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Journal articles on the topic 'Coalition governments – Belgium'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Biziouras, Nikolaos. "Midshipmen Form a Coalition Government in Belgium: Lessons from a Role-Playing Simulation." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (2013): 400–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000115.

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AbstractUsing a role-playing simulation on government formation with pre- and posttest assessment format, I show that students developed a significantly greater capacity for precision and specificity in their answers about the process of coalition government formation in parliamentary systems; students changed their beliefs in the ability of institutional rules to causally affect the process of coalition government formation in parliamentary systems; and, finally, students, changed their views on whether office-seeking politicians are more successful than policy-seeking politicians in forming

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2

Moury, Catherine, and Arco Timmermans. "Inter-Party Conflict Management in Coalition Governments: Analyzing the Role of Coalition Agreements in Belgium, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands." Politics and Governance 1, no. 2 (2013): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v1i2.94.

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In this article, we focus on manifest interparty conflict over policy issues and the role of coalition agreements in solving these conflicts. We present empirical findings on the characteristics of coalition agreements including deals over policy controversy and on inter-party conflict occurring during the lifetime of governments in Germany, Belgium, Italy and the Netherlands. We analyze the ways in which parties in government were or were not constrained by written deals over disputed issues. Coalition agreements from all four countries include specific policy deals, one third of which are pr

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3

Van De Voorde, Aloïs. "Het dramatisch Eerste Ministerschap van Mark Eyskens : een terugblik na twintig jaar." Res Publica 42, no. 4 (2000): 429–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i4.18520.

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The Christian-democrat/socialist government Martens IV resigned at the end ofMarch 1981, because the socialist party could not agree with an urgency plan to reorganize the public finances. Mark Eyskens, Minister of Finance in that cabinet, put together a new government as soon as April 6 of the same year. He succeeded as Prime Minister while all the other resigning ministers remained in their function. Minister Robert Vandeputte, an extra-parlementarian and honorary governor of the Central Bank, became the new Minister of Finance. Like the preceding governments, the Eyskens cabinet was strongl

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4

Dandoy, Régis. "The Impact of Government Participation and Prospects on Party Policy Preferences in Belgium." Government and Opposition 49, no. 4 (2013): 630–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.38.

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This article analyses the impact of government prospects and government participation on party policy preferences. Comparing the content of manifestos of governing and opposition parties in Belgium during three decades, I observed that the relationship of a party to the act of governing influences the content of its manifesto. In that sense, party preferences are not only driven by ideology and vote-seeking arguments but are part of a larger party strategy: parties adapt their electoral platform when they are in government or are willing to enter into it. The conclusion of the article also dis

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5

Olislagers, Ellen, and Kristof Steyvers. "Choosing Coalition Partners in Belgian Local Government." Local Government Studies 41, no. 2 (2014): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2014.884496.

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6

Vargas Visús, Jorge. "Belgian Politics and the Spanish Civil War." HISPANIA NOVA. Primera Revista de Historia Contemporánea on-line en castellano. Segunda Época, no. 20 (November 24, 2021): 207–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/hn.2022.6459.

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During the second half of the 1930s, Belgium and its institutions were about to undergo testing. The first serious test came about after the shocking results of the legislative elections held on May 24, 1936. Léon Degrelle’s party, the Rex, gained 21 seats. Consequently, a new coalition government had to be constituted in order to safeguard political stability. In parallel with this, a redefinition of the European political landscape was taking place due to the effects caused by the remilitarization of the Rhineland in March 1936. Vis-à-vis that new European scenario, the Belgian government de

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7

Thrasher, Michael. "Sub‐national coalition government formation in Belgium, France and Germany." Local Government Studies 25, no. 1 (1999): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003939908433940.

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8

Gerard, Emmanuel. "Het voorzitterschap van Kamer en Senaat in België (1918-1974) : Van parlementaire autonomie naar partijdige afhankelijkheid." Res Publica 41, no. 1 (1999): 121–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v41i1.18541.

