Journal articles on the topic 'Coach-player relationships'

The aim of this study is to examine player-coach relationships and its relevance to motivational processes. The participants of the study were 93 players who played in the matches qualifying for Turkish 1st Women’s Volleyball League in 2018. The study used Player-Coach Relationship Inventory and Motivation in Sports Scale as the data collection instruments. The data obtained were analyzed by using SPSS 20 software, descriptive statistics and Pearson Correlation analysis. The findings of the study revealed no statistically meaningful relationship between player-coach relationship and external motivation and amotivation. However, there was a meaningful relationship between player-coach relationship and internal motivation (r=, 246). Similarly, a meaningful relationship was found between “the duration of player-coach relationship” and the sub dimensions of player-coach relationship, which are “commitment” (r=, 293), “closeness” (r=, 325) and “complementarity” (r=, 325). In short, it can be concluded that as the relationship between players and the coach improves, motivation increases, and as the duration of this relationship increases, player-coach relationship is affected positively.

We examined the link between player satisfaction and the coach–athlete relationship within the organizational environment of a youth football team, and the mediating effect of players' trust in the coach. Participants were 223 young footballers aged between 13 and 19 years, who completed an anonymous self-report survey to assess satisfaction, the coach–athlete relationship, and trust. The results show that players' satisfaction had a significant predictive effect on the coach–athlete relationship, and that players' trust in their coach played a mediating role in this relationship. The results provide researchers with a new perspective for studying the relationships between trust in coaches, athlete satisfaction, and coach–athlete relationships in sports organizations.

Other oriented perfectionism describes a pre-occupation with the expectation that others will achieve excessively high standards of performance. Projecting unrealistic expectations on to each other in a player-coach dyad may disrupt the working relationship and impact on the athlete’s experience within the sport. This study uses Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis to explore, from the coach’s viewpoint, the effects of other oriented perfectionism in tennis coaching. After conducting semi-structured interviews with high level coaches from the United Kingdom, two superordinate themes emerged. ‘Negative effects of coaches’ other-oriented perfectionism’ and ‘Redefining perfectionism’. The findings of this study assist in highlighting areas for possible intervention as well as identifying avenues for future research.

A field experiment was conducted to examine the impact of the Coach Effectiveness Training program on athlete attrition. Eight Little League Baseball coaches attended a preseason sport psychology workshop designed to facilitate desirable coach-athlete interactions. A no-treatment control group consisted of 10 coaches. Children who played for both groups of coaches were interviewed before and after the season and were contacted again the following year. At the end of the initial season, children in the experimental group evaluated their coaches, teammates, and the sport of baseball more positively than children who played for the control-group coaches. Player attrition was assessed at the beginning of the next baseball season, with control-group youngsters withdrawing at a significantly higher rate (26%) than those in the experimental group (5% dropout rate). There was no difference in mean team won-lost percentages between dropouts and returning players, which indicates that the attrition was not due to lack of team success.

Context:Player match statistics in junior Australian football (AF) are not well documented, and contributors to success are poorly understood. A clearer understanding of the relationships between fitness and skill in younger players participating at the foundation level of the performance pathway in AF has implications for the development of coaching priorities (eg, physical or technical).Purpose:To investigate the relationships between indices of fitness (speed, power, and endurance) and skill (coach rating) on player performance (disposals and effective disposals) in junior AF.Methods:Junior male AF players (N = 156, 10–15 y old) were recruited from 12 teams of a single amateur recreational AF club located in metropolitan Victoria. All players were tested for fitness (20-m sprint, vertical jump, 20-m shuttle run) and rated by their coach on a 6-point Likert scale for skill (within a team in comparison with their teammates). Player performance was assessed during a single match in which disposals and their effectiveness were coded from a video recording.Results:Coach rating of skill displayed the strongest correlations and, combined with 20-m shuttle test, showed a good ability to predict the number of both disposals and effective disposals. None of the skill or fitness attributes adequately explained the percentage of effective disposals. The influence of team did not meaningfully contribute to the performance of any of the models.Conclusions:Skill development should be considered a high priority by coaches in junior AF.

This investigation examined the procedures employed by NCAA Division I, II, and ΙΠ athletic directors (ADs) in evaluating their cross country and basketball coaches. Three components were examined: individual input, methods, and criteria for evaluation. Questionnaires were mailed to 660 ADs, and final analyses were conducted on 389 responses. ADs most commonly sought input from athletes, coaches' self-evaluations, senior associate ADs, and university administrators in the evaluation process. Meetings with coaches and watching contests were rated as important methods of evaluation. Factor analyses of evaluation criteria revealed 8 evaluation factors for basketball coaches and 7 for cross country coaches with different underlying structures. For basketball coaches, unique solutions were created for technical-skill development and coach-player relationships. For cross country coaches, these items loaded together creating a general player development factor. MANOVAs examining divisional differences in the evaluation process indicated that significant differences existed between sports and across divisions.

Despite the overwhelming emphasis on job satisfaction in sport management research, scholars continue to advocate for the distinctiveness and importance of evaluating both job satisfaction and dissatisfaction. The purpose of this investigation is to develop a model of job satisfaction and dissatisfaction for intercollegiate coaches. Fifteen head coaches participated in semistructured interviews. Results revealed a sport industry specific three-factor model. Desirable job factors (Player-Coach Relationships, Recognition, and Social Status) were related only to satisfaction. Industry Standard Factors (Sport Policy, Salary, Recruiting, Supervision, and Life Balance) were related only to dissatisfaction. Performance Dependent Factors (Flexibility and Control, Program Building, and Relationships with Colleagues) were related to satisfaction and dissatisfaction. The results support the distinctiveness of job satisfaction and dissatisfaction as constructs, and also demonstrate a continued need for examining job attitudes within context. As sport managers understand the particular expectations of their employees and their industry they can better diagnose and solve employee issues.

