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Nelson, Patricia Ann. "Solidarity Coalition : the struggle for common cause." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25477.
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This thesis is a case study of the Solidarity Coalition, a social protest movement which united labour and community groups In opposition to right-wing restraint legislation. It considers why this unprecedented extra parliamentary force failed to persuade the government to withdraw the offending legislation and attempts to explain the dominance of the labour agenda in the modest successes it did achieve. Interviews with participants in the Coalition and other significant political actors provide the information used in the analysis of this protest phenomena.
The thesis incorporates a detailed study of the evolution of the Coalition and its organizational structure and Internal processes within the context of the larger political system and with reference to theoretical
literature concerning protest movements. I argue that the emergence of the Coalition as a diverse and broad based movement in reaction to a right wing attack on the social contract is predictable, however, the outcomes of the protest action are less so. Analysis of the Coalition suggests that organizational contradictions within its structure, external and unforseen circumstances, and the strength of government intransigence were influential factors shaping both the development of the protest movement and the outcomes of its actions.
The commitment to common cause, fuelled by moral outrage and espoused by labour and community groups, was not sufficient to withstand the divisive tendencies inherent in the structure of the Coalition, or the Inertia that must be overcome by large groups to achieve collective goods. Labour proved to be the more powerful actor within the Coalition due to its financial and organizational resources and its significant noticeabilIty factor as a member of the CoalItion. I argue that consistent with the theory of the logic of collective action that the labour agenda eventually dominated within the Coalition, influencing the parameters of the settlement achieved, and in part, accounting for the failure of the Coalition to meet Its collective goal of withdrawal of the restraint legislation.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Political Science, Department of<br>Graduate
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Bremard, Thanawat. "Transformations Socio-Environnementales et Gouvernance de l'Eau : le Cas de Bangkok." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, AgroParisTech, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024AGPT0012.
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Les deltas constituent des environnements combinant atouts et vulnérabilités. Milieux propices à la navigation, aux échanges maritimes et au commerce, fertiles pour l'agriculture, et riches en eau et biodiversité, leurs caractéristiques environnementales posent aussi des contraintes spécifiques. Au fur et à mesure que Bangkok s'est urbanisée et co-transformée avec son environnement deltaïque, la mégapole a dû gérer son exposition aux crues et aux marées, à l'érosion du littoral, à l'intrusion d'eau salée, à la pollution des eaux ainsi qu'à l'affaissement du sol et au problème d'alimentation en eau potable.Afin d'identifier les contraintes physiques et institutionnelles à une urbanisation durable, la thèse se donne comme objectif la compréhension des transformations conjointes ─ à la fois environnementales et sociopolitiques ─ induites par les enjeux de l'eau, à travers une analyse de la gouvernance 'en acte', manifestée par des processus de décision dans un contexte de pluralité d'acteurs, institutions, ramifications écologiques, échelles spatiales et administratives, normes, récits discursifs, représentations et imaginaires. Cette gouvernance multi-niveaux (on considère les interactions 'verticales' entre les acteurs globaux, l'État, la BMA (Bangkok Metropolitan Administration) et les collectivités locales) intersecte et se fond avec une gouvernance 'horizontale', qui associe des acteurs privés (industries, bureaux d'études, lobbies), la société civile (ONGs, collectifs), et le secteur académique.L'hypothèse centrale de cette thèse est que l'explicitation de la gouvernance, au prisme des processus décisionnels autour de projets et politiques publiques liés à l'eau, permet de rendre compte de la dimension anthropique des transformations environnementales et socio-politiques au service du maintien du développement et de la prospérité de la capitale face aux aléas du delta et aux impératifs économiques imposés par la compétition entre les mégapoles globales. Ces transformations sont explicitées à travers trois études de cas illustrant la formulation de problèmes publiques et leurs controverses : 1) la mise en valeur des berges de la rivière Chao Phraya à travers un projet de promenade ; 2) la gestion des eaux souterraines en lien avec le phénomène de subsidence ; 3) la protection de la capitale des inondations par des projets de canaux, extérieurs à la ville, permettant de dériver les débits de crue.L'eau par sa fluidité relie l'atmosphère, le sous-sol et les surfaces urbanisées aux habitants humains et non-humains du delta, et constitue un témoin matériel qui nous permet de saisir empiriquement la complexité des interactions hydro-sociales. La transformation environnementale de Bangkok n'est pas seulement la conséquence d'une urbanisation présentée comme incontrôlée ou inéluctable, elle est aussi le résultat de faisceaux d'intérêts politiques et financiers qui remodèlent constamment le flux et la distribution spatiale des bénéfices et des coûts associés à la transformation de l'environnement aquatique et du cycle hydrologique. L'analyse met en relief la faible autonomie décisionnelle de la BMA face à un État centralisé qui garde l'essentiel du pouvoir d'influence sur les politiques publiques, révèle l'importance centrale du monde universitaire dans les débats et prise de décision, fait ressortir le rôle du médium visuel dans l'enrôlement d'acteurs (processus d'imaginierie), et souligne la nature multi-scalaire de la composition des coalitions d'acteurs et de leurs reconfigurations<br>Deltas are environments that combine opportunities and vulnerabilities. They are ideal places for shipping, maritime trade and commerce, fertile for agriculture, and rich in water and biodiversity, but their environmental characteristics also pose specific constraints. As Bangkok has urbanised and co-evolved with its deltaic environment, the megalopolis has had to manage its exposure to floods and tides, coastal erosion, saltwater intrusion, water pollution, land subsidence and the supply of drinking water. In order to identify the physical and institutional constraints to sustainable urbanisation, this thesis aims to understand the joint transformations ─ both environmental and socio-political ─ induced by water challenges, through an analysis of governance 'in action', manifested by decision-making processes unfolding in a context of a plurality of actors, institutions, ecological ramifications, spatial and administrative scales, norms, narratives, representations and imaginaries. This multi-level governance (we consider the 'vertical' interactions between global players, the State, the BMA (Bangkok Metropolitan Administration) and local administrations) intersects and merges with 'horizontal' governance, which brings together private players (industries, consultancies, lobbies), civil society (NGOs, collectives) and the academic sector.The central hypothesis of this thesis is that the clarification of governance, through the analysis of decision-making processes around water-related projects and public policies, makes it possible to account for the environmental and socio-political transformations geared towards maintaining the capital's prosperity in the face of the hazards of the delta and the economic competition between global megacities. These transformations are explained through three case studies that illustrate the formulation of public problems and their controversies: 1) the enhancement of the banks of the Chao Phraya River through a promenade project; 2) the management of groundwater in relation to the phenomenon of land subsidence; 3) the protection of the capital from flooding through canals designed to divert flood flows away from the city.The fluidity of water links the atmosphere, the underground and urban surfaces to the human and non-human inhabitants of the delta, and constitutes a material witness that enables us to empirically grasp the complexity of hydro-social interactions. The environmental transformation of Bangkok is not only the consequence of urbanisation, presented as uncontrolled or inevitable, but also the result of a bundle of political and financial interests that are constantly reshaping the flow and spatial distribution of the benefits and costs associated with the transformation of the aquatic environment and the hydrological cycle. The analysis highlights the BMA's limited decision-making autonomy in the face of a centralised state that retains most of the power to influence public policy, reveals the central importance of the academic sector in debates and decision-making, highlights the role of visual media in enlisting stakeholders (the imagineering process), and underlines the multi-scalar nature of the composition of stakeholder coalitions and their reconfigurations
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Struk, Kachani Alexandra. "La construction des politiques de l'autisme : concurrence des acteurs et arbitrage de l'Etat." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BORD0612/document.
