Academic literature on the topic 'Coal miners' strike'

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Journal articles on the topic "Coal miners' strike"

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Nerbas, Don. "“Lawless Coal Miners” and the Lingan Strike of 1882–1883." Labour / Le Travail 92 (November 10, 2023): 81–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.52975/llt.2023v92.005.

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The Lingan strike of 1882–83 was the last in a series of strikes over a two-decade period on Cape Breton Island’s Sydney coalfield. With the use of untapped local sources, this article reconstructs the history of this understudied strike within a broader history of social relations on the coalfield. The migration of labourers from the island’s backland farms – predominantly from Highland enclave settlements – to the coal mines played a decisive role in shaping the era’s new coal mining villages and the character of social conflict. By the early 1880s, structural change associated with National Policy industrialism was eroding the old authority of the coal operators, and miners embraced the Provincial Workmen’s Association (pwa) to advance their claims in long-standing and highly localized contestations. Ultimately the coal communities themselves imposed the emergent trade unionism. The Lingan strike marked a transition to a new political order on the coalfield, structured by the place of the coal mines within the wider Cape Breton countryside and built upon a powerful localism and moral economy that recast the public sphere and the miners’ place in it.
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Arnold, Jörg. "‘That rather sinful city of London’: the coal miner, the city and the country in the British cultural imagination, c. 1969–2014." Urban History 47, no. 2 (June 7, 2019): 292–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926819000555.

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AbstractThe article proceeds from the observation that in the contemporary British cultural imagination, the figure of the coal miner tends to be presented as the embodiment of anti-urban and organicist qualities that in continental Europe are more commonly associated with the peasantry. Drawing on the theoretical insights of Raymond Williams, the article traces the genealogy of this ‘structure of feeling’ back to the time of the miners’ strike of 1984/85 and further back in the 1970s. It argues that the ‘ruralized’ miner was one imaginary in a complex power struggle over the ‘real’ identity of miners that was waged between the industry and the state, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the National Coal Board (NCB), and, crucially, inside the NUM itself. ‘Ruralization’ was most vigorously promoted by union militants who sought to displace an alternative vision, championed jointly by the Coal Board and union moderates, which had situated miners firmly at the heart of industrial modernity. It was only in the wake of the defeat of the miners in the 1984/85 strike, and during the subsequent cultural reworking of this strike, that this structure finally gained dominance.
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Winterton, Jonathan. "The 1984–85 miners' strike and technological change." British Journal for the History of Science 26, no. 1 (March 1993): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400030107.

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The proximate cause of the 1984–85 miners' strike, the longest mass strike in British history, was a round of colliery closures announced by the National Coal Board (NCB, now British Coal) in March 1984 as part of the restructuring of the British coal mining industry. The impact of pit closures upon communities is so immediate and devastating that the effect obscured the fundamental causes. The restructuring process had accelerated since 1979 because of the economic and energy policies adopted by Conservative governments, but had its origins in the Labour government's response to the 1973 oil shock and the tripartite settlement of the 1974 strike by the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM). The 1974 Plan for Coal established an investment programme to expand coal production by three means: developing new mines; extending the life of existing collieries; and implementing new technologies. These supply-side measures were already underway when the first Thatcher government, elected in 1979, established new limits on publicsector spending and sought to liberalize markets.
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Glont, Anca. "Reframing the Lupeni Strike of 1929: State Intervention and Organized Labor in Romania’s Jiu Valley." PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 11, no. 1 (September 30, 2023): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v11i1_2.