The present case study illustrates the treatment of a 19-year-old female lacrosse player, classified as experiencing Performance Dysfunction (Pdy) by the Multilevel Classification System for Sport Psychology (MCS-SP). The self-referred collegiate athlete was treated using the manualized Mindfulness-Acceptance-Commitment (MAC) protocol (Gardner & Moore, 2004a, 2007). The intervention consisted of eight individual sessions and several follow-up contacts via e-mail. The majority of the sessions addressed clinically related and sport-related concerns, including difficulties in emotion regulation and problematic interpersonal relationships. Based on self-report, coach report, and one outcome assessment measure, the psychological intervention resulted in enhanced overall behavioral functioning and enhanced athletic performance. This case study suggests that following careful case formulation based on appropriate assessment and interview data, the MAC intervention successfully targeted the clearly defined psychological processes underlying the athlete’s performance concerns and personal obstacles, thus resulting in enhanced well-being and athletic performance improvements.

AbstractIn the perspective of the General Theory of Fighting Arts, an analysis of socio-cultural factors that determine the opposition of the role of a teacher of martial arts (Jap. sensei) to the role of a sports trainers was undertaken. The structural cultural context, cultural patterns, and social institutions resulting from divergent goals were taken into account. The roles of teachers and trainers result from these conditions. The existence of the separate roles of the master-teacher in martial arts and the sports trainer was established. These roles manifest themselves in different relations with students or players. Democratic and egalitarian interactions in sports teams include player and coach relations. In traditional martial arts, the dominance of the teacher is more accepted. However, there is also a social position combining the features of the sensei and the trainer that is typical for combat sports that are also martial arts (participating in sports competitions). As there are relationships of subordination in the hierarchical societies of Japan and Korea, there is no problem with recognizing the primary role of the sensei in these cultures. The position of the master-teacher is also sanctified by tradition. Reducing educational systems, which are the paths of martial arts, to oriental varieties of sports would be a serious factual mistake.

Тhe article considers the problem of psychological climate in a sports team. The paper presents an analysis of different approaches to the problem of interpersonal relations in a sports team, as well as substantiates the need to create a favorable psychological climate in a volleyball team. During the work, the coach is faced with different types of psychological climate and naturally there is a need to change it. It is necessary to establish contacts within the system, make the most of the capabilities of each player. In addition, athletes, respect their mentor and highly value his authority, in the process of training show honesty, the desire to perform any task of the coach, no matter how difficult it may be. It is clear that such an attitude to activity, multiplied by years of training, with the appropriate level of ability can not but lead to the achievement of high sportsmanship. The results of the study of the psychological climate and interpersonal relationships in the student volleyball team are presented. It was determined that low normative behavior is observed in 58.75% of players, 30% have an average level and 12.25% have high normative behavior. According to the results of testing among athletes of the volleyball team aged 18-21 in 60% of subjects - low inadequate self-esteem, which is expressed in dissatisfaction with themselves, insecurity, as well as excessive self- criticism. Adequate self-esteem and a certain maturity were found in 40% of the subjects. Accordingly, low self-esteem, which is present in athletes with low behavioral norms, who try to increase their importance through self-expression due to behavioral characteristics. They evade social requirements, try to stand out in the group, violate discipline. When determining the relationship of the psychological climate in the team, it was found that it is influenced by such factors as the level of self-esteem (r = 0.62, at p <0.05) and closed-sociability (r = 0.58, at p <0, 05). Thus, a favorable psychological climate helps the team to move faster towards a common goal, overcome difficulties, the ability to find compromise solutions in conflict situations and, as a result, higher rates of personal and team satisfaction.

Modern neuroscience is proposing time models on how changes in brain neuro-patterns change human cognition, emotion and behaviour. Indeed the word “change” is very often used by coaches at any grade and level to elicit different behaviours from athletes and tennis players. However, in an individual sport like tennis in which self-esteem and confidence are paramount, the word, concept and image of “change” may shake the player’s self-esteem and jeopardise the overall coach-player relationship.

The current study tested the hypothesis that there would be a positive relationship between sport team identification and willingness to injure anonymously an opposing player or coach. To test this hypothesis, 88 college students were asked to indicate their willingness to murder someone anonymously and their willingness to injure anonymously the star player and coach of a rival team. The data confirmed the hypothesis, even after controlling for level of sport fandom. However, because the data failed to reveal a significant relationship between team identification and desire to murder someone anonymously, it is apparent that the highly identified fans were not simply more aggressive in general. Rather, they were more aggressive only when the target was a player or coach of a rival team. Discussion centers on the instrumental nature of the current form of fan aggression.

Background: Being part of a football academy environment is associated with many advantages. Even so, academy players will also encounter a range of personal and interpersonal challenges that might affect their development, including stress and the coach-athlete relationship. Objective: This study’s purpose was to investigate how football academy players assessed their own skills compared to their teammates, and how this is associated with perceived stressors and their perceived relationship with their coach. Method: Participants (N= 122) represented 3 football academies (12-19 years old). Instruments used were CART-Q and a modified version of the Adolescent Stress Questionnaire. Results: The results showed that the players with high-perceived skill reported a higher amount of self-organized training, more playing time, and a lower level of performance stress compared to the low perceived skill players. The results also indicate that the players perceived they had a close coach-athlete relationship and a low level of stress. Conclusion: The results suggest that low perceived skill players should receive equitable focus from coaches, especially related to their performance stress.

The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between athlete ability and coach feedback with perceived competence and satisfaction among female adolescent athletes. Athletes (N = 123) reported their perceptions of coaches' use of feedback, their own field hockey competence, and satisfaction with the coach and team involvement. In addition, coaches' ratings of athletes' ability were obtained. Analyses revealed that both ability and coach feedback were significantly related to perceived competence and satisfaction. Specifically, a hierarchical regression analysis revealed that higher ability, more frequent praise and information, and less frequent encouragement and corrective information were related to higher perceived competence. Further, a canonical correlation analysis revealed that higher ability, frequent praise and information after a good performance, and frequent encouragement and corrective information after an error were associated with greater satisfaction with the coach and team involvement. The results are discussed in relation to Harter's (1978) competence motivation theory).

Knowing a player's temperament can help the coach in the communication relationship between him and the player. First, the coach will know how to approach the subject to get a certain answer in practice or matches. Subjects were handball players born in 2005 or younger, at the category juniors III from Sporting Ghimbav Sports Club. The initial testing took place on 22nd December 2018 and 9th January 2019 and the final testing on 23rd November 2019. The method used is the application of psychological test, the Guide Belov for identifying the temperament, and interpretation of the results. The conclusions of the study have highlighted useful information on how to improve the training of the junior players.