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Cette thèse interroge les processus de construction de la réalité́ à l’oeuvre lors de l’émergence duproblème politique de l’autisme. Un mécanisme largement bottom-up s’est imposé, sousl’impulsion déterminante de « coalitions de causes » (notamment celle des associations deparents) qui ont opéré un véritable travail de capacitation et d’expertisation pour s’approprier destravaux de recherche, contester la légitimité du pouvoir médical, revendiquer des droits auprès despouvoirs publics en utilisant différentes armes, médiatiques, et judiciaires principalement.Expliquer pourquoi l’autisme est devenu un problème politique au milieu des années 1990 jusqu’àêtre reconnu « grande cause nationale » en 2012 suppose d’analyser, sur un temps long, lesprocessus qui changent le statut de l’autisme (d’un problème familial d’abord, social ensuite,politique enfin) et en définissent les traitements publics possibles<br>This thesis questions the processes and mecanisms in the emergence of the political problem ofAutism in France. A bottom-up movement has emerged, thanks to the actions of "coalitions ofcauses" (especially those of parents' associations) which have carried out a work of empowerment,in order to appropriate the research work, legitimate themself against the medical power, and claimrights with the public authorities.This reasearch explore the reasons why Autism became a political issue in the mid-1990s untilbeing recognized as a "Great national cause" in 2012. It elaborate an analysis of the process thatchange the status of autism (family problem first, social problem then, and political problem at end)and define the possible public treatment
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Snyder, Nichole M. "An Examination of Coalition Functioning and Use of Evidence-Based Practices: A Case Study of Four Community Substance Abuse Coalitions." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5393.
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There has been a recent expansion of community-based coalitions to address issues related to youth substance use. Research on their overall effectiveness, however, has produced mixed results. Recommendations to improve coalition success have emphasized the high-quality implementation of evidence-based programs targeting specific community needs. Coalitions vary extensively, however, in their organization and functioning. In addition, the lack of a universally accepted theoretical framework to understand coalition functioning has led to inconsistencies in the coalition research and the specific constructs used to describe coalition functioning.
Purpose of the Study: To address these gaps, the current study used a case study approach to describe the organization and functioning of four local substance abuse coalitions and to identify factors related to coalition high-quality implementation of evidence-based programs.
Methods: Using constructs based on Community Coalition Action Theory, the current study used coalition member surveys and key leadership interviews to produce separate case study descriptions of four participating community substance abuse coalitions. An exploratory factor analysis was conducted to examine the structure of the survey measure. Univariate statistics were used to describe coalition functioning and attitudes toward evidence-based practice and implementation. One-way analysis of variance tests were employed to examine differences across the coalitions and Pearson's product-moment correlations were used to identify coalition characteristics associated with attitudes toward evidence-based practice. A thematic analysis of interview data was conducted for an in-depth examination of coalition functioning and perceptions of evidence-based practice.
Results: Coalition members and leaders reported high levels of functioning across all of the included domains. However, several differences in coalition background and structure were discussed. Community support was described as a major functioning challenge across both surveys and interviews. Interview results also revealed several different coalition belief patterns surrounding evidence-based practice and quality implementation. Coalition members and leaders generally indicated positive attitudes toward the use of evidence-based prevention programs and strategies. However, varying levels of knowledge and experience with evidence-based practices was identified across interviews. Interviews also highlighted several factors that influence coalition decision-making and identified several perceived challenges associated with the use of evidence-based practices. Results include a discussion of coalition knowledge, perceptions, and experiences with program implementation.
Conclusions and Implications: Taken together, these findings form a basis for better understanding the current environment surrounding community substance abuse coalition functioning and implementation of evidence-based practices. Several factors were shown to influence coalition decision-making processes and overall functioning. In addition, the present study highlights strengths and gaps related to coalition leadership knowledge, attitudes, and implementation of evidence-based programs and strategies. These identified relationships can be used to guide future research and community practice. With their growing popularity, it is likely that community coalitions will take on a major role in future community-based prevention efforts across the country. As such, there is a need to design substance abuse prevention programming with coalitions in mind and to identify alternative avenues to disseminate information surrounding community-focused evidence-based practices. Identifying new ways to measure and build coalition processes, leadership skills, and structures could result in greater coalition capacity to plan for and support prevention activities, including use of evidence-based practices.
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Falcó, Gimeno Albert. "Coalition Governance: Causes and consequences." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/38361.
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Els governs de coalició poden, per una banda, dividir-se les tasques i funcionar de forma compartimentalitzada, on cada soci decideixi sol les polítiques sota les seves jurisdiccions ministerials. Per contra, també poden optar pel compromís entre els partits i decidir col•lectivament en cada àrea sectorial, amb independència del repartiment de carteres. En el seu primer paper, aquesta tesis ofereix un marc teòric per entendre aquesta variació, amb la intenció d’identificar les condicions sota les quals és més probable un tipus de governança coalicional o altra. El segon paper testa empíricament les implicacions d’aquests arguments sobre la manera com els membres d’una coalició es vigilen mútuament mitjançant l’ús de mecanismes de control. Finalment, en el tercer paper s’ofereix un exercici empíric on s’analitza fins a quin punt els votants jutgen de manera diferent cada un dels socis de govern en funció del tipus de coalició a què s’enfronten.<br>At an extreme, coalition partners can divide tasks and individually decide policy in their ministerial jurisdictions in a compartmentalized way. At the other extreme, parties sharing office can compromise and collectively set policy in each dimension regardless of portfolio allocation. In its first paper, this dissertation provides a theoretical account of this variation, trying to unravel the conditions under which one type of governance is more likely than the other. The second paper tests empirically the implications of these arguments on the way coalition partners keep tabs on each other through the establishment of control mechanisms. Finally, an empirical exercise is offered in the third paper to study the extent to which voters assess each coalition partner differently depending on the type of coalition they face. Variation in the types of coalition governance, we conclude, is an important factor to take into account in political science research in the field.
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Jansson, Martin. "An atomic adventure : A case study of the history of the Swedish nuclear policy using the theories of historical institutionalism and advocacy coalition framework." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för naturvetenskap, miljö och teknik, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-27981.
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A case study of the first 35 years, 1945 to 1980, of the Swedish nuclear institution. The purpose is to discover which actors that have shaped the Swedish nuclear institution. By using the theories of historical institutionalism and advocacy coalition framework I have analyzed these 35 years in three separate parts. Historical institutionalism puts emphasis on the creation of an institution, and so have I. The creation phase goes from 1945 to 1972. The following two parts are critical junctures that spans the years 1973-1978 and 1978-1980. The first critical juncture deals with the Centre Party's reversal in their opinion on nuclear power, the 1976 election and the outcome of that election. The third juncture starts with the Harrisburg accident and ends after the 1980 referendum. Using the advocacy coalition framework to analyze the actions or actors and coalitions during these three phases, I have come to the conclusion that the industry actors, those that have built the reactors, have been the most successful in pushing their coalition's agendas, over the years. Their influence was considerable during the years of institutional creation, while the coalitions that opposed nuclear power were quite weak during this time frame, which is consistent with historical institutionalism's focus on the creation, and path dependence.
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De, Duco Shawn Michael. "An evolution perspective of coalition formation within organizations." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1606.
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Koo, Jah-Hon. "Maintaining an international social movement coalition : a case study of the Hemispheric Social Alliance." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32825.
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International social movement coalitions are a promising instrument to address systemic problems in a globalizing world. This thesis explores the issue of maintenance of these coalitions by examining the factors that have facilitated or inhibited the maintenance of the Hemispheric Social Alliance as an example. This thesis is based on a qualitative case study; data includes some content analysis but mostly consists of direct interviews. The main finding is that factors such as resources, internal relationships, external conditions and management all affect the maintenance of an international social movement coalition. The thesis argues for increased links between social work and social movement coalitions, and offers insights for social work policy, research and practice.