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The article examines the Lupeni strike action of 1929. While Communist-era historiography exalted the strike as a political action led by party members, the strike was atypical for local labor organization. Placing the strike in the wider context of 1920-1931, the article traces the interaction between local organized labor, the coal companies of the Jiu Valley, and state agents, both locally and in Bucharest. In the post-1918 period, the unions pressed for miners to receive reasonable compensation; given the state’s demand for coal and the companies’ need for labor, this initially fostered compromise. The Romanian state was willing to tolerate local labor unions led by Social Democrats, while using repression — including the army — to suppress strikes and ensure an uninterrupted coal supply. Shifts in the market and coal production, however, reduced the need for miners — resulting in the fragmentation of local unions. In 1929 the combination of a relatively liberal regime, coal companies seeking rationalization of their work force, and a radicalized fringe group resulted in the strike. While rejecting pre-1989 depictions of the strike, the text argues that labor history helps to reveal the limits of Romanian interwar democracy in ways that political and legal approaches may not.
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Munger, Frank. "Legal Resources of Striking Miners: Notes for a Study of Class Conflict and Law." Social Science History 15, no. 1 (1991): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002099x.

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Union miners stand together,Heed no operator’s tale.Keep your hands upon the dollar,And your eyes upon the scale.—verse from “Miner’s Lifeguard” [Silverman 1975: 389]In 1895, Fayette County, West Virginia, a leading coal county in the southern West Virginia coal fields, experienced widespread strikes by miners. The strikes were remarkable because, in an American industry known for violent labor relations and intensive union organizing since the appearance of the Molly Maguires in Pennsylvania before 1880, this was the first major strike in southern West Virginia. We might attempt to understand the role of law and public authority in these strikes in terms of legal repression by means of the labor injunction, labor conspiracy laws, and strikebreaking by the police and military. But none of these occurred in Fayette in 1895, though the later history of labor conflict in West Virginia is replete with all of them. In another way, however, the legal events accompanying these strikes are far more remarkable and challenge us to examine more subtle connections between class conflict and law.
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Rössel, Jörg. "Industrial Structure, Union Strategy, and Strike Activity in American Bituminous Coal Mining, 1881-1894." Social Science History 26, no. 1 (2002): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001227x.

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The goal of this article is to describe and explain the specific strike pattern of American bituminous coal miners in the last part of the nineteenth century (between 1881 and 1894).The central thesis is that the evolution of strike patterns in bituminous coal mining differed substantially from the development of strike patterns in other industries during this period. According to scholars like Gerald Friedman (1988) and Kim Voss (1993), the evolution of the American labor movement until 1886 was strongly determined by the Knights of Labor’s strategy of inclusive unionism, which sought to increase worker power through solidarity and broad-based strikes. As this strategy proved unsuccessful—especially in 1886—American labor unions later conducted a different type of walkout: planned, small strikes of strategically located, skilled workers, which were more successful.
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Bowd, Gavin. "Franco-British communist solidarity in the miners' strikes of 1926, 1948 and 1984-85." Twentieth Century Communism 23, no. 23 (November 10, 2022): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165544.

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The British and French communist movements have rarely been an object of comparison, partly because of the huge difference in fortunes enjoyed by the two parties. However, one important similarity between these neighbours was the size and importance of the countries' coal industries, as well as the militancy of their mining communities, where communism took root as a serious political and cultural force. This article examines acts of solidarity by British and French Communists during the most important miners' strikes of their parties' existence: the General Strike and Lockout of 1926, the French miners' action of 1948, and the British miners' last great struggle of 1984-1985. Through the study of archival documents, the press and other sources, we explore how these disputes constitute important moments in the history of British and French communism, as well as of their countries' respective labour movements. The dispute of 1984-1985 marks a culminating point that confirms the strengths and weaknesses of British and French communism's relationship with the miners.
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Rutledge, Ian, and Phil Wright. "Coal worldwide: the international context of the British miners' strike." Cambridge Journal of Economics 9, no. 4 (December 1985): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.cje.a035584.

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Taylor, Andrew J. "The Politics of Coal: Some Aspects of the Miners' Strike." Politics 5, no. 1 (April 1985): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1985.tb00099.x.

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Mates, Lewis. "'We want real live wires, not gas pipes': Communism in the inter-war Durham coalfield." Twentieth Century Communism 23, no. 23 (November 10, 2022): 51–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165607.