Previous research had indicated that a sizeable minority of sport fans admit a willingness to anonymously injure a star player or coach of a rival team. Highly identified fans were particularly likely to consider these acts. The current investigation attempted to extend the previous work by examining the frequency with which individuals would consider, under the protection of anonymity, engaging in anti-social acts of cheating that are either illegal or violate societal norms. A sizeable minority of a college student sample admitted a willingness to consider a number of such acts and, as hypothesized, there was a significant positive correlation between team identification and reports of willingness.

Two popular leadership models were examined: transformational/transactional leadership and leader member exchange (LMX). The aim was to assess which model is the most appropriate to use when coaching a baseball team to build teamwork. While the transformational/transactional model was found to be sufficient to determine coaching behaviors towards the team as an entity and in inspiring the team, it was not found to address sufficiently the actual workings of the coach-player relationship. For this purpose, the LMX model was considered to be more useful. The LMX model also included more specific mechanisms for the improvement of teamwork than the transformational/transactional model.

NBA player Latrell Sprewell’s attack on his coach, P.J. Carlesimo, in 1997, received extraordinary attention in the media. The coverage of the incident and subsequent trial revealed the media’s attitude toward violence within cultural representations of sport. This paper focuses on the way that violence associated with sport can be understood in relationship to the normalization of violence against women in American culture. Specifically, I focus on how the violent acts of athletes and coaches elicit different social responses depending on the social status of the victim. I argue that media representations, framed within narratives that construct their importance around gendered ideas of private and public spheres, work to support current race, class, and gender hierarchies. I also offer alternative ways of understanding the incident given the peculiar work setting of professional sport.

Sports career involves an important educational process in the development of the human being. Through sports, each athlete achieves physical, spiritual and psychological skills that can help the social integration. The purpose of this paper aims to identify the mechanisms of internal motivation for sports career at a former basketball player. We are interested in finding out the relationship between internal motivation and building the professional identity and reaching a certain professional status. The date collected during the interview methods helps us to create a case study that reflects the building process of the identity of a professional basketball player. The date was collected in August 2017, when the interview took place. The former athlete nowadays is a 73 years old basketball coach. The interview was structured and investigated different aspects of his career: the psychological aspects of a professional athlete life style, the structure of his motivation for sports career and its implications during competition. We understood the social status of a sportsman as an important part of his identity. Our research led us to a better understanding of characteristics of the emotional support system of the basketball player and his needs identified for a complex training in sports competitive activities. The role of the sports competitive activities can be linked to the building professional identity and to the achievement of the competitive spirit and resilience in any stressful situations that can challenge emotional resources of the human being. We could emphasis the connection between the achievement of the sports educational process and the everyday life events where the resilience can make the important change between gain and loss, success and failure.

This paper aimed to shed light on the emotional nature of practice in coaching. In particular, this article was designed to explore the relationship between emotion, cognition, and behavior in the coaching context, through a narrative exploration of Zach’s (a pseudonym) experiences as the head coach of a semiprofessional soccer team. Data for this study were collected through a series of in-depth semistructured interviews that were transcribed verbatim and subject to inductive analysis. Two embracing categories were identified in the interview data. The first demonstrated how Zach frequently concealed his true emotions and enacted others in an attempt to achieve his desired ends. The second highlighted how Zach’s past experiences as a player had influenced how he wished to portray himself to his squad, and, importantly, helped him to sympathize with the thoughts and feelings of his players. Here, Lazarus and Folkman’s (1986) cognitive appraisal theory, Denzin’s (1984) writings on understanding emotions, and Hochschild’s (1983) work on emotional labor were used to offer one suggested, but not conclusive, reading of the emotional aspects of Zach’s practice.

The study aimed to identify how the manipulation of knowledge regarding a training task duration constrains the pacing and tactical behaviour of soccer players when playing small-sided games (SSG). Twenty professional and experienced soccer players participated in a cross-sectional field study using three conditions: not informed on the duration of the SSG, which ended after 20 min (Unknown Condition); briefed about playing the SSG for 10 min, but after they completed the 10-min game, they were requested to complete another 10 min (Partial Condition) and informed before that they would play for 20 min (Known Condition). A global positioning system was used to measure the total distance covered and distances of different exercise training zones (walking to sprinting) and to access the dynamic players positioning through the distance from each player to all the teammates and opponents. Additionally, approximate entropy was measured to identify the regularity pattern of each gathered individual variable. The results indicate that the first 10 min of each scenario presented a higher physical impact independently of the initial information. During this time, the tactical behaviour also revealed higher variability. An increase in the distance of the teammates during the second period of 10-min for the Known scenario was also found, which may result from a lower pacing strategy. This study showed that the prior knowledge of the task duration led to different physical and tactical behaviours of the players. Furthermore, the relationship between the physical impact and the regularity of team game patterns should be well analysed by the coach, because the physical impact may be harmful to the development of the collective organization of the team.

El ciclo de calidad de la intervención del entrenador implica conocer como es el proceso de planificación y su aplicación práctica, para posteriormente proceder a su análisis y evaluación. El principal objetivo de esta investigación fue caracterizar el proceso de entrenamiento que realiza un equipo amateur masculino de balonmano y la relación que existe entre la variable Situación de Juego con en el resto de las variables que conforman el entrenamiento. Para ello, las situaciones de juego se agruparon en situaciones sin oposición, situaciones individuales, situaciones reducidas de igualdad numérica, situaciones reducidas de superioridad numérica y juego completo. Se analizaron un total de 141 tareas de entrenamientos y se codificaron a través del instrumento Sistema Integral para el Análisis de las Tareas de Entrenamiento. Se realizó un análisis descriptivo de las Variables Pedagógicas y de Carga Externa para posteriormente estudiar la relación entre estas variables con la variable independiente Situación de Juego. Para ello, se utilizaron las pruebas estadísticas Chi2 para la relación de dependencia y V de Cramer para calcular el nivel de asociación a través de los Residuos Tipificados Corregidos. El análisis confirma que el entrenador emplea situaciones reducidas y se muestran diferencias en todas las variables analizadas en función del Tipo de Situación de Juego. Una mayor variedad en el empleo de las diferentes variables que definen una tarea facilita y fomenta el desarrollo pedagógico y físico del jugador del balonmano que repercute en el resultado final en competición. Abstract. The quality cycle of the coach's intervention implies knowing what the planning process and its implementation are like, in order to subsequently proceed to its analysis and evaluation. The purpose of this research was to describe the training process carried out by a male amateur handball team and how the Game Situation variable influences the rest of the variables that make up the training. To do this, the game situations were grouped into Unopposed Situations, Individual Situations, Small Sided Games of Numerical Equality, Small Sided Games of Numerical Superiority and Full Games. A total of 141 training tasks were analyzed and coded using the Integral Analysis System of Training Tasks. A descriptive analysis of the Pedagogical and External Load Variables was carried out to later study the relationship between these variables with the independent variable Game Situation. For this, the Chi2 statistical tests for the dependency relationship and Cramer's V were used to calculate the level of association through the Corrected Typified Residuals. The analysis confirms that the coach uses reduced situations and differences are shown in all the variables analyzed depending on the Type of Game Situation. A greater variety in the use of the different variables that define a task facilitates and encourages the pedagogical and physical development of the handball player, which affects the final result in competition.