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This article analyses the election of the Speakers of both houses of the Belgian parliament, the House of Representatives and the Senate, in the period 1918-1974. According to the Belgian constitution, the election of the Speaker is a competence of each house. As can be expected in a system of parliamentary government, the Speakers belong to the government majority, as they did already before 1914. But with the disappearance of a homogeneous majority and the need for cabinet coalitions after 1918 - result of the proportional representation - someeffects which tended to erode parliamentary auto

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9

Wouters, Ruud, Pauline Ketelaars, Stefaan Walgrave, and Nina Eggert. "How government coalition affects demonstration composition. Comparing twin austerity demonstrations in Belgium." Acta Politica 54, no. 1 (2017): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41269-017-0071-z.

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10

Van Velthoven, Harry. "'Amis ennemis'? 2 Communautaire spanningen in de socialistische partij 1919-1940. Verdeeldheid. Compromis. Crisis. Eerste deel: 1918-1935." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 77, no. 1 (2018): 27–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v77i1.12007.

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Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatie

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11

Timmermans, Arco, and Catherine Moury. "Coalition Governance in Belgium and The Netherlands: Rising Government Stability Against All Electoral Odds." Acta Politica 41, no. 4 (2006): 389–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500139.

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12

Willemé, Peter. "Een eenvoudig model van de vorming van Belgische federale regeringscoalities (1958-1991)." Res Publica 38, no. 1 (1996): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v38i1.18653.

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In this article a simpte model of Belgian government coalition formation is proposed. lts main advantages over the traditional game theoretical approach are, first, its dynamic nature (explicity linking the outcome of a new 'game' to the characteristics of the previous coalition) and, second, the fact that only one coalition is predicted per 'game '. As a result of the latter characteristic, the integration of this coalition formation submodel in a larger (econometric) politico-economic model should be far less complicated. Moreover, statistical tests indicate that the proposed model works at

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13

Łaptos, Józef. "Postawa Francji i jej belgijskiej sojuszniczki wobec wojny polsko-bolszewickiej." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 31 (December 14, 2022): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.22.002.16704.

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The Stance of France and Belgium Toward the Polish-Bolshevik War The article is an attempt to underline the difference in the conduct of foreign policy by two allied countries. One of them – France, had the opinion of the most powerful state in Europe after World War I, and the other – Belgium, was a small country that decided to abandon its neutrality (imposed by the great powers in 1839). Such an alliance, salutary for strengthening the security guarantees towards the former occupant, brought with it fears of domination and instrumental treatment. In matters of eastern policy, both countries

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14

Dehaene, Jean-Luc. "De (on)macht van de Eerste Minister : Een a-wetenschappelijke ervaringsbenadering." Res Publica 42, no. 1 (2001): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i1.18527.

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The position of the Belgian prime minister (PM) is hardly mentioned in the Belgian Constitution. lt was only after almost 140 years, in 1970 he was mentioned for the first time. lts power is rather a matter of common law. Since 1831 through the years, the position and power of the PM changed strongly. This often happened together with changes concerning the power of the King: the weaker the King, the stronger the PM.The existence of coalition governments puts forward bis role as coordinator and even as arbitrator, whereas the federalisation process since the seventies places him as a conciliat

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15

Biondi, Peter. "Morfologie van het partijbureau bij de CVP en de BSP in de jaren vijftig." Res Publica 41, no. 1 (1999): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v41i1.18540.

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The party executive is the most important organ within a political party especially in Belgium which is charaterised as one of the strongest particracies in Western Europe. Focusing on the functioning of the party executive within the CVP (1959-1960) and the BSP (1956-1957) at a moment both parties govern with the Liberal Party as coalition partner, the attendances and interventions within the party executive show a group of approximately fives persons playing a predominant role in the decision making process. In both cases the party president is the most important and powerful person. The alm

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16

Fernández-Esquer, Carlos. "El sistema electoral de Bélgica y sus reformas electorales." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 45 (April 3, 2020): 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.45.2020.27144.

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El presente artículo aborda el estudio del sistema electoral de la Cámara de Representantes belga y sus reformas electorales. Bélgica fue el primer país europeo en adoptar un sistema de representación proporcional y, desde entonces, sus elementos centrales han exhibido una extraordinaria estabilidad. Sin embargo, con el cambio de siglo, el gobierno de coalición liderado por el liberal Guy Verhofstadt situó el debate sobre las reformas institucionales en el centro de la agenda política. Ello condujo a una reforma electoral que supuso la «provincialización» del mapa electoral, el establecimiento

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17

Van Velthoven, Harry. "De breuk van de 'daensistische' christendemocratie met het katholieke establishment en de 'katholieke' christendemocratie 1893-1914." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 74, no. 4 (2015): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v74i4.12078.