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Durham was the second largest and best unionised interwar British coalfield. With some leading pre-war Durham miner militants sympathetic to communist inspired movements after 1920, there seemed to be considerable potential for the CPGB's growth. The 'communist moment' seemed to arrive in 1926. The Durham miners' leaders' inactivity during the general strike and after, contrasted with communists' apparent dynamism, made for excellent propaganda. Hundreds duly flocked to the CPGB throughout the coalfield in those heady months of late 1926. Yet the factors that aided communism's growth while the dispute raged had the opposite impact after the miners' defeat. A successful counter-attack by local Labour and miners' leaders, coal owner victimisation and the defeatism and demoralisation it engendered, as well as the general depressed state of the industry that brought short time and unemployment, saw Durham communism retreat rapidly in 1927. The district CPGB's own shortcomings also played a part. Both before 1926 and after 1934, communist influence was most readily exerted through Labour Party miner activists who had never been CPGB members. Their political careers suggest why communism did not gain a stronger independent foothold in the Durham coalfield.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Coal miners' strike"

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Taylor, George. "The miners' strike : the final chapter in the Plan for Coal." Thesis, University of Essex, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.280845.

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Atkin, Michael. "The 1984/85 miners strike in east Durham : a study in contemporary history." Thesis, Durham University, 2001. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2015/.

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Horn, Claire Helen. "Well enough to work health and class in southern Colorado coal mining towns, 1900-1930 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.

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Jacobson, Michael E. "The rise and fall of place the development of a sense of place and community in Colorado's southern coalfields 1890-1930 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

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Kirshner, Eli Martin. "Race, Mines and Picket Lines: The 1925-1928 Western Pennsylvania Bituminous Coal Strike." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin158825965126023.

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Price, John. "Labour relations in Japan's postwar coal industry : the 1960 Miike lockout." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26904.

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The essay explores the events and background of the 1960 lockout at the Miike colleries of the Mitsui Mining Co. in Kyushu, Japan. The dispute, one of the longest and most violent in postwar labour history, occurred at the same time as the anti-U.S.-Japan security treaty struggle and the two events capped 15 years of social turbulence after the war. At issue in the Miike case was the designated dismissal of 1200 miners. In analyzing the events at Miike the author challenges current assumptions about the so-called three pillars of Japanese labour-management relations (lifetime employment, enterprise unions, and seniority-based wages). Couterposed are four factors—capitalist rationalism, worker egalitarianism, enterprise corporatism, and liberal democracy—the combination of which lend Japanese labour-management relations their specific character in any given instance. The essay also explores the particular role of the Japan Federation of Employers Organizations (Nikkeiren) in other labour disputes in the 1950s as well as at Miike. The economic background to the Miike strike is also analyzed, in particular, the political aspects of the rationalization of the coal industry. The final chapter deals with relief measures for unemployed coal miners and coal companies during the 1960s.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Davies, Rebecca. ""Not just supporting but leading" : the involvement of the women of the South Wales Coalfield in the 1984-85 miners' strike." Thesis, University of South Wales, 2010. https://pure.southwales.ac.uk/en/studentthesis/not-just-supporting-but-leading(056949c5-de42-4510-971d-4b4b52a82df6).html.

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The 1984-85 miners’ strike dramatically changed the face of the South Wales Valleys. This dissertation will show that the women’s groups that played such a crucial supportive role in it were not the homogenous entity that has often been portrayed. They shared some comparable features with similar groups in English pit villages but there were also qualitative differences between the South Wales groups and their English counterparts and between the different Welsh groups themselves. There is evidence of tensions between the Welsh groups and disputes with the communities they were trying to assist, as well as clashes with local miners’ lodges and the South Wales NUM. At the same time women’s support groups, various in structure and purpose but united in the aim of supporting the miners, challenged and shifted the balance of established gender roles The miners’ strike evokes warm memories of communities bonding together to fight for their survival. This thesis investigates in detail the women involved in support groups to discover what impact their involvement made on their lives afterwards. Their role is contextualised by the long-standing tradition of Welsh women’s involvement in popular politics and industrial disputes; however, not all women discovered a new confidence arising from their involvement. But others did and for them this self-belief survived the strike and, in some cases, permanently altered their own lives. The activities of the women’s support groups confirmed changes in the social role of women that had been occurring since the 1960s in the coalfield communities of South Wales, and thereby contributed to a revision of the traditional notion of ‘communities’ which were changed by the very process of being defended.
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Swim, Michael. "Bituminous coal miners' strike incitement events of Muchakinock, IA 1879-1900| An historical geographic analysis of how a company town became a union town." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1592742.