The current study aimed to explore the perceptions of football academy coaches on their use of a novel reflective tool (Think Aloud [TA]) and to understand if this can support the development of knowledge within coaches. Eight male coaches (Mage = 36) employed full time at a Category 1 football academy within the United Kingdom took part. All coaches attended a 2-hr workshop on the use of TA as a reflective tool, with the opportunity to practice TA while coaching. Participants were interviewed on their perceptions of TA as a reflective tool using a semistructured approach. Data were analyzed abductively, which allowed the generation of initial codes and the involvement of the triad of knowledge (professional, interpersonal, and intrapersonal knowledge), which has been adopted within coaching and identified as an approach to developing coaching expertise, within the analysis process. Findings suggest that all three types of knowledge can be developed through the use of TA, with subthemes identified within each type of knowledge: professional knowledge (player and coach development and session design), interpersonal knowledge (communication and relationships), and intrapersonal knowledge (biases, self-awareness, and reflection). This research offers a novel perspective on coach development through the implementation of TA, with potential to support the development of coaching knowledge and expertise.

Abstract Background Subjective monitoring of rate of perceived exertion is common practice in many sports. Typically, the information is used to understand the training load and at times modify forthcoming sessions. Identifying the relationship between the athlete and coach’s interpretation of training would likely further benefit understanding load management. The aim of this systematic review was to evaluate the relationship between coaches’ rating of intended exertion (RIE) and/or rating of observed exertion (ROE) and athletes’ reported rating of perceived exertion (RPE). Methods The review was undertaken in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses guidelines. We conducted a search of Medline, Google Scholar, Science Direct, SPORTDiscus, and Web of Science databases. We assessed the correlation between coach-reported RIE and/or ROE and RPE. Assessment for risk of bias was undertaken using the Quality Appraisal for Reliability Studies (QAREL) checklist. Inclusion criteria were (1) male and/or female individuals, (2) individual and/or team sport active participants, and (3) original research article published in the English language. Results Data from 19 articles were found to meet the eligibility criteria. A random effect meta-analysis based on 11 studies demonstrated a positive association of player vs. coach rating of RIE (r = 0.62 [95% CI 0.5 to 0.7], p < 0.001). The pooled correlation from 7 studies of player vs. coach rating on ROE was r = 0.64 95% CI (0.5 to 0.7), p < 0.001. Conclusion There was a moderate to high association between coach RIE and/or ROE and athlete-reported RPE and this association seems to be influenced by many factors. The suggestions we present in this review are based on imploring practitioners to consider a multi-modal approach and the implications of monitoring when using RPE. Trial Registration CRD42020193387

The purpose of this study was to analyze the relationship between concentration and hand eye coordination with the accuracy of backhand backspin service. Quantitative approaches and correlational methods are used in this study. This research was conducted at PTM Gempas. The population in this study were all cadet athletes at PTM Gempas, while the sampling technique used was saturated sampling, which means that all athletes totaling 20 people were used as samples. Player concentration data is collected using a concentration grid test, hand eye coordination data is obtained by throwing a tennis ball test, and data for backhand backspin service accuracy is obtained by testing servicing. The results of this study are as follows: 1) Concentration has a strong enough relationship with the accuracy of backhand backspin service, 2) Hand eye coordination has a strong enough relationship with backhand backspin service accuracy. 3) Concentration and hand eye coordination together have a strong enough relationship with backhand backspin service accuracy. Table tennis coach should train the concentration and eye-hand coordination to improve the athlete's service accuracy.

Coach observation studies commonly examine training and competition environments, with little attention paid to the ways in which coaches provide video feedback in a performance analysis setting. In addition, few studies have considered the reception of feedback by an athlete, or the characteristics of the athlete that may support or hinder feedback reception. The purposes of this study were threefold. First, to examine the characteristics of feedback provided by a coach during a typical video feedback meeting. Second, to measure the impact of this feedback on athlete learning. Third, to consider a range of learner characteristics that may impact feedback reception. Six coaches and six players affiliated with an Australian Football League (AFL) club were recruited. Coach-player dyads were observed in one-to-one video feedback meetings following a game played in the 2017 season. Players were interviewed to test feedback recall. Players also completed a series of tests designed to measure learner characteristics, with the intention of discovering moderating factors of the relationship between feedback and learning outcomes. Rates of feedback generally mirrored those found in previous studies. Coaches provided nearly 30 feedback messages during each meeting. Players recalled 50% of summarised feedback messages but just 6% of all feedback a week later. A ceiling effect on learner characteristics was observed. The paper presents a novel design for examining feedback effectiveness while considering learner characteristics. Given the findings on feedback quantity and recall, coaches are encouraged to adopt a ‘less is more’ approach to providing feedback.