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Tussen 1884 en 1914 kende België homogeen katholieke regeringen. Wat veranderde de democratisering van het stemrecht in 1893 (algemeen meervoudig stemrecht voor mannen) en de invoering van de evenredige vertegenwoordiging in 1899 aan de machtsverhoudingen binnen de katholieke partij? De conservatieve kiesverenigingen werden toen extern met het socialisme en intern met een opstand van de middenklasse geconfronteerd. Katholieke subelites eisten namens een miljoen nieuwe kiezers de decratisering van de lijsten en de erkenning van deelgroepen op een gezamenlijke lijst. Dit vormt de bredere context

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18

Fraeys, William. "Les élections législatives et européennes du 13 juin 1999 : Analyse des résultats." Res Publica 41, no. 2-3 (1999): 239–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v41i2-3.18543.

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On june 13th, the Belgian voters had to choose their representatives in four assemblies: the European Parliament, the Chamber of Representatives, the Senate, and the Regional Council of either the Flemish, the Walloon or the Brussels Capital regions accordingly.Thus these elections made it possible to measure possible differences in the results a same list obtained in the different polls. These differences could be observed for some lists, but not for all and were essentially due to the personality of certain candidates rather than to a political will to differentiate, with the exception perha

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19

Swaelen, Frank. "Het Parlement op het einde van de twintigste eeuw : Mogelijkheden en begrenzingen." Res Publica 42, no. 1 (2000): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i1.18530.

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The Belgian constitutional system is based upon the classic principle of the trias politica, which means that there is a separation of powers, but also a balanced cooperation between them. This article focuses on the Belgian federal Parliament, which bas been, together with the reform of the state from a unitary to a federal state, radically reformed.The Belgian Parliament nowadays is much better equipped to fulfil the function of checks and balances than thirty years ago. The number of staff and the material equipment has increased considerably. At the same time, the emphasis in parliamentary

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20

Van Doren, Jan. "Vlaamse Gemeenschap : politiek jaaroverzicht 1986." Res Publica 29, no. 3 (1987): 435–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i3.18943.

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The political agenda for the first year of governing of the second autonomous Fiemish government in the history of the Belgian state, was dominated by the debate concerning the additional financial resources and authorities for the communities and regions. The immediate cause for this, was the extensive saving-plan (Saint-Anna plan) of the national government, which also hit the communities and regions. The final outcome of the debate was the so-called Saint-Catherina agreement, which not only provides a number of savings, but also the transferring of a series of public services and scientific

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21

Vandeweyer, Luc. "De emancipatie van de ministerraad onder druk van de Tweede Wereldoorlog." Res Publica 38, no. 1 (1996): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v38i1.18656.

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Since the creation of the Belgian state in 1830, the kings, head of state, always tried to expand their political influence. Part of this strategy was the treatment of the ministers as individuals, not as a council. The process of democratisation and the development of political parties pushed back this royal influence. In the meantime, as a result of the fact that coalitions were necessary to establish a government, the Council of Ministers was developping more and more as an institution. That was necessary to gain some governmental stability. Thispermanent Council was not stated in the const

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22

Franck, Christian. "La prise de décision belge en politique extérieure : cohésion, tensions, controle et influences." Res Publica 29, no. 1 (1987): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i1.18960.

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Besides classical issues of parliamentary control and pressure groups' influence, coordination between ministers and administrations involved in foreign policy making and harmonization of national foreign policy with external cultural relations led by the french, flemish and german Communities are the major problems belgian foreign policy making has to cope with.Divergences on options or heterogeneity of functional missions (Finance and Third World Cooperation e.g.) require arbitration and cooperative procedures provided by foreign affairs ministerial comitee at the governmental level. Competi

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23

Claes, Willy. "Vice-Premiers en kernkabinetten : Een evaluatie van deze innovaties." Res Publica 42, no. 1 (2000): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i1.18528.

