingly little awareness among present-day communitarians of their historical forebears” (43). The alchemy that was property and the counterculture was given form and substance by place, time, geography, climate, culture, and social history. Unlike the dominant private paradigm that was placeless and universal, the tenurial experiments of the counter-culture were contextual and diverse. Hence, to generalise is to invite the problematic. Nonetheless, three broad themes of Aquarian property are discernible. First, property ceased being a vehicle for the acquisition of private wealth; rather it invested self-meaning within a communitarian context, “a sense of self [as] a part of a tribe.” Second, the “back to the land” movement signified a return to the country, an interregnum in the otherwise unidirectional post-enclosure drift to the city. Third, Aquarian property was premised on obligation, recognising that ownership was more than a bundle of autonomous rights, but rights imbricated with a corresponding duty to land health. Like common property and its practices of sustained yield, Aquarian owners were environmental stewards, with inter-connected responsibilities to others and the earth (Page). The counterculture was a journey in self-fulfillment, a search for personal identity amidst the empowerment of community. Property’s role in the counterculture was to affirm the under-regarded notion of property as propriety; where ownership fostered well lived and capacious lives in flourishing communities (Alexander). As Margaret Munro-Clark observed of the early 1970s, “the enrichment of individual identity or selfhood [is] the distinguishing mark of the current wave of communitarianism” (33). Or, as another 1970s settler remarked twenty years later, “our ownership means that we can’t liquefy our assets and move on with any appreciable amount of capital. This arrangement has many advantages; we don’t waste time wondering if we would be better off living somewhere else, so we have commitment to place and community” (Metcalf 52). In personhood terms, property became “who we are, how we live” (Lismore Regional Gallery), not a measure of commoditised worth. Personhood also took legal form, manifested in early title-holding structures, where consensus-based co-operatives (in which capital gain was precluded) were favoured ideologically over the capitalist, majority-rules corporation (Munro-Clark). As noted, Aquarian property was also predominantly rural. For many communitarians, the way out of a soulless urban life was to abandon its difficulties for the yearnings of a simpler rural idyll (Smith and Crossley). The 1970s saw an extraordinary return to the physicality of land, measured by a willingness to get “earth under the nails” (Farran). In Australia, communities proliferated on the NSW Northern Rivers, in Western Australia’s southwest, and in the rural hinterlands behind Queensland’s Sunshine Coast and Cairns. In New Zealand, intentional communities appeared on the rural Coromandel Peninsula, east of Auckland, and in the Golden Bay region on the remote northwestern tip of the South Island. In all these localities, land was plentiful, the climate seemed sunny, and the landscape soulful. Aquarians “bought cheap land in beautiful places in which to opt out and live a simpler life [...] in remote backwaters, up mountains, in steep valleys, or on the shorelines of wild coastal districts” (Sargisson and Sargent 117). Their “hard won freedom” was to escape from city life, suffused by a belief that “the city is hardly needed, life should spring out of the country” (Jones and Baker 5). Aquarian property likewise instilled environmental ethics into the notion of land ownership. Michael Metzger, writing in 1975 in the barely minted Ecology Law Quarterly, observed that humankind had forgotten three basic ecological laws, that “everything is connected to everything else”, that “everything must go somewhere”, and that “nature knows best” (797). With an ever-increasing focus on abstraction, the language of private property: enabled us to create separate realities, and to remove ourselves from the natural world in which we live to a cerebral world of our own creation. When we act in accord with our artificial world, the disastrous impact of our fantasies upon the natural world in which we live is ignored. (796)By contrast, Aquarian property was intrinsically contextual. It revolved around the owner as environmental steward, whose duty it was “to repair the ravages of previous land use battles, and to live in accord with the natural environment” (Aquarian Archives). Reflecting ancient common rights, Aquarian property rights internalised norms of prudence, proportionality and moderation of resource use (Rose, Futures). Simply, an ecological view of land ownership was necessary for survival. As Dr. Moss Cass, the Federal environment minister wrote in the preface to The Way Out: Radical Alternatives in Australia, ‘”there is a common conviction that something is rotten at the core of conventional human existence.” Across the Tasman, the sense of latent environmental crisis was equally palpable, “we are surrounded by glistening surfaces and rotten centres” (Jones and Baker 5). Property and Countercultural Place and Time In the emerging discipline of legal geography, the law and its institutions (such as property) are explained through the prism of spatiotemporal context. What even more recent law and geography scholarship argues is that space is privileged as “theoretically interesting” while “temporality is reduced to empirical history” (Braverman et al. 53). This part seeks to consider the intersection of property, the counterculture, and time and place without privileging either the spatial or temporal dimensions. It considers simply the place of Nimbin, New South Wales, in early May 1973, and how property conformed to the exigencies of both. Legal geographers also see property through the theory of performance. Through this view, property is a “relational effect, not a prior ground, that is brought into being by the very act of performance” (Blomley, Performing 13). In other words, doing does not merely describe or represent property, but it enacts, such that property becomes a reality through its performance. In short, property is because it does. Performance theory is liberating (Page et al) because it concentrates not on property’s arcane rules and doctrines, nor on the legal geographer’s alleged privileging of place over time, but on its simple doing. Thus, Nicholas Blomley sees private property as a series of constant and reiterative performances: paying rates, building fences, registering titles, and so on. Adopting this approach, Aquarian property is described as a series of performances, seen through the prism of the legal practitioner, and its