Abstract Purpose Evaluate team and player compliance with the Knee Control injury prevention exercise programme, study the association between player compliance and injury rates, and compare coach demographics, baseline prevention expectancies, and programme utilisation between teams with high and low compliance. Methods Prospective one-season cohort study based on a cluster randomised controlled trial on 301 (107 female) floorball players aged 12–17 years. Floorball exposure and injuries were self-reported weekly by players using the Oslo Sports Trauma Research Center questionnaire. Team and player compliance to Knee Control was reported monthly by coaches. Additionally, coaches answered pre- and post-season surveys. Teams were divided into a high (≥ 80%) or low (< 80%) compliance group based on their use of Knee Control during the season. Players were divided into three compliance groups based on their average weekly number of Knee Control sessions; high (≥ 2 sessions), intermediate (≥ 1 to < 2 sessions), and low dose (< 1 session). Results Mean team compliance for the high and low compliance groups were 95% (range 82–100) and 50% (range 13–66), respectively. Mean ± SD weekly Knee Control dose in the three player compliance groups were 2.4 ± 0.3, 1.4 ± 0.3, and 0.7 ± 0.3 sessions, respectively. There were no differences in total injury incidence between the player compliance groups, but players in the high-dose group had a 35% lower prevalence of injuries overall [adjusted prevalence rate ratio (PRR) 0.65, 95% CI 0.48–0.89] and 60% lower prevalence of substantial injuries (adjusted PRR 0.40, 95% CI 0.26–0.61) compared with the low-dose group. Male players in the high-dose group had consistently lower injury incidence and prevalence, while no between compliance group differences were seen in female players. There were no differences in sex, years of coaching experience, or baseline prevention expectancies in general between coaches for teams in the high vs. low compliance groups, but teams in the high compliance group had a better utilisation fidelity. Conclusion There was a clear dose–response relationship between more frequent Knee Control use and lower injury rates in male floorball players, but not in female players. Teams with higher compliance also showed a better utilisation fidelity with the programme. Level of evidence Level II.