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The function of Deputy Prime Minister is not specified in the Belgian Constitution, nevertheless it is imposed by force ofcustom. Since 1961, there have been in each government one or more Deputy Prime Ministers whether or not carrying the formal title. The Deputy Prime Minister was originally the number two in the government, behind the Prime Minister. Usually, he belongs to another party. Thanks to the competences attributed to him in the government, his position in his party and his natural authority and leadership, he tries, together with the prime minister, to manage the government in the

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24

Fraeys, William. "Les élections législatives du 24 novembre 1991 : Analyse des résultats." Res Publica 34, no. 2 (1992): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v34i2.20332.

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Organized after an almost complete term of office, but the end of which was marked by the resurgence of the community-linked problems and by the departure of the Ministers of the Volksunie, the parliamentary elections of 24th November 1991 will remain characterized by the punishment inflicted by apart of the voters, not only on the majority's parties, but also on the traditional parties as a whole.The opposition of the dissatisfied voters did not show itself either in a reduced participation to the vote, a rather normal phenomenon in a country where voting is compulsory, or in a rise of the bl

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25

Batakovic, Dusan. "The road to democracy: The development of constitutionalism in Serbia 1869-1903." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 133–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738133b.

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After the swiftly abolished liberal Constitution of 1835 and the imposed 'Turkish' one of 1838 (imposed by the Russians and Ottomans, guarantors of Serbia's autonomy granted in 1830, to limit the princely power), the development of constitutionalism in modern Serbia went through several phases. As elsewhere in the Balkans, constitutions usually resulted from a compromise between the ruler and the elites rather than from the will of the people. The 1868 Constitution drew to an extent upon the early nineteenth-century German constitutional monarchies, but, under pressure from the politically mob

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26

Gerard, Emmanuel. "Hoe de vorming van een Vlaams en rechts front mislukte. De geschiedenis van de Concentratie in 1936." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 75, no. 4 (2016): 338–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v75i4.12043.

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In de tweede helft van 1936 beleefde België een periode van politieke destabilisering. Dat was het gevolg van de verkiezingen van 24 mei die een nederlaag betekenden voor de katholieke partij en een overwinning voor Rex van Léon Degrelle, die dictatoriale ambities koesterde en steun vond bij Hitler en Mussolini. Ook het Vlaams Nationaal Verbond, dat eveneens in fascistische richting was geëvolueerd, en de communisten boekten winst. De socialisten waren nu de grootste partij, maar accepteerden een regering van nationale unie met katholieken en liberalen onder de technocraat Paul Van Zeeland. Di

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27

BAUDEWYNS, PIERRE, AUDREY VANDELEENE, LIEVEN DE WINTER, and SERGE DERUETTE. "Belgium: Political Developments and Data in 2023." European Journal of Political Research Political Data Yearbook, September 17, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2047-8852.12465.

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AbstractIn the final full year ahead of the 2024 general elections, tensions within the Belgian federal government were as intense as they were since its inception. If the De Croo I large coalition had been able to present a united front in the face of the need to respond to the pandemic and the energy crisis in its first years, its fragile character emerged in 2023, but yet without breaking. No large reform was implemented as if the coalition parties were already more preoccupied with positioning themselves for the 2024 elections than achieving a pension, tax or institutional reform. After ye

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28

Jacobs, Laura. "How Do Mainstream Parties Justify Their (Un)willingness to Rule with Populist Parties? Evidence from Twitter Data." Government and Opposition, November 16, 2022, 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.45.

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Abstract Parties usually argue in favour or against a government coalition based on party considerations in terms of projected policy implementation, power in office and vote maximization – that is, the ‘policy, office, votes’ triad. So far, however, it remains unclear which claims mainstream parties invoke to motivate their choice to rule or not rule with populist parties. Adopting the ‘policy, voter, office’ triad, this article examines mainstream parties' Twitter claims on ruling with populist parties in Austria, Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands (2006–2021, N = 1,919). Mainstream partie

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29

Moens, Pieter. "Professional activists? Party activism among political staffers in parliamentary democracies." Party Politics, June 30, 2021, 135406882110273. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540688211027317.

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Although the position of the party on the ground has been weakened by cartelization, grassroots activists remain an important recruitment pool for political professionals. Based on unique survey data collected among the staff of 14 Belgian and Dutch parties (N = 1009), this article offers an in-depth analysis of party activism among this under-researched population. Introducing a new supply and demand framework, I argue that staff recruitment is shaped by candidate preferences (supply) and party preferences (demand). The findings demonstrate that most political staffers are high-intensity acti

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