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Examining the creation and peopling of the Consolidated Coal Company (CCC) company town Muchakinock, Iowa through the industrial labor migrations of Welsh, Swedes and African-American residents, this thesis focuses upon the social contestations between workers, owners and unions during four bituminous coal miners' strike incitement events in town history (1879–1900). Presenting some of the most comprehensive historical geography research to date on the company town of Muchakinock, the thesis presents eight claims for resident's strike resistance and ultimate capitulation and union affiliation; and the associated spread of capitalism and trade-unionism across Iowa's coal mining landscapes during the Gilded Age. Seeking a normalization of historical discourse, findings revealed the presence of conflicting discourses in existent historical communications content between predominantly white and African American historical communications content, and identified the emergence of a hegemonic discourse largely based on the representations of the former. More than just a micro-history of the relict company town of Muchakinock, Iowa, the thesis variously explores Muchakinock's wider network of connected geographies across Iowa terrains and the United States.

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Klovan, Felipe Figueiró. "Sob o fardo do ouro negro : as experiências de exploração e resistência dos mineiros de carvão do Rio Grande do Sul na década de 1930." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/132366.

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Durante o governo provisório e constitucional de Getúlio Vargas ocorreu a criação do aparato sindicalista corporativista no Brasil. A partir dessa conjuntura, o presente estudo analisa as condições que possibilitaram as estratégias de resistência dos mineiros de carvão do então município de São Jerônimo, no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul durante a década de 1930, contra a extrema exploração e opressão a que estavam submetidos através do desgastante e perigoso trabalho nos subsolos e da arquitetura mina-com-vila-operária. Nesse cenário da pesquisa, traça-se uma continuidade entre as condições de vida e trabalho, cultura e identidade de classe, inteligência própria, resistência individual, coletiva e organizada para compreender a eclosão de greves entre os anos de 1933 e 1935. Esses conflitos entre as Companhias extrativistas e os mineiros na arena jurídica e na pressão direta através da paralização da produção, auxiliam a entender muitos aspectos dessa comunidade encravada na região do Baixo Jacuí. A análise contempla, também, as condições peculiares da categoria mineira, os processos trabalhistas individuais, a refundação de entidades classistas como a FORGS e os sindicatos mineiros e as greves. Todos esses aspectos compõem experiências importantes para compreender a luta desses trabalhadores por direitos.
While President Getúlio Vargas was under his provisional and constitutional command, there was the execution of the so called union and corporatist labor machine in Brazil. From this conjuncture, the present study analyses the conditions that brought the resistance strategies of the coal miners in the so called town São Jerônimo, situated in Rio Grande do Sul State, during the 30’s, against the extreme exploration and oppression that labors were submitted to through the dangerous and irksome work in the underground mine and architecture-with-village-working. Under the prospect of the research, a guide continuity is traced between the living and working conditions, culture and class identity, own intelligence section, individual, collective and organized resistance to understand the outbreak of strikes between the years 1933 and 1935. These conflicts between the Extractive companies and miners in the legal field and the direct pressure through the break of production help to understand many aspects of this community nestled in the Lower Jacuí region. The analysis also includes the peculiar conditions of the mining category, individual lawsuits, the refounding of class entities as FORGS and miners unions and strikes. All these aspects make up significant experiments to understand the struggle for rights of these workers.
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Kleski, Kurt W. "GIS Uses for Modeling Subsurface Conditions in Ohio Coal Mines." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1511877505215923.

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Books on the topic "Coal miners' strike"

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The miners' strike. London: Pluto Press, 1985.