We take as our subject what many would deem a waste of good celluloid: the degraded cultural form of the stoner film. Stoner films plot the experiences of the wasted (those intoxicated on marijuana) as they exhibit wastefulness—excessiveness, improvidence, decay—on a number of fronts. Stoners waste time in constantly hunting for pot and in failing to pursue more productive activity whilst wasted. Stoners waste their minds, both literally, if we believe contested studies that indicate marijuana smoking kills brains cells, and figuratively, in rendering themselves cognitively impaired. Stoners waste their bodies through the dangerous practice of smoking and through the tendency toward physical inertia. Stoners waste money on marijuana firstly, but also on such sophomoric accoutrements as the stoner film itself. Stoners lay waste to convention in excessively seeking pleasure and in dressing and acting outrageously. And stoners, if the scatological humour of so many stoner films is any index, are preoccupied with bodily waste. Stoners, we argue here, waste whiteness as well. As the likes of Jesse and Chester (Dude, Where’s My Car?), Wayne and Garth (Wayne’s World), Bill and Ted (Bill and Ted’s Excellent Adventure) and Jay and Silent Bob (Jay and Silent Bob Strike Back) make clear, whiteness looms large in stoner films. Yet the genre, we argue, disavows its own whiteness, in favour of a post-white hybridity that lavishly squanders white privilege. For all its focus on whiteness, filmic wastedness has always been an ethnically diverse and ambiguous category. The genre’s origins in the work of Cheech Marin, a Chicano, and Tommy Chong, a Chinese-European Canadian, have been buttressed in this regard by many African American contributions to the stoner oeuvre, including How High, Half Baked and Friday, as well as by Harold and Kumar Go to White Castle, and its Korean-American and Indian-American protagonists. Cheech and Chong initiated the genre with the release of Up in Smoke in 1978. A host of films have followed featuring protagonists who spend much of their time smoking and seeking marijuana (or—in the case of stoner films such as Dude, Where’s My Car? released during the height of the War on Drugs—acting stoned without ever being seen to get stoned). Inspired in part by the 1938 anti-marijuana film Reefer Madness, and the unintended humour such propaganda films begat amongst marijuana smokers, stoner films are comedies that satirise both marijuana culture and its prohibition. Self-consciously slapstick, the stoner genre excludes more serious films about drugs, from Easy Rider to Shaft, as well as films such as The Wizard of Oz, Yellow Submarine, the Muppet movies, and others popular amongst marijuana smokers because of surreal content. Likewise, a host of films that include secondary stoner characters, such as Jeff Spicoli in Fast Times at Ridgemont High and Wooderson in Dazed and Confused, are commonly excluded from the genre on the grounds that the stoner film, first and foremost, celebrates stonerism, that is “serious commitment to smoking and acquiring marijuana as a lifestyle choice.” (Meltzer). Often taking the form of the “buddy film,” stoner flicks generally feature male leads and frequently exhibit a decidedly masculinist orientation, with women, for the most part reduced to little more than the object of the white male gaze.The plot, such as it is, of the typical stoner film concerns the search for marijuana (or an accessory, such as junk food) and the improbable misadventures that ensue. While frequently represented as resourceful and energetic in their quest for marijuana, filmic stoners otherwise exhibit ambivalent attitudes toward enterprise that involves significant effort. Typically represented as happy and peaceable, filmic stoners rarely engage in conflict beyond regular clashes with authority figures determined to enforce anti-drug laws, and other measures that stoners take to be infringements upon happiness. While Hollywood’s stoners thus share a sense of entitlement to pleasure, they do not otherwise exhibit a coherent ideological orthodoxy beyond a certain libertarian and relativistic open-mindedness. More likely to take inspiration from comic book heroes than Aldous Huxley or Timothy Leary, stoners are most often portrayed as ‘dazed and confused,’ and could be said to waste the intellectual tradition of mind expansion that Leary represents. That stoner films are, at times, misunderstood to be quintessentially white is hardly suprising. As a social construct that creates, maintains and legitimates white domination, whiteness manifests, as one of its most defining features, an ability to swallow up difference and to insist upon, at critical junctures, a universal subjectivity that disallows for difference (hooks 167). Such universalising not only sanctions co-optation of ethnic cultural expression, it also functions to mask whiteness’s existence, thus reinforcing its very power. Whiteness, as Richard Dyer argues, is simultaneously everywhere and nowhere. It obfuscates itself and its relationship to the particular traits it is said to embody—disinterest, prudence, temperance, rationality, bodily restraint, industriousness (3). Whiteness is thus constructed as neither an ethnic nor racial particularity, but rather the transcendence of such positionality (Wiegman 139). While non-whites are raced, to be white is to be “just human” and thus to possess the power to “claim to speak for the commonality of humanity” whilst denying the accrual of any particular racial privilege (Dyer 2). In refuting its own advantages—which are so wide ranging (from preferential treatment in housing loans, to the freedom to fail without fear of reflecting badly on other whites) that they are, like whiteness itself, both assumed and unproblematic—whiteness instantiates individualism, allowing whites to believe that their successes are in no way the outcome of systematic racial advantage, but rather the product of individual toil (McIntosh; Lipsitz). An examination of the 1978 stoner film Up in Smoke suggests that whatever the ethnic ambiguity of the figure of the stoner, the genre of the stoner film is all about the wasting of whiteness. Up in Smoke opens with two alternating domestic scenes. We first encounter Pedro De Pacas (Cheech Marin) in a cluttered and shadowy room as his siblings romp affectionately upon his back, waking him from his slumber on the couch. Pedro rises, stepping into a bowl of cereal on the floor. He stumbles to the bathroom, where, sleepy and disoriented, he urinates into the laundry hamper. The chaos of Pedro’s disrupted sleep is followed in the film by a more metaphoric awakening as Anthony Stoner (Tommy Chong) determines to leave home. The scene takes place in a far more orderly, light and lavish room. The space’s overpowering whiteness is breached only by the figure of Anthony and his unruly black hair, bushy black beard, and loud Hawaiian shirt, which vibrates with colour against the white walls, white furnishings and white curtains. We watch as Anthony, behind an elaborate bar, prepares a banana protein shake, impassively ignoring his parents, both clothed in all-white, as they clutch martini glasses and berate their son for his lack of ambition. Arnold Stoner [father]: Son, your mother and me would like for you to cozy up to the Finkelstein boy. He's a bright kid, and, uh... he's going to military school, and remember, he was an Eagle Scout. Tempest Stoner [mother]: Arnold…Arnold Stoner: [shouts over/to his wife] Will you shut up? We’re not going to have a family brawl!Tempest Stoner: [continues talking as her husband shouts]…. Retard.Arnold Stoner: [to Anthony] We've put up with a hell of a lot.