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Forsgren, Peder, and Margita Helgesson. "A coalition collision : A case study on organisational alterations." Thesis, Umeå University, Umeå School of Business, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1291.
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<p>When companies go trough a merger or an acquisition all involved parties within the organisations becomes affected. These changes can affect the company in many areas which could create tensions and anxiety among employees which could create strong negative forces at the end and prevent the new organisation to function at its best. In service companies this could be of great importance to overcome since they often are dependent on functional organisations to help them create a wanted quality. This study will address this problem and will do so in a case study performed on a transportations company which have gone trough a number of mergers. Due to these mergers, the company has also grown in both numbers of employees and in financial conditions.</p><p>The applied thesis statement is: “How should a small expanding company manage the integration of acquired companies and at the same time maintain a sought identity within the organisation, in order to reach their main strategic objectives? “. The ambition is to be able to understand how the studied company has developed and also to analyse its organisational transition. Furthermore we also want to create proposals for organisations that are facing future organisational transitions, based from our findings in this study.</p><p>This study has been conducted with a hermeneutic scientific ideal and an abductive approach. The empirical collection was done inside the studied organisation in a qualitative manner. We conducted nine interviews, one with the manager (co-owner) and the other eight with employees inside the company. We wanted to be able to see both parties’ sides of the mergers. Therefore the interviews where conducted at two separate offices in different cities.</p><p>The theoretical framework consists of a number of theoretical areas, who together creates a holistic view over the entire research area. The theoretical parts consist of: Organisation, network, mergers, acquisitions, family firms, corporate culture, identity, social identity, service quality and Human Resources.</p><p>Our main conclusion is of the studied company shows that the biggest problem which the organisation faces today is the lack of communication between the manager and the employees. Although we claim that the merger has played a mayor impact on the company in many areas. Some of the main difficulties which we identified were the fact that the merger never was discussed thoroughly between the management and the employees. We also claim that the company when divided between the two offices have created a cultural gap between the wanted culture and the actual culture. We argue that the quality thinking permeates trough the entire organisation and all of the respondents have described the importance of achieving a high quality service within the organisation.</p>
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Horvath, Bronwyn Lee Davies. "Voluntary municipal coalition--a case study in regional planning." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/74784.
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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 1986.<br>MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH<br>Bibliography: leaves 57-59.<br>by Bronwyn Lee Davies Horvath.<br>M.C.P.
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Baatjes, Mario Ricardo. "Insulating municipal administration from instability caused by coalitions: a case study of the Western Cape." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5430_1365583476.
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<p>Instability in the administration of municipalities is a particularly serious problem in the Western Cape because of its large number of coalition councils. Coalitions have led to<br />
frequent changes in local governance and to constant changes in political and administrative leadership. Due to the fluidity in local government, the politics of the day have become synonymous with back-stabbing, secret agreements and arrangements between politicians and political parties wishing to align themselves in such a way as to gain control of the councils.1 A municipality is required by the Constitution2 to structure and manage its administration and budgets, budgeting and planning processes so as to give priority to the basic needs of the community and to promote the social and economic development of the community.3 Legislation further prescribes that &ldquo<br>a municipality must within its administrative and financial capacity establish and organize its administration in a manner that would enable the municipality to establish clear relationships, facilitate coordination, cooperation and communication between (i) its political structures and political office bearers and its administration<br>(ii) its political structures, political office bearers and administration and the local community&rdquo<br>.4 It may therefore be argued that a municipality subscribing to the abovementioned prescripts should be functioning effectively. However, in practice continuous administrative and political instability adversely impacts on a municipalityâs capacity to provide service delivery to the community. The 2006 local government elections resulted in only four out of 30 municipalities in the Western Cape having a single party with more than 50% of the seats (outright majority). The remaining 26 municipalities were governed by coalitions of two or more parties. In 2001, Parliament introduced floor-crossing legislation which allowed Members of Parliament, Members of Provincial Legislatures and local government councillors to change their political party (or form a new party) and retains their seats when they did so.5 As a result of the 2007 floor-crossing legislation, the number of municipalities with an outright majority increased to 7. Power changes continued to occur even after the 2007 floor-crossing as a result of by-election outcomes or new internal coalition arrangements. Coalition government in the Western Cape remains a reality following the 18 May 2011 local government elections: the Democratic Alliance won 12 municipalities outright, the African National Congress won 1, and in 12 municipalities there was no outright winner. Of the 12 last-mentioned municipalities, 7 municipalities produced hung municipalities, i.e. Bitou, Witzenberg, Laingsburg, Hessequa, Theewaterskloof, Matzikama and Prince Albert.</p>
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Baek, Seung Soo. "Misuse case driven development of secure information sharing for coalition environment." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Sep%5FBaek.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Computer Science)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2007.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Michael, Bret J. ; Wijesekera, Duminda. "September 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 22, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-64). Also available in print.
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Williams, Jakobi Emon. "Racial coalition politics in Chicago a case study of Fred Hampton, the Illinois Black Panther Party, and the origin of the Rainbow Coalition /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1692812591&sid=16&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Orr, Glenn Lydell. "Understanding Multi-State, Stakeholder Directed, Corridor Coalition Building: An Interstate-81 Case Study." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/47786.
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Corridor coalitions have been described by some as a model for the development of public-private partnerships to help finance and manage corridor wide traffic flow programs and construction projects (Vega & Penn, 2008). Others have suggested corridor coalitions could also be effective tools for the development of strategic growth planning in mega regions and possibly as part of a national infrastructure and economic growth strategy (Todorovich, 2009). Through a case study of the Interstate 81 Corridor Coalition, this dissertation describes the coalition’s characteristics, analyzes its evolutionary development and explores governance participation possibilities. This study based on data from a mixed methods research approach provides a framework for assessing conceptual characteristics, a responsiveness continuum for understanding contextual dynamics and a governance model of components for evaluating collaborations. The evidence suggests some planning, funding and coordination difficulties associated with the absence of governance entities with corridor wide authority are being addressed by various national transportation institutions and associations. Corridor coalitions that exhibit developmental characteristics such as competency, sustainability, diversity and commitments consistent with relevant public agencies may be appropriate for roles in governance. Likewise, the responsiveness of corridor coalitions to governance related contextual developments may be a primary determinant of their possible role in governance. This I-81 case study provides evidence of an evolving coalition, where the descriptive characteristics contribute to a type of responsiveness to corridor concerns that could lead to governance participation.<br>Ph. D.
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Riechman, Jesse Avery. "The Southeastern Illinois Prescribed Burn Association: Spearheading Land Management Coalitions in the Midwest." OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/894.