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Early, Tommy. Miners strike 1984-85: Poems. Deal: Betteshanger Branch, NUM Kent Area, 1985.

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1945-, Fine Bob, and Millar Robert 1911-, eds. Policing the miners' strike. London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1985.

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Huw, Beynon, ed. Digging deeper: Issues in the miners' strike. London: Verso, 1985.

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Wilsher, Peter. Strike: Thatcher, Scargill, and the miners. [Falmouth, Cornwall]: Coronet Books, 1985.

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Wilsher, Peter. Strike: Thatcher, Scargill, and the miners. London: A. Deutsch, 1985.

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Maxwell, Alex. Chicago tumbles: Cowdenbeath and the miners strike. (Cowdenbeath?): Alex Maxwell, 1994.

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Smith, Ned. The 1984 miners' strike: The actual account. [U.K.]: [the author], 1998.

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Smith, Ned. The 1984 Miners' Strike: The actual account. Whitstable: Oyster Press, 1997.

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Mike, Simons, ed. The great strike: The miners' strike of 1984-5 and its lessons. London: Socialist Worker, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Coal miners' strike"

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Adeney, Martin, and John Lloyd. "The coal question." In The Miners' Strike, 1984–5, 8–27. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003178835-2.

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Taylor, Andrew. "The National Coal Strike of 1974." In The Politics of the Yorkshire Miners, 239–63. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003163381-10.

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Taylor, Andrew. "The National Coal Strike of 1972." In The Politics of the Yorkshire Miners, 213–37. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003163381-9.

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Marples, David R. "The Donbass Miners and The 1989 Coal Strike." In Ukraine under Perestroika, 175–217. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10880-0_6.

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Ali, Moiram. "The Coal War: Women’s Struggle during the Miners’ Strike." In Caught up in Conflict, 84–105. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18380-7_5.

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Bramley, Ryan Josiah. "“Just Coal Seams and Heartbroken Miners”: Poetic Representations of the 1984/85 Miners’ Strike in (Post-)Industrial South Yorkshire." In Performative Representation of Working-Class Laborers, 17–37. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54880-2_3.

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Caldemeyer, Dana M. "Unfaithful Followers." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History, 112–25. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0008.

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The United Mine Workers of America (UMW) had roughly 13,000 members when it called for a nationwide suspension in bituminous coal production in April 1894, but over 150,000 primarily non-union miners quit work in support of the UMW-orchestrated strike for better pay. Despite their longstanding hostility to UMW leaders and organizing tactics, miners in southern coalfields like Missouri and Kentucky were among the thousands to join the strike but not the union. This essay considers why laborers would follow the orders of a union they refused to join by considering the social and economic factors that shaped miners’ concepts of unionism. Ultimately, non-union participation in the 1894 coal strike demonstrated that non-unionism did not necessarily denote a rejection of union sentiment. Rather, workers could maintain a culture of faithfulness to union ideals even if they did not maintain union membership.
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"Unsettled." In Union Renegades, edited by Dana M. Caldemeyer, 119–38. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043505.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the differences between union leaders and workers regarding union goals. As the 1893 depression set in, rural workers in multiple occupations mobilized to change the economic structures of Gilded Age society. The American Railway Union went on strike, and marchers across the country joined Jacob Coxey and other leaders in a populist push for social and economic change. Their efforts coincided with the centralization efforts of organizations like the United Mine Workers, which sought to capitalize on the grassroots activism by organizing nationwide strikes. Nonunion coal miners heartily joined strike efforts like the 1894 United Mine Workers coal strike, but they soon discovered that the union assumed more authority than the rank and file was willing to accept. As the officers reached a settlement and called off the strike without seeking approval from the rank and file, strikers refused to obey the order to return to work. Their refusal indicated that while workers were willing to use unions to achieve goals like earning higher pay, they rejected union leaders making decisions on their behalf.
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Kennedy, David M. "Strike!" In The American People in the Great Depression, 288–321. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195168921.003.0011.