[Anthony starts blender] Can this wait? ... Build your goddamn muscles, huh? You know, you could build your muscles picking strawberries.You know, bend and scoop... like the Mexicans. Shit, maybe I could get you a job with United Fruit. I got a buddy with United Fruit. ... Get you started. Start with strawberries, you might work your way up to these goddamn bananas! When, boy? When...are you going to get your act together?Anthony: [Burps]Tempest Stoner: Gross.Arnold Stoner: Oh, good God Almighty me. I think he's the Antichrist. Anthony, I want to talk to you. [Anthony gathers his smoothie supplements and begins to walk out of the room.] Now, listen! Don't walk away from me when I'm talking to you! You get a goddamn job before sundown, or we're shipping you off to military school with that goddamn Finkelstein shit kid! Son of a bitch!The whiteness of Anthony’s parents is signified so pervasively and so strikingly in this scene—in their improbable white outfits and in the room’s insufferably white décor—that we come to understand it as causative. The rage and racism of Mr. Stoner’s tirade, the scene suggests, is a product of whiteness itself. Given that whiteness achieves and maintains its domination via both ubiquity and invisibility, what Up in Smoke accomplishes in this scene is notable. Arnold Stoner’s tortured syntax (“that goddamn Finkelstein shit kid”) works to “mak[e] whiteness strange” (Dyer 4), while the scene’s exaggerated staging delineates whiteness as “a particular – even peculiar – identity, rather than a presumed norm” (Roediger, Colored White 21). The belligerence of the senior Stoners toward not only their son and each other, but the world at large, in turn, functions to render whiteness intrinsically ruthless and destructive. Anthony’s parents, in all their whiteness, enact David Roediger’s assertion that “it is not merely that ‘Whiteness’s is oppressive and false; it is that ‘Whiteness’s is nothing but oppressive and false” (Toward the Abolition 13).Anthony speaks not a word during the scene. He communicates only by belching and giving his parents the finger as he leaves the room and the home. This departure is significant in that it marks the moment when Anthony, hereafter known only as “Man,” flees the world of whiteness. He winds up taking refuge in the multi-hued world of stonerism, as embodied in the scene that follows, which features Pedro emerging from his home to interact with his Chicano neighbours and to lovingly inspect his car. As a lowrider, a customised vehicle that “begin[s] with the abandoned materials of one tradition (that of mainstream America), … [and is] … then transformed and recycled . . . into new and fresh objects of art which are distinctly Chicano,” Pedro’s car serves as a symbol of the cultural hybridisation that Man is about to undergo (quoted in Ondine 141).As Man’s muteness in the presence of his parents suggests, his racial status seems tentative from the start. Within the world of whiteness, Man is the subaltern, silenced and denigrated, finding voice only after he befriends Pedro. Even as the film identifies Man as white through his parental lineage, it renders indeterminate its own assertion, destabilising any such fixed or naturalised schema of identity. When Man is first introduced to Pedro’s band as their newest member, James, the band’s African American bass player, looks at Man, dressed in the uniform of the band, and asks: “Hey Pedro, where’s the white dude you said was playing the drums?” Clearly, from James’s point of view, the room contains no white dudes, just stoners. Man’s presumed whiteness becomes one of the film’s countless gags, the provocative ambiguity of the casting of a Chinese-European to play a white part underscored in the film by the equally implausible matter of age. Man, according to the film’s narrative, is a high school student; Chong was forty when the film was released. Like his age, Man’s whiteness is never a good fit. That Man ultimately winds up sleeping on the very couch upon which we first encounter Pedro suggests how radical and final the break with his dubious white past is. The “Mexicans” whom his father would mock as fit only for abject labour are amongst those whom Man comes to consider his closest companions. In departing his parents’ white world, and embracing Pedro’s dilapidated, barrio-based world of wastedness, Man traces the geographies narrated by George Lipsitz in The Possessive Investment in Whiteness. Historically, Lipsitz argues, the development of affluent white space (the suburbs) was made possible by the disintegration of African American, Chicano and other minority neighbourhoods disadvantaged by federal, state, and corporate housing, employment, health care, urban renewal, and education policies that favoured whites over non-whites. In this sense, Man’s flight from his parents’ home is a retreat from whiteness itself, and from the advantages that whiteness conveys. In choosing the ramshackle, non-white world of stonerism, Man performs an act of racial treachery. Whiteness, Lipsitz contends, has “cash value,” and “is invested in, like property, but it is also a means of accumulating property and keeping it from others,” which allows for “intergenerational transfers of inherited wealth that pass on the spoils of discrimination to succeeding generations” (vii-viii). Man’s disavowal of the privileges of whiteness is a reckless refusal to accept this racial birthright. Whiteness is thus wasted upon Man because Man wastes his whiteness. Given the centrality of prudence and restraint to hegemonic constructions of whiteness, Man’s willingness to squander the “valuable asset” that is his white inheritance is especially treasonous (Harris 1713). Man is the prodigal son of whiteness, a profligate who pours down the drain “the wages of whiteness” that his forbearers have spent generations accruing and protecting (Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness). His waste not only offends the core values which whiteness is said to comprise, it also denigrates whiteness itself by illuminating the excess of white privilege, as well as the unarticulated excess of meanings that hover around whiteness to create the illusion of transcendence and infinite variety. Man’s performance, like all bad performances of whiteness, “disrupt[s] implicit understandings of what it means to be white” (Hartigan 46). The spectre of seeing white domination go ‘up in smoke’—via wasting, as opposed to hoarding, white privilege—amounts to racial treason, and helps not only to explicate why whites in the film find stonerism so menacing, but also to explain the paradox of “pot [making] the people who don’t smoke it even more paranoid than the people who do” (Patterson). While Tommy Chong’s droll assertion that "what makes us so dangerous is that we're harmless" ridicules such paranoia, it ultimately fails to account for the politics of subversive squandering of white privilege that characterise the stoner film (“Biographies”). Stoners in Up in Smoke, as in most other stoner films, are marked as non-white, through association with ethnic Others, through their rejection of mainstream ideas about work and achievement, and/or through their lack of bodily restraint in relentlessly seeking pleasure, in dressing outrageously, and in refusing to abide conventional grooming habits. Significantly, the non-white status of the stoner is both voluntary and deliberate. While stonerism embraces its own non-whiteness, its Otherness is not signified, primarily, through racial cross-dressing of the sort Eric Lott detects in Elvis, but rather through race-mixing. Stoner collectivity practices an inclusivity that defies America’s historic practice of racial and ethnic segregation (Lott 248). Stonerism further reveals its unwillingness to abide constrictive American whiteness in a scene in which Pedro and Man, both US-born Americans, are deported. The pair are rounded up along with Pedro’s extended family in a raid initiated when Pedro’s cousin “narcs” on himself to la migra (the Immigration and Naturalization Service) in order to get free transport for his extended family to his wedding in Tijuana. Pedro and Man return to the US as unwitting tricksters, bringing back to the US more marijuana than has ever crossed the Mexican-US border at one time, fusing the relationship between transnationalism and wastedness. The disrespect that stoners exhibit for pregnable US borders contests presumed Chicano powerlessness in the face of white force and further affronts whiteness, which historically has mobilised itself most virulently at the threat of alien incursion. Transgression here is wilful and playful; stoners intend to offend normative values and taste through their actions, their dress, and non-white associations as part of the project of forging a new hybridised, transnational subjectivity that threatens to lay waste to whiteness’s purity and privilege. Stoners invite the scrutiny of white authority with their outrageous attire and ethnically diverse composition, turning the “inevitability of surveillance” (Borrie 87) into an opportunity to enact their own wastedness—their wasted privilege, their wasted youth, their wasted potential—before a gaze that is ultimately confounded and threatened by the chaotic hybridity with which it is faced (Hebdige 26). By perpetually displaying his/her wasted Otherness, the stoner makes of him/herself a “freak,” a label cops use derisively throughout Up in Smoke to denote the wasted without realising that stoners define themselves in precisely such terms, and, by doing so, obstruct whiteness’s assertion of universal subjectivity. Pedro’s cousin Strawberry (Tom Skerritt), a pot dealer, enacts freakishness by exhibiting a large facial birthmark and by suffering from Vietnam-induced Post Traumatic Stress disorder. A freak in every sense of the word, Strawberry is denied white status by virtue of physical and mental defect. But Strawberry, as a stoner, ultimately wants whiteness even less than it wants him. The defects that deny him membership in the exclusive “club” that is whiteness prove less significant than the choice he makes to defect from the ranks of whiteness and join with Man in the decision to waste his whiteness wantonly (“Editorial”). Stoner masculinity is represented as similarly freakish and defective. While white authority forcefully frustrates the attempts of Pedro and Man