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Fire in Midwestern ecosystems historically has provided many benefits, including promoting forest succession, maintaining wildlife habitat and reducing fuel loads. The Southeastern Illinois Prescribed Burn Association (SIPBA) is the only association of its kind in southern Illinois, designed to reintroduce prescribed fire to landowners in a practical context. The objectives of this research project were: 1) Interview members and crewpersons to collect data on the formation, maintenance, and future of SIPBA, 2) Outline the most common/salient issues driving landowners and stakeholders concerning the use of prescribed fire on their land in southern Illinois, and 3) Provide a conceptual model of the results to serve as a guide for future development of publicly conducted and implemented prescribed burning activities across southern Illinois and, ultimately, the Midwest. This study was implemented by semi-structured interviews of 28 key members of SIPBA. The responses from this population were collected and coded using NVivo 9 qualitative analysis software (NVivo 9 2011). Results indicate that challenges include stubborn remnants of the "Smokey Bear" attitude from the U.S. Forest Service anti-fire campaign, and that liability for an escaped wildfire is a reality for both the individual and for the association. In spite of these and other challenges identified by participants, landowners see SIPBA as a cost-effective solution to their land management needs. The results were interpreted as guidance for future dialogue between landowners and stakeholders and state and federal agencies in implementing prescribed burning programs. Implications include: "fire sells itself." Relatively little effort is needed to attract interest and recruit membership, and the benefits of a prescribed burn are easily evident. Alleviating concerns of the risks associated with fire is a primary objective for the organization, and there is a feeling of "safety in numbers" among membership. Finally, outside funding appears to be the limiting factor for both the capacity and potentially the longevity of the association, meaning that the development of a sustainable funding scheme could allow prescribed burn associations to remain in the Midwest. This case study of SIPBA membership is intended to facilitate cooperation between landowners and local burn associations, and also to serve as a model for the formation of future associations in similar areas of the Midwest.
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Vogel, Donna. "The Coalition of Progressive Electors, a case study in post-Fordist counter-hegemonic politics." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48734.pdf.
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Yu, Lanlan. "Cross-movement coalition maintenance : resource and legitimacy management : the case of Civil Human Rights Front." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1534.
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Parsell, John Benjamin. "Coalition building in immigration rights advocacy : a case study of statewide network initiatives in Vermont /." Click here to view full text, 2007.
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Garner, Linda. "Evaluation of a youth substance abuse prevention coalition : case study of a community-initiated model /." Available to subscribers only, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1407507651&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Southern Illinois University Carbondale, 2007.<br>"Department of Health Education." Keywords: Youth substance abuse prevention coalitions, Substance abuse prevention, Coalition, Community-initiated Includes bibliographical references (p. 170-180). Also available online.
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Lembo, Leah T. "Preserving child centered education in the era of NCLB a case study of one school's efforts /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 201 p, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1818417621&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Hoang, Haivan Viet. ""To come together and create a movement" solidarity rhetoric in the Vietnamese American Coalition (VAC) /." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1086111070.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.<br>Document formatted into pages; contains 269 p. Includes bibliographical references. Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2009 June 1.
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Bann, Amy Jeanne. "The Non- Governmental Organization Coalition for an International Criminal Court: A Case Study on NGO Networking." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/34074.
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The aim of this project is to examine the emergence of non- governmental organization (NGO) networking by conducting a case study of the NGO Coalition for an International Criminal Court (CICC). It explores the role of this Coalition in the context of the growing movement towards a "global civic politics." An in- depth look at this Coalition is unveiled through primary sources, interviews, and observations. Using a three- tiered model of networking, one can better understand NGO collaboration and networking that are unique in the field of international human rights law and indicative of a new trend in international politics. This model is developed from Timothy Luke and Gearóid à Tuathail's conception of geopolitical nature, Castells' conception of networks, and then modified to apply to political mediation.
NGOs have acted as part of the engine behind the creation of an International Criminal Court in numerous ways. They have amassed over 900 organizations in support of a strong permanent court, as well as fostered relationships with the United Nations, and state governments, and regional blocs. By using this three- tiered framework, I will investigate the networking capacity and functions of the Coalition. The basic research question to be answered is: How does the CICC explain the role of NGOs as mediating agents between states and institutions within the context of contemporary global society?<br>Master of Arts
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Bann, Amy Jeanne. "The Non-Governmental Organization Coalition for an International Criminal Court: A Case Study on NGO Networking." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/34074.
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The aim of this project is to examine the emergence of non- governmental organization (NGO) networking by conducting a case study of the NGO Coalition for an International Criminal Court (CICC). It explores the role of this Coalition in the context of the growing movement towards a "global civic politics." An in- depth look at this Coalition is unveiled through primary sources, interviews, and observations. Using a three- tiered model of networking, one can better understand NGO collaboration and networking that are unique in the field of international human rights law and indicative of a new trend in international politics. This model is developed from Timothy Luke and Gearóid à Tuathail's conception of geopolitical nature, Castells' conception of networks, and then modified to apply to political mediation.
NGOs have acted as part of the engine behind the creation of an International Criminal Court in numerous ways. They have amassed over 900 organizations in support of a strong permanent court, as well as fostered relationships with the United Nations, and state governments, and regional blocs. By using this three- tiered framework, I will investigate the networking capacity and functions of the Coalition. The basic research question to be answered is: How does the CICC explain the role of NGOs as mediating agents between states and institutions within the context of contemporary global society?<br>Master of Arts
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Reed, D. L. "Case Study of the Kingsport Regional Education Alliance." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 1996. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2768.
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The primary purpose of this study was to investigate the origin and evolution of the Kingsport Regional Education Alliance (KREA 2000). A total of 18 individuals, representing three categories, business, education, and community, were selected by purposeful sampling techniques to participate. Data were collected through qualitative methods. The analysis revealed attitudes, behaviors, and perceptions of those involved in the KREA 2000 activities. Through data analysis the investigator identified a core group of influencers who were primarily responsible for the creation of KREA 2000. The investigator identified four major categories that were critical to the evolution of KREA 2000. The four major categories were: leadership, communication, infrastructure, and collaboration. Based on the findings, the following recommendations were suggested: (1) KREA 2000 should set up a channel of leadership that will prepare future chairs; (2) KREA 2000 should become more proactive in the political arena in regard to educational issues; (3) the KREA 2000 should be staffed with a full time coordinator and a part-time clerical person, (4) KREA 2000 should appoint a volunteer liaison to each participant agency; and (5) KREA 2000 should concentrate on supporting initiatives within and among the participant agency, not create independent projects.
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Salie, Saarah. "Islands of effectiveness in co-government arrangements : the case of three coalition-led municipalities in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20441.
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Co-government arrangements are a necessary evil that provides political parties with an opportunity to take office, exercise power and share the spoils of power. My dissertation examines the reforms and principles that are most useful in co-government arrangements, which are characterised by unstable, complex and sometimes predatory political environments, to ensure that governance and developmental gains can be achieved. Using case studies of the co-government arrangements in three local municipalities, all based in the Western Cape Province of South Africa and led by an array of small opposition parties, I make two arguments. Firstly, senior public officials can act as a countervailing platform to achieve governance gains by implementing a range of reforms and principles. The most pertinent of these being to make concessions in coalition arrangements that have a kingmaker and by implementing a functional political-administrative interface to protect the integrity of the powers and functions delegated to both arms of the municipality. Secondly, political principals with mixed interests can effectively cooperate to find joint gains. Some of these reforms and principles require that forums be put in place to encourage effective communication to expedite decision making that enable governance gains, while the coalition agreement should have comprehensive terms to guide the rules of engagement of the parties in the co-government arrangement. Coalition led governments at a municipal level can thrive if coalition partners communicate effectively, act in goodwill towards a common goal and uphold credible commitments to serve with integrity.
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Axford, Nicholas Roger Langley. "Growth coalitions and local economic development : a case study of the Hampshire Development Association." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316119.
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Packer, Benjamin A. "Navigating the Streams and Currents of an Emerging Institutional Form: The Causes and Effects of a Community College S.T.E.M. Coalition." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/578605.