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Abstract Despite Roosevelt’s fulminations against business, and despite the fumbling performance of the NRA and AM, as early as 1935 the economy had begun to show at least modest signs of recovery. In the hollows of Appalachia, miners were retimbering coal shafts dank and rubbled from years of disuse. Workers oiled rusty spindles in long-shuttered textile mills from Massachusetts to the Carolinas. The clang of stamping presses and the buzz of machine tools split the stillness that had descended in 1929 over the great industrial belt between the Ohio River and the Great Lakes. Stevedores were once again winching cargoes onto the docks of Puget Sound and San Francisco Bay. Tugs taken out of mothballs nudged barge-rafts up the Mississippi from New Orleans. Along the Monongahela and the Allegheny, banked forge and foundry furnaces were coughing back to life. Haltingly, hopefully, America was going back to work.
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Phillips, Jim. "Resisting Closures and Winning Wages in the 1960s and 1970s." In Scottish Coal Miners in the Twentieth Century, 197–228. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474452311.003.0007.

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The 1984-85 miners’ strike in defence of collieries, jobs and communities was an unsuccessful attempt to reverse the change in economic direction driven in the UK by Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative governments. The government was committed to removing workforce voice from the industry. Its struggle against the miners was a war against the working class more generally. Mining communities were grievously affected in economic terms by the strike and its aftermath, but in the longer run emerged with renewed solidarity. Gender relations, evolving from the 1960s as employment opportunities for women increased, changed in further progressive ways. This strengthened the longer-term cohesion of mining communities. The strike had a more general and lasting political impact in Scotland. The narrative of a distinct Scottish national commitment to social justice, attacked by a UK government without democratic mandate, drew decisive moral force from the anti-Thatcherite resistance of men and women in the coalfields. This renewed the campaign for a Scottish Parliament, which came to successful fruition in 1999.
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Conference papers on the topic "Coal miners' strike"

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Loehr, Stefan, Christian Barczus, Viktor Scherer, Frank Kluger, and Joachim Seeber. "Pilot Plant Combustion Tests of Low-Volatile and High-Sulphur Coal for the 55 MWel CFBC Cao Ngan Power Plant, Vietnam." In 18th International Conference on Fluidized Bed Combustion. ASMEDC, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/fbc2005-78015.

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Circulating Fluid Bed technology has made a rapid and successful entry into power and steam generation marketplace in many countries. As one of the first CFB based power plants in Vietnam the 2 × 55 MWe Cao Ngan project will follow this trend towards clean coal technology. The Cao Ngan CFB boiler is designed to burn a blend of low-volatile, high-sulphur coals from two local mines complying with strict environmental regulations, 500 mg/Nm3 for SO2 and 300 mg/NM3 for NOx. Combustion tests were carried out at the University of Bochum, Institute of Energy Plant Technology, Germany, in a pilot-CFB combustor (100 kWth) in order to check the combustion behaviour and the emission characteristics. In these tests a blend of the two different coals was burned at different temperature levels (830 °C, 860 °C, 890 °C) and at each temperature level the desulphurisation efficiency was tested with two different kind of limestone and different Ca/S-ratios: Furthermore the experimental analysis comprised the determination of the conventional emissions (NOx, CO), ignition characteristics for start-up and part load behaviour. During all tests samples of bed and filter ash were taken for further analysis, e.g. burnout, particle size distribution etc.. Earlier comparable combustions tests carried out in the pilot-CFB combustor and large scale CFB boilers has proven, that the results are transferable to large scale commercial plants: This is valid especially for the major emissions e.g. SO2 and NOx. The current paper will explain the design principles and the basic lay-out of the Cao Ngan CFB boiler. In addition, details of the results of combustion tests carried out in a pilot- CFBC at the University of Bochum, Institute of Energy Plant Technology, Germany, will be presented.
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Reports on the topic "Coal miners' strike"

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Analysis of alternative modifications for reducing backwater flooding at the Honey Creek coal strip mine reclamation site in Henry County, Missouri. US Geological Survey, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.3133/wri904068.

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