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Journal articles on the topic 'Coalition war'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 7 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Phillips, Julianne, and Scott Wolford. "Collective