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Increasingly, colleges and universities are partnering with private, non-profit, and government organizations in order to generate revenue, develop academic programs, transfer research to market, and gain legitimacy (Anderson, 2001; Etzkowitz & Lvdesdorff, 1997; Slaughter & Leslie, 1997; Slaughter & Rhoades, 2004). While research exploring this phenomenon in universities has produced several important works, fewer studies have examined partnerships centered on the community college. Instead, the bulk of articles written about community college partnerships merely serve as how-to guides for college leaders, providing the benefits of and lessons learned from specific partnerships between colleges and industry (Erwin, 2005; Sundberg, 2002). The purpose of this case study is to provide an in-depth, critical analysis of a complex partnership involving many organizations in a unique geographic setting. The study focuses on the community college at the center of a regional STEM education coalition, exploring why the college entered into the partnership and how it was affected. Findings demonstrate that several factors at the state and national level, or "streams," combined to form a powerful "current" of influence uniquely tailored to the community in which the college was located. Further, the loose and informal structure of the coalition, coupled with a myopic and hegemonic institutional narrative, allowed individuals outside the college to guide and direct the activities of the institution with relatively little dissent. Because of the lack of orchestrated inter-organizational coordination and agreement, the objective of the coalition, to develop a pipeline of STEM education programs from high school through the university, suffered from challenges and breakdowns at every level. The study concludes by discussing implications for college leaders regarding building relationships with external organizations, effectively serving the local citizenry, and responding to constituents and incentives of various kinds.
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Buchwald, Cheryl Cowan. "Canada's Coalition for Public Information, a case study of a public interest group in the information highway policy-making process." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0005/NQ41115.pdf.
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Biegon, Japhet. "The advent of unholy alliances? Coalition governments in the aftermath of disputed elections and electoral violence in Africa : a case study of Kenya." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8003.
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The resort to coalition governments following the disputed presidential elections in Kenya and Zimbabwe pioneers a new trend in unlocking political gridlock in Africa. This dissertation analyses this trend with a view to establishing its viability in guaranteeing sustainable peace and democracy. It is argued that the resort establishes a precedent in which incumbent presidents, upon losing elections, may refuse to vacate office in the hope that a power sharing agreement will be negotiated with opposition leaders. Concludes that while the resort to coalition government in the aftermath of a disputed election and electoral violence may
rescue a country from disintegration, it is not a guarantee to sustainable peace and
democracy<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.<br>Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nico Steytler, Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM
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Cederfeldt, Sofia. "Achieving a Sustainable Fashion Industry through Global Collaborations and Standardized Measurement Tools : An Exploratory Case Study on the Sustainable Apparel Coalition." Thesis, Högskolan i Borås, Akademin för textil, teknik och ekonomi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hb:diva-22089.
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Background: The increased attention to the subject of sustainable development within the fashion industry is frequently explained by how the fashion industry has become global, connecting brands, producers, manufacturers, businesses, and consumers across the entire globe. This has further led to the need for new constellations of global multi stakeholder collaborations. In 2009, a rather remarkable collaboration was announced; Patagonia and Walmart are pairing up to fight for a sustainable apparel, footwear, and textile industry. The collaboration is called The Sustainable Apparel Coalition (SAC) and is today representing nearly half of the entire volume of global production for apparel and footwear. Purpose: The purpose of this research is to identify key decision points and actions in the development of SAC and the Higg Index. The aim is to understand how to create a foundation for sustainable development within the fashion, apparel and textile industry on a global scale. Methodology: The research has been conducted through an exploratory case study of qualitative character, focusing on the development process of SAC and the Higg Index. The data has been collected through in-depth interviews with participants having prior knowledge, insight, participation, and experience of the development process of SAC and the Higg Index. Further the data has been analyzed through an inductive thematic analysis. Result & Analysis: Several interesting themes arrived in the result. However, these were narrowed down to four key factors for the development process of SAC and the Higg Index; Industry collaboration through democratic organizational culture, Getting the right people on the bus, then teaching them how to drive it, Trustworthy standards, communication and transparency throughout the supply chain, and Striving for global sustainable development = good for business. Research Limitations & Suggestions for Future Research: Due to the exploratory character of the study, conclusions have been drawn with caution and has rather aimed to focus on the contribution of new insights, a deeper understanding and increased knowledge of the development of SAC and the Higg Index. The main suggestion for future research is to conduct a study which includes the perspective of the manufacturers and workers within the supply chain. This type of study could assist with gaining further insights of obstacles and potential solutions for how to globally adopt the Higg Index within all levels of the supply chain in the most successful way.
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Ormerod, Gerald J. "Advocacy Coalition Formation, Mobilization, Sustainment, and Fragmentation: A Case Study of the New Orleans Federal Alliance (NOFA) and the Federal City Project." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2266.
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U.S. military bases and installations represent trillions of dollars of capital investment towards the nation’s defense infrastructure. The Department of Defense, in its response to the end of the Cold War with the Soviet Union in the 1980s, sought to reorganize and optimize this basing infrastructure to meet the emerging threats of the 21st century. A series of nationwide Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC) efforts were chartered by Congress to facilitate this task, identifying hundreds of obsolete or unneeded military installations. During the last BRAC effort in 2005, the Naval Support Activity New Orleans was targeted for closure, with its U.S. Navy and Marine Corps tenants to be reassigned elsewhere. In response to this threat, a group of retired military and civilian elites formed a non-profit entity known as the New Orleans Federal Alliance (NOFA), chartered to lobby the BRAC Commission to salvage the West Bank portion of the NSA from closure and establish a new mixed use, public-private Federal City complex in its stead. The purpose of this study was to examine the life cycle of NOFA and its partners in the context of the Federal City project over a ten year period. Interviews of key personnel involved with this coalition revealed remarkable insight into the characteristics associated with its formation, mobilization, sustainment, and fragmentation. The data illustrated the delicate relationship between the military history of New Orleans and its unique culture, and how that culture influenced actor behavior through the varied governing subsystems in the region. As one would expect, local politics dominated the adverse dynamic of the coalition’s solvency, heightened significantly in national visibility by the effects of Hurricane Katrina. The result was the dissolution of the NOFA-centered coalition and the failure of the Federal City project to achieve full maturity.
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Hayes, E. Jane. "An examination of the advocacy coalition framework, and the punctuated equilibrium theory a case study of MI Public Act 61 of 2004 /." Diss., Connect to online resource - MSU authorized users, 2008.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Michigan State University. School of Social Work, 2008.<br>"Cynthia Jackson-Elmoore, [dissertation committee chair]"--Acknowledgments. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Aug. 20, 2009) Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-190). Also issued in print.
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Dahash, Qiad Hadie. "The maladministration of the Coalition Provisional Authority in the duty to prevent criminal activities and its effects on illegal funds (causes and solutions)." Thesis, Bangor University, 2015. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-maladministration-of-the-coalition-provisional-authority-in-the-duty-to-prevent-criminal-activities-and-its-effects-on-illegal-funds-causes-and-solutions(b1e1aa39-456b-4151-a6ed-8207f2ff0921).html.
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The maladministration of the Coalition Provisional Authority in its duty, with respect to its failure to take steps to prevent financial criminal activities, led to the generation of illegal funds in occupied Iraq. This maladministration, and consideration of possible methods for depriving criminals of those funds and recovering them for the Iraqi State, remains largely unexplored by the literature. This thesis addresses this gap by first, establishing the maladministration of the Coalition Provisional Authority to meet its obligations as an occupying administration, and second, proposes mechanisms to deal with the problem and recovery of corruptly obtained funds during the Coalition Provisional Authority’s tenure. It is argued that the Coalition Provisional Authority did not take proper and feasible measures in order to prevent financial criminal activities. This maladministration led to the widespread propensity in criminal activities that generated vast amounts of illicit money in occupied Iraq. This thesis has two Parts. Part One explores the problem of the maladministration of the Coalition Provisional Authority of its duty to prevent financial criminal activities (that generated substantial amounts of illicit funds). It examines the state of military occupation of Iraq, and the duty upon the occupant to create the Coalition Provisional Authority. It demonstrates that there was a duty on the Coalition Provisional Authority to take affirmative steps to prevent financial criminal activities. It considers certain types of financial criminal activities that generated illegal funds, and shows how the Coalition Provisional Authority failed to prevent those activities. In light of the huge amounts of illegal funds generated, Part Two offers solutions for their recovery by examining the feasibility of the criminal forfeiture of corruptly obtained funds generated in Iraq territory and found in US territory; and by showing that civil action is the best alternative mechanism for recovering Iraqi funds that disappeared as a result of corrupt activities during the Coalition Provisional Authority’s tenure.