countercultural participants. The intersection of counterculture and property law implicated my family in its performative narrative. My father had been a solicitor in Nimbin since 1948; his modest legal practice was conducted from the side annexe of the School of Arts. Equipped with a battered leather briefcase and a trusty portable typewriter, like clockwork, he drove the 20 miles from Lismore to Nimbin every Saturday morning. I often accompanied him on his weekly visits. Forty-one years ago, in early May 1973, we drove into town to an extraordinary sight. Seen through ten-year old eyes, surreal scenes of energy, colour, and longhaired, bare-footed young people remain vivid. At almost the exact halfway point in my father’s legal career, new ways of thinking about property rushed headlong and irrevocably into his working life. After May 1973, dinnertime conversations became very different. Gone was the mundane monopoly of mortgages, subdivisions, and cottage conveyancing. The topics now ranged to hippies, communes, co-operatives and shared ownerships. Property was no longer a dull transactional monochrome, a lifeless file bound in pink legal tape. It became an idea replete with diversity and innovation, a concept populated with interesting characters and entertaining, often quirky stories. If property is a narrative (Rose, Persuasion), then the micro-story of property on the NSW Northern Rivers became infinitely more compelling and interesting in the years after Aquarius. For the practitioner, Aquarian property involved new practices and skills: the registration of co-operatives, the drafting of shareholder deeds that regulated the use of common lands, the settling of idealistic trusts, and the ever-increasing frequency of visits to the Nimbin School of Arts every working Saturday. For the 1970s settler in Nimbin, performing Aquarian property took more direct and lived forms. It may have started by reading the open letter that festival co-organiser Graeme Dunstan wrote to the Federal Minister for Urban Affairs, Tom Uren, inviting him to Nimbin as a “holiday rather than a political duty”, and seeking his support for “a community group of 100-200 people to hold a lease dedicated to building a self-sufficient community [...] whose central design principles are creative living and ecological survival” (1). It lay in the performances at the Festival’s Learning Exchange, where ideas of philosophy, organic farming, alternative technology, and law reform were debated in free and unstructured form, the key topics of the latter being abortion and land. And as the Festival came to its conclusion, it was the gathering at the showground, titled “After Nimbin What?—How will the social and environmental experiment at Nimbin effect the setting up of alternative communities, not only in the North Coast, but generally in Australia” (Richmond River Historical Society). In the days and months after Aquarius, it was the founding of new communities such as Co-ordination Co-operative at Tuntable Creek, described by co-founder Terry McGee in 1973 as “a radical experiment in a new way of life. The people who join us […] have to be prepared to jump off the cliff with the certainty that when they get to the bottom, they will be all right” (Munro-Clark 126; Cock 121). The image of jumping off a cliff is a metaphorical performance that supposes a leap into the unknown. While orthodox concepts of property in land were left behind, discarded at the top, the Aquarian leap was not so much into the unknown, but the long forgotten. The success of those communities that survived lay in the innovative and adaptive ways in which common forms of property fitted into registered land title, a system otherwise premised on individual ownership. Achieved through the use of outside private shells—title-holding co-operatives or companies (Page)—inside the shell, the norms and practices of common property were inclusively facilitated and performed (McLaren; Rose, Futures). In 2014, the performance of Aquarian property endures, in the dozens of intentional communities in the Nimbin environs that remain a witness to the zeal and spirit of the times and its countercultural ideals. Conclusion The Aquarian idea of property had profound meaning for self, community, and the environment. It was simultaneously new and old, radical as well as ancient. It re-invented a pre-liberal, pre-enclosure idea of property. For property theory, its legacy is its imaginings of diversity, the idea that property can take pluralistic forms and assert multiple values, a defiant challenge to the dominant paradigm. Aquarian property offers rich pickings compared to the pauperised private monotone. Over 41 years ago, in the legal geography that was Nimbin, New South Wales, the imaginings of property escaped the conformity of enclosure. The Aquarian age represented a moment in “thickened time” (Braverman et al 53), when dissenting theory became practice, and the idea of property indelibly changed for a handful of serendipitous actors, the unscripted performers of a countercultural narrative faithful to its time and place. References Alexander, Gregory. Commodity & Propriety: Competing Visions of Property in American Legal Thought 1776-1970. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1999. Aquarian Archives. "Report into Facilitation of a Rural Intentional Community." Lismore, NSW: Southern Cross University. Blomley, Nicholas. Law, Space, and the Geographies of Power. New York: Guildford Press, 1994. Blomley, Nicholas. Unsettling the City: Urban Land and the Politics of Property. New York: Routledge, 2004. 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Page, John. “Common Property and the Age of Aquarius.” Griffith Law Review 19 (2010): 172-196. Page, John, Ann Brower, and Johannes Welsh. “The Curious Untidiness of Property and Ecosystem Services: A Hybrid Method of Measuring Place.” Pace Environmental Law Rev. 32 (2015): forthcoming. Reich, Charles. “The New Property.” Yale Law Journal 73 (1964): 733-787. Richmond River Historical Society Archives. “After Nimbin What?” Nimbin Aquarius file, flyer. Lismore, NSW. Rose, Carol M. Property and Persuasion Essays on the History, Theory, and Rhetoric of Ownership. Boulder: Westview, 1994. Rose, Carol M. “The Several Futures of Property: Of Cyberspace and Folk Tales, Emission Trades and Ecosystems.” Minnesota Law Rev. 83 (1998-1999): 129-182. Rose, Carol M. “Canons of Property Talk, or Blackstone’s Anxiety.” Yale Law Journal 108 (1998): 601-632. Sargisson, Lucy, and Lyman Tower Sargent. Living in Utopia: New Zealand’s Intentional Communities. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2004. 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Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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