to “score” marijuana, the duo’s efforts to “score” sexually are thwarted by their own in/action. More often than not, wastedness produces impotence in Up in Smoke, either literally or figuratively, wherein the confusion and misadventures that attend pot-smoking interrupt foreplay. The film’s only ostensible sex scene is unconsummated, a wasted opportunity for whiteness to reproduce itself when Man sleeps through his girlfriend’s frenzied discussion of sex. During the course of Up in Smoke, Man dresses as a woman while hitchhiking, Pedro mistakes Man for a woman, Man sits on Pedro’s lap when they scramble to change seats whilst being pulled over by the police, Man suggests that Pedro has a “small dick,” Pedro reports liking “manly breasts,” and Pedro—unable to urinate in the presence of Sgt. Stedenko—tells his penis that if it does not perform, he will “put [it] back in the closet.” Such attenuations of the lead characters’ masculinity climax in the penultimate scene, in which Pedro, backed by his band, performs “Earache My Eye,” a song he has just composed backstage, whilst adorned in pink tutu, garter belt, tassle pasties, sequined opera mask and Mickey Mouse ears: My momma talkin’ to me tryin’ to tell me how to liveBut I don't listen to her cause my head is like a sieveMy daddy he disowned me cause I wear my sister's clothesHe caught me in the bathroom with a pair of pantyhoseMy basketball coach he done kicked me off the teamFor wearing high heeled sneakers and acting like a queen“Earache My Eye” corroborates the Othered natured of stonerism by marking stoners, already designated as non-white, as non-straight. In a classic iteration of a bad gender performance, the scene rejects both whiteness and its hegemonic partners-in-crime, heterosexuality and normative masculinity (Butler 26). Here stoners waste not only their whiteness, but also their white masculinity. Whiteness, and its dependence upon “intersection … [with] interlocking axes [of power such as] gender … [and] sexuality,” is “outed” in this scene (Shome 368). So, too, is it enfeebled. In rendering masculinity freakish and defective, the film threatens whiteness at its core. For if whiteness can not depend upon normative masculinity for its reproduction, then, like Man’s racial birthright, it is wasted. The stoner’s embodiment of freakishness further works to emphasise wasted whiteness by exposing just how hysterical whiteness’s defense of its own normativity can be. Up in Smoke frequently inflates not only the effects of marijuana, but also the eccentricities of those who smoke it, a strategy which means that much of the film’s humour turns on satirising hegemonic stereotypes of marijuana smokers. Equally, Cheech Marin’s exaggerated “slapstick, one-dimensional [portrayal] of [a] Chicano character” works to render ridiculous the very stereotypes his character incarnates (List 183). While the film deconstructs processes of social construction, it also makes extensive use of counter-stereotyping in its depictions of characters marked as white. The result is that whiteness’s “illusion of [its] own infinite variety” is contested and the lie of whiteness as non-raced is exposed, helping to explain the stoner’s decision to waste his/her whiteness (Dyer 12; 2). In Up in Smoke whiteness is the colour of straightness. Straights, who are willing neither to smoke pot nor to tolerate the smoking of pot by others/Others, are so comprehensively marked as white in the film that whiteness and straightness become isomorphic. As a result, the same stereotypes are mobilised in representing whiteness and straightness: incompetence, belligerence, hypocrisy, meanspiritedness, and paranoia, qualities that are all the more oppressive because virtually all whites/straights in the film occupy positions of authority. Anthony’s spectacularly white parents, as we have seen, are bigoted and dominating. Their whiteness is further impugned by alcohol, which fuels Mr. Stoner’s fury and Mrs. Stoner’s unintelligibility. That the senior Stoners are drunk before noon works, of course, to expose the hypocrisy of those who would indict marijuana use while ignoring the social damage alcohol can produce. Their inebriation (revealed as chronic in the DVD’s outtake scenes) takes on further significance when it is configured as a decidedly white attribute. Throughout the film, only characters marked as white consume alcohol—most notably, the judge who is discovered to be drinking vodka whist adjudicating drug charges against Pedro and Man—therefore dislodging whiteness’s self-construction as temperate, and suggesting just how wasted whiteness is. While stonerism is represented as pacific, drunkenness is of a piece with white/straight bellicosity. In Up in Smoke, whites/straights crave confrontation and discord, especially the angry, uptight, and vainglorious narcotics cop Sgt. Stedenko (Stacey Keech) who inhabits so many of the film’s counter-stereotypes. While a trio of white cops roughly apprehend and search a carload of innocent nuns in a manner that Man describes as “cold blooded,” Stedenko, unawares in the foreground, gives an interview about his plans for what he hopes will be the biggest border drug bust in US history: “[Reporter:] Do you expect to see any violence here today? [Sgt. Stedenko:] I certainly hope so.” Stedenko’s desire to act violently against stoners echoes mythologies of white regeneration in the Old West, wherein whiteness refurbished itself through violent attacks on Native Americans, whose wasteful cultures failed to make “civilised” use of western lands (Slotkin 565).White aggression is relentlessly depicted in the film, with one important exception: the instance of the stoned straight. Perhaps no other trope is as defining of the genre, as is the scene wherein a straight person accidentally becomes stoned. Up in Smoke offers several examples, most notably the scene in which a motorcycle cop pulls over Pedro and Man as they drive a van belonging to Pedro’s Uncle Chuey. In a plot twist requiring a degree of willing suspension of disbelief that even wasted audiences might find a stretch, the exterior shell of the van, unbeknownst to Pedro and Man, is made entirely of marijuana which has started to smoulder around the exhaust pipe. The cop, who becomes intoxicated whilst walking through the fumes, does not hassle Pedro and Man, as expected, but instead asks for a bite of their hot dog and then departs happily, instructing the duo to “have a nice day.” In declining, or perhaps simply forgetting, to exercise his authority, the cop demonstrates the regenerative potential not of violent whiteness but rather of hybrid wastedness. Marijuana here is transformative, morphing straight consciousness into stoner consciousness and, in the process, discharging all the uptight, mean-spirited, unnecessary, and hence wasteful baggage of whiteness along the way. While such a utopian potential for pot is both upheld and satirised in the film, the scene amounts to far more than an inconsequential generic gag, in that it argues for the disavowal of whiteness via the assumption of the voluntary Otherness that is stonerism. Whiteness, the scene suggests, can be cast off, discarded, wasted and thus surmounted. Whites, for want of a better phrase, simply need to ‘just say no’ to whiteness in order to excrete the brutality that is its necessary affliction and inevitable result. While Up in Smoke laudably offers a powerful refusal to horde the assets of whiteness, the film fails to acknowledge that ‘just saying no’ is, indeed, one of whiteness’s exclusive privileges, since whites and only whites possess the liberty to refuse the advantages whiteness bestows. Non-whites possess no analogical ability to jettison the social constructions to which they are subjected, to refuse the power of dominant classes to define their subjectivity. Neither does the film confront the fact that Man nor any other of Up in Smoke’s white freaks are disallowed from re-embracing their whiteness, and its attendant value, at any time. However inchoate the film’s challenge to racial privilege, Up in Smoke’s celebration of the subversive pleasures of wasting whiteness offers a tentative, if bleary, first step toward ‘the abolition of whiteness.’ Its utopian vision of a post-white hybridised subjectivity, however dazed and confused, is worthy of far more serious contemplation than the film, taken at face value, might seem to suggest. Perhaps Up in Smoke is a stoner film that should also be viewed while sober. ReferencesBill and Ted’s Excellent Adventure. Dir. Stephen Herek. Orion Pictures Corporation, 1989.“Biographies”. 10 June 2010 ‹http://www.cheechandchongfans.com/biography.html›. Borrie, Lee. "Wild Ones: Containment Culture and 1950s Youth Rebellion”. Diss. University of Canterbury, 2007.Butler, Judith. "Critically Queer”. GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 1.1 (1993): 17-32.Chavoya, C. Ondine. “Customized Hybrids: The Art of Ruben Ortiz Torres and Lowriding in Southern California”. 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