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Olson, Amanda M. "The narrative construction of breast cancer a comparative case study of the Susan G. Komen Foundation and National Breast Cancer Coalitions' campaign strategies, messages, and effects /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1127407313.
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Monear, Daryl A. "Explaining stability and upheaval in state-level higher education governance : a multiple-case study analysis using advocacy coalition theory and punctuated equilibrium theory /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7709.
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Fusarelli, Lance D. "The interplay of advocacy coalitions and institutions on school choice in Texas : a case study of charter schools and vouchers /." Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Cometti, Aurelie. "Mega sports event policy in Marseille 1991-2003 the football World Cup and the Americas Cup : a case study of urban governance." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2007. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7989.
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The aim of this thesis is to provide a theoretically informed account of the decision-making process in mega sports events policy in Marseille. This is intended to allow an evaluation of the major theoretical frameworks developed in the Anglo-Saxon literature on urban governance and their applicability to the French local government context, and more specifically to the context of sports policy in Marseille. Following an analysis of the development of the local political culture of Marseille, the thesis undertakes a review of theoretical frameworks developed in the urban policy literature identifying three major approaches / concepts which have dominated Anglo-Saxon literature, namely the growth coalition (Logan and Molotch 1987), policy network (Rhodes 1981; 1988), and urban regime (Stone 1989) approaches. These theoretical frameworks have been little used in French urban policy literature (Le Gales 1995; 2003) and feature rarely, if at all, in French sports policy literature. In reviewing this literature the thesis identifies a set of indicators, which may be used in empirical contexts to differentiate growth coalitions from policy networks and urban regimes. A major question for the research is thus to what extent Anglo-Saxon theoretical frameworks / concepts can be usefully employed to understand French decision-making and that of Marseille in particular. Subscribing to critical realism, the thesis aims to give an account of the mega sport event phenomena in Marseille, and of the actors' understanding and interpretation (in effect their social construction) of the phenomena. The data collected were documents for the period 1991 - 2003 from official sources (minutes and proceedings of local government and event-related bodies, reports, political speeches, and local government publications), local press coverage, and interviewees conducted with the major decision-makers. An ethnographic content analysis was made, partly employing a deductive approach based on the set of common indicators developed from the review of urban policy, and partly inductively from themes, which emerged in the analysis (Altheide 1996). The thesis concludes that while there is some evidence of the development of policy networks the specificity of the French context, and that of Marseille, with its heavily state-led approach to policy, means that the use of urban regime, and still less of growth coalition approaches, is not warranted by the evidence.
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Merton, Prudence. "Navigating the tension between the master narrative of the academy and the counter-narrative of reform: personal case studies from within an engineering education coalition." Diss., Texas A&M University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/3763.
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This qualitative study inquired into the personal experience of three engineering professors and one associate dean who participated in an engineering education coalitionÂthe Foundation CoalitionÂa National Science Foundation-funded project which attempted to reform undergraduate engineering curricula at six U.S. institutions of higher education. Through analysis of occupational life histories, and data from a larger study of curricular change processes, two dominant social narratives emerged. Cultural attributes of academia were conceptualized as a master narrative. The reform effort emerged as a counter-narrative by calling for a Âculture change in engineering education. I describe five areas where the counter-narrative challenged the master narrative: the rationale and need for educational change, the nature of faculty work, disciplinary relationships, relationships among faculty, and the incentive and reward system. The counter-narrative of reform promoted curricular and pedagogical change, more interdisciplinary and integrated foundations for engineering education, and encouraged partnerships and community over faculty isolation and autonomy. The counter-narrative challenged faculty complicity with the master narrative and offered alternative ways of viewing their role as faculty in higher education. The master and counter-narratives clashed over the nature of faculty work in research universities, fueling the ongoing debate about the relative value of research and teaching and the associated reward system. This study found that the four participants used different strategies to navigate the conflict between the two social narratives. One participant was informed by an ideal vision of engineering education, and never relinquished the quest for an opportunity to realize that vision. Another professor, energized by the collaborative environment created by the Coalition, continued to find creative avenues to partner with others to improve engineering education. A third participant worked, through compromise and accommodation, to craft an improved curriculum that worked within the local institutional culture. And finally, an associate dean, who rejected the duality of the master/counter-narrative worldview, reframed the reform effort by encouraging faculty working in educational change to view their work as scholarship. The findings from this study support faculty engagement in the scholarship of teaching and learning and encourage faculty developers to find ways of supporting faculty in that effort.
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Ondoro, Nicholas Otieno. "The Police Reform Process in Kenya, 2008-2014: A Case Study of Security Sector Reform in Societies Emerging From Crisis." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/12762.
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Security sector reform has in the recent past been a critical component of peace agreements in countries emerging from armed conflicts or political crisis. In Kenya, the Commission of Inquiry into the 2007/08 Post-Election Violence (CIPEV) established that Kenya’s security sector, particularly the police, bore the greatest responsibility for the violence. Subsequently, the police emerged as one of the major institutions for reforms. ‘How have security sector reforms, particularly police reforms, in Kenya developed since 2007 and how, and to what extent, have they been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and SSR process during this period?’ The research aimed at investigating how the police reform process in Kenya has developed since 2007, and how the process has been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and security sector reform processes in general. Using mixed methods research, we found that despite some progress, there is wider public perception that the reforms are yet to address reform priorities at the national level and still fall short of expectations of ordinary Kenyans. We argue that political power-sharing after the 2007 post-election violence facilitated police reform, while at the same time frustrated its implementation especially in instances where reform seemed to dis-empower political elites.
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Béraud-Sudreau, Lucie. "Soutien ou contrôle ? La politique des ventes d’armes en France et en Suède (1990-2015)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA020018.
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Ce travail étudie les changements dans les politiques d’exportation d’armement de la France et de la Suède depuis la fin de la guerre froide. Il cherche à expliquer pourquoi on assiste d’abord à un phénomène de convergence entre les deux Etats (1990-2005) puis à un phénomène de divergence (2005-2015). La thèse montre que les explications du changement ne viennent pas uniquement de facteurs internationaux (transformations économiques, diplomatiques) ou internes (évolutions de l’industrie de défense, scandales, alternances politiques), mais des rapports de force entre coalitions « pro-soutien » et « pro-contrôle » des ventes d’armes. L’intervention et l’enchaînement de mécanismes causaux faisant appel au travail politique d’acteurs du sous-système de politique publique sont nécessaires pour relier les facteurs de changement internationaux et domestiques aux réformes observées dans les politiques d’exportation d’armements<br>This thesis studies the changes in French and Swedish arms export policies since the end of the Cold War. It seeks to explain why we first observe a converging trend between the two states (1990-2005) and then a diverging trend (2005-2015). The thesis shows that the explanations for policy change do not stem only from international (economic and diplomatic transformations) or domestic factors (defence industry evolutions, arms trade scandals, government political shifts), but from the power struggles between “pro-support” and “pro-control” arms export coalitions. The intervention and succession of causal mechanism requiring actors’ political work is necessary to link the international and domestic factors of change to the observed reforms in arms export policies
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Simonneau, Damien. "Il nous faut une barrière ! : sociologie politique des mobilisations pro-barrière en Israël et en Arizona (Etats-Unis)." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BORD0451/document.
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En Israël et aux États-Unis, les politiques de défense matérialisant des limites territoriales au moyen de« barrières » ont pour point commun de susciter des mobilisations infra-étatiques (en Israël à partir de2001 pour une « barrière de sécurité » en Cisjordanie ; en Arizona à partir de 2010 pour une « barrièrefrontalière » avec le Mexique). Les opérations homologues de cadrage pro-barrière des situations demobilités et de présence de Palestiniens et de Mexicains que ces mobilisations remplissent, contribuentà entretenir le consensus sur le rôle du militaire dans la construction et le traitement d’un « problèmepublic » de la mobilité. Le territoire marqué par la barrière devient alors le lieu d’une performancepublique destinée à rassurer les citoyens israéliens et états-uniens. Par une analyse des représentations,des modes d’actions et des pratiques de sécurité pro-barrière, nous examinons les spécificitésnationales et géopolitiques de ces deux fabriques de barrière. Au-delà de ces spécificités, ladémonstration compare trois opérations homologues remplies par ces mobilisations dans leurssystèmes politiques : la problématisation des situations de mobilité et de présence d’étrangersindésirables ; la « sécuritisation » en une réponse militaire à apporter à ces situations ; et lapublicisation du cadrage pro-barrière par l’action collective et protestataire contre les gouvernements<br>Beyond controlling mobility of undesirables, the function of the building up of “fences” on territorialboundaries is also to reassure fenced-in citizens. By analyzing the cases of Israel and the USA, thepresent dissertation investigates how the fenced territory becomes the place of a public performanceaimed to reassure Israeli and US citizens. The starting point of the demonstration is that such defensepolicies nourish social mobilizations (in Israel from 2001 in favor of a “security fence” in the WestBank; in Arizona from 2010 in favor of a “border fence” with Mexico). I rely on analyses ofrepresentations, actions and security practices of such mobilizations to investigate national andgeopolitical specificities. Beyond these specificities, I compare three analogous political operations bypro-fence movements in their political systems. First, they construct situations of mobility andpresence of undesirables as problematic. Second, they securitize these situations as a security issuescalling for a military response. Finally, they diffuse pro-fence framing by collective and dissentingactions against governments. Thus, they contribute to maintain a consensus over the role of themilitary in the construction and the management of a “public problem” of mobility in these twosocieties
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Beaujeu, Mélodie. "La "cause des migrants" : un moment transnational ? (1990-2014) : l’enjeu migratoire, au cœur de la restructuration des champs sécuritaires et militants transnationaux dans le temps long." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019IEPP0037.
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Cette thèse porte sur l’émergence de coalitions transnationales de plaidoyer pour la « cause des migrants » entre la fin des années 1990 et le milieu des années 2000. Elle cherche en particulier à élucider un paradoxe : l’apparente contradiction entre, d’une part l’intensité et l’ampleur atteintes en peu d’années par les mobilisations sur ce thème, et d’autre part le recul relatif, non moins rapide, de ces mobilisations. Pour rendre compte de ce qui fait figure de mobilisations éphémères, notre recherche combine trois approches, peu présentes dans la littérature relative à ces objets : une approche historique, une réflexion poussée sur mon expérience de « professionnelle-militante », et la perspective théorique ouverte par Christian Topalov avec la notion de « champ faible ». L’objectif est d’interroger le caractère « nouveau » de ces mobilisations transnationales de plaidoyer, en les envisageant comme des points d’entrée sur un champ ancien de mobilisation qui connaitrait, à partir de la fin des années 1990, une nouvelle mutation; mutation que la thèse a pour objet de caractériser. A cette fin, j’adopte une stratégie de recherche « en entonnoir » : A partir d’un point de vue à la fois historique et très « macro », centré sur l’analyse des contextes et des modalités d’émergence de coalitions d’acteurs divers – religieux, élites administratives, ONG - dans une première partie, je resserre ensuite la focale sur un échelon franco-européen-africain de formation d’alliances transnationales. L’observation de la place qu’occupe l’enjeu migratoire au sein des trajectoires individuelles et organisationnelles permet de rendre compte du caractère éphémère des coalitions<br>This thesis focuses on the emergence of transnational advocacy coalitions on the “cause of migrants” between the end of the 1990s and the mid-2000s. It purports to account for an episode of intense transnational mobilization around the cause of migrants and the question of migrations, between the end of the 1990s and 2014, that is, before what became known as the “refugee crisis” or “migrant crisis”. In particular, it aims at explaining a paradox: the apparent contradiction between, on the hand hand, the level and scope taken by these mobilizations over the course of a few years, and on the other the decline, albeit relative but very quick, of these mobilizations. To account for this ephemeral mobilization, this research combines three sets of approaches, which together draw a lens little used in the scholarship: a historical approach, a reflexion anchored in my own experience as a “professional/advocate”, and the theoretical perspective opened by Christian Topalov and his theoretical tool of the “weak field”. This approach leads to questioning the “novelty” of these transnational advocacy coalitions, by seeing them, rather, as a temporary restructuration of a much older field of mobilization that underwent a new mutation from the end of the 1990s; a change which this thesis seeks to empirically trace. To this end, it adopts a “funnel” research strategy. Starting with a historical and “macro” focus, retracing the contexts and conditions for the emergence of diverse coalitions of actors - religious, administrative elites, NGOs - from the 19th century, in the first part, the thesis then channels attention towards the constitution of transnational alliances within a French-European-African political and militant space. Empirically, focusing on the role of the cause of migration within individual and organisational trajectories is an entry-point to account for the constantly evolving and transient character of these coalitions
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Olson, Amanda M. "The Narrative Construction of Breast Cancer: A Comparative Case Study of the Susan G. Komen Foundation and National Breast Cancer Coalisions' Campaign Strategies, Messages, and Effects." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1127407313.
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Moalim, Bostio Abdulahi. "Handling an epidemic during humanitarian crisis in a civil war - The case Yemen." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-427899.
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Yemen is amid in three threats at the moment, during a civil war with a pandemic hitting them during a humanitarian crisis. The aim of this work was to understand how has the civil war in Yemen shaped and impacted their humanitarian crisis and COVID-19 response. A literature review was used in this study which helped to analyze the work. As a theoretical framework, it was used Michael E. Brown’s concept of Causes and dimensions of internal actors and Mary Kaldor’s concept of New Wars, which helped to outline and analyze the elements of this conflict and what effects internal and external Actors have in the conflict. Mason and Rychard´s conflict mapping tools were used as a method. Also, the inter-agency framework helped to analyze the structural causes and key actors in the conflict. These all helped answer the research question, how has the civil war in Yemen affected their humanitarian crisis and COVID-19 response? One of the important points that this conflict in Yemen tells us is the importance of local humanitarian workers when the conflict actors deny access to the areas. Without them, the work of international aid workers would be almost impossible, as the war continued around. The two humanitarian actors benefit from each other and this brings joint benefit to the Yemeni civilians. The main findings are as the war prolongs for a long time and externals actors intervene in it, followed by a humanitarian crisis affecting innocent civilians. Such a country will then be vulnerable to various pandemics. This has happened in the conflict in Yemen, as the situation is terrible and the COVID-19 pandemic disaster is coming to light there. One can state as a conclusion of the study that further research on the effect of COVID-19 could be helpful for the future to understand the real catastrophic effects this absurd conflict has brought.
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Yang, Victor. "Unleashing power : pathways to inclusion and representation in U.S. AIDS activist organisations : a comparative case study of political representation in the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5b51086e-cd00-4d92-b39a-2865219ea5a1.
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The thesis proposes a theory for the development of substantive representation among social movement organisations (SMOs). Substantive representation (SR) is the extent to which political institutions advance the policy interests of their constituents, in particular the most disenfranchised. Despite their noble proclamations, institutions of representative democracy often fail to advance the interests of groups who have been ignored and absent at the proverbial table. The thesis establishes a causal process to explain the divergence in SR outcomes among informal SMOs, or all-volunteer groups that disavow formal hierarchy in favour of egalitarian modes of decision-making. It utilises a case study of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP), an umbrella organisation dedicated to ending the HIV/AIDS crisis in the United States and worldwide. It explains an anomalous story of SR attainment through the ACT UP Philadelphia chapter, compared to sister groups in New York City and Boston. The analysis draws from 92 semi-structured interviews, 13 months of participant observation, periodical review, and archival databases. ACT UP Philadelphia translated common SMO intentions of inclusivity into the uncommon rituals of practice. It forged a deliberate pipeline to invest not only in the presence but also the power of disenfranchised people with HIV, people too dark and poor to interest counterpart groups in other cities. Through an analytic retelling of ACT UP's history, the thesis argues that the fulfilment of SR depends on the ability of SMOs to appeal to member self-interest. Critically, SMOs can offer material incentives and nurture feelings of debt and obligation: causal steps to recruitment and sustainability of a heterogeneous membership. In building a crucial if contentious core of dissimilar people and partnerships, SMOs can unleash an oft-unrealised power for collective action and SR, by and for disenfranchised peoples who had thought change to be impossible.
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Watkins, Sean Edward. "Torture Survivor Advocacy Nonprofits and Representation on the Internet: The Case of Freedom From Torture." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1368745253.
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Bardelli-Danieli, Andrea. "Interpreting ICT policy processes in developing countries : a case study of Uganda." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/interpreting-ict-policy-processes-in-developing-countries-a-case-study-of-uganda(c672c237-c199-4974-b7ee-ce3db62da99b).html.
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Several studies suggest that the diffusion of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in developing countries (DCs) can help such countries achieve national development goals - especially if accompanied by appropriate government policies designed to regulate and promote the use and the diffusion of ICTs in the national context. Over the past few years 'ICT policy' has thus become something worthy of academic attention, in particular in the ambit of ICT-for-development (ICT4D) literature. Scholarly studies on the subject have so far focused however primarily on policy content, and have often been prescriptive and/or evaluative in nature. Relatively less attention has been paid instead to the processes by which ICT policy is made in DCs - a lacuna reflected also in the relative scarcity, in the realm of ICT4D literature, of detailed theoretical frameworks with which to study ICT policymaking practice in DCs. This study intends to help fill this lacuna, by proposing an innovative framework for the analysis of ICT policy processes in DCs, and subjecting such a framework to a first 'proof of concept', through its application to a particular case (ICT policymaking in Uganda). In recognition of the importance of the cognitive aspects of policy practice, the framework proposed is interpretive in nature, and is organised around three 'movements', or steps: an analysis of the linguistic and non-linguistic constructs employed by policy actors to articulate discourse on ICT policymaking; an analysis of the key discourses around ICT policy constructed by policy actors in specific settings; and an analysis of the composition and the strength of the 'alliances', or coalitions, of actors that construct and propagate specific discourses in such settings. The ultimate purpose of this type of analysis is to understand how specific discourses on, or 'versions' of the ICT policy process gain particular purchase and acceptance in given national settings, thereby providing ICT policy actors with elements for reflection on the practices they are involved in. The framework proposed is particularly innovative in that integrates elements derived from mainstream political science and policy analysis literature - thus going some way in solidifying theorization in the ambit of ICT4D research. The study draws conclusions at two levels: at case level, findings indicate that Ugandan discourse around ICT policymaking appears to be constrained by the existence of a powerful, overall political discourse that defines ICT policy as necessarily 'participative'; at the level of theory and method, findings suggest that the framework proposed appears to be a viable and useful one for research on ICT policymaking practice in DCs.
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Tunc, Gulcin. "The Politics Of Local Economic Growth- A Critical Approach: The Case Of Manisa." Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612382/index.pdf.
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The mainstream accounts on local growth politics, which generally conceptualize the current context around the globalization of investments and the prominent role of local entrepreneuralism, argue for the tendency towards local coalitions. In opposition, the main argument of the thesis is that an increasingly fragmented and conflictual local growth politics is the defining feature of the contemporary localities. Defining the current context around the increased involvement of the business actors in directing the path of local economic growth and of the local state institutions in entrepreneurial activities, it was shown in Manisa case that intra-local conflicts are likely to deepen under conditions of increased inter-urban competition.
By critically employing the concept of local dependence, it was shown that different local dependence factors result in the differentiation of the local actors&rsquo<br>priorities and preferences with regard to the utilization of local resources. Thus, it is concluded that a common local interest is not possible and that conflicts and contentions (between different-fractions of capital and between local labor and capital) stemming from the existence of different local dependence factors mark the process of local growth politics. As a special dependence factor in terms of local politics, the generation of land-rent was identified to be a potential basis for local collaborations whereas it was also found out that such coalitions are likely to be temporary and open to political contention. On the other hand, the supra-local relations of actors, which are essential for the pursuasion of local interests, are observed to have a determinant effect on local conflicts.
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Henry, Colin, and edu au jillj@deakin edu au mikewood@deakin edu au wildol@deakin edu au kimg@deakin. "CASE STUDIES IN HUMAN RIGHTS EDUCATION AND CRITICAL EDUCATIONAL SCIENCE." Deakin University. School of Education, 1995. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20041214.144057.
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This thesis offers an account of the history and effects of three curriculum projects sponsored by the Australian Human Rights Commission between 1983 and 1986. Each project attempted to improve observance of human rights in and through Australian schools through participatory research (or critical educational science). That is, the research included, as a conscious feature, the effort to develop new forms of curriculum work which more adequately respect the personal and professional rights of teachers, especially their entitlement as persons and professionals to participate in planning, conducting and controlling the curriculum development, evaluation and implementation that constitutes their work. In more specific terms, the Australian Human Rights Commission's three curriculum projects represented an attempt to improve the practice and theory of human rights education by engaging teachers in the practical work of evaluating, researching, and developing a human rights curriculum.
While the account of the Australian Human Rights Commission curriculum project is substantially an account of teachers1 work, it is a story which ranges well beyond the boundaries of schools and classrooms. It encompasses a history of episodes and events which illustrate how educational initiatives and their fate will often have to set within the broad framework of political, social, and cultural contestation if they are to be understood. More exactly, although the Human Rights Commission's work with schools was instrumental in showing how teachers might contribute to the challenging task of improving human rights education, the project was brought to a premature halt during the debate in the Australian Senate on the Bill of Rights in late 1985 and early 1986. At this point in time, the Government was confronted with such opposition from the Liberal/National Party Coalition that it was obliged to withdraw its Bill of Rights Legislation, close down the original Human Rights Commission, and abandon the attempt to develop a nationwide program in human rights education. The research presents an explanation of why it has been difficult for the Australian Government to live up to its international obligations to improve respect for human rights through education. More positively, however, it shows how human rights education, human rights related areas of education, and social education might be transformed if teachers (and other members of schools communities) were given opportunities to contribute to that task. Such opportunities, moreover, also represent what might be called the practice of democracy in everyday life. They thus exemplify, as well as prefigure, what it might mean to live in a more authentically democratic society.
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VerHage, Alicia. "Transnational civil society's ability to successfully influence state actors on human rights issues through international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) : a case study of the coalition to stop the use of child soldiers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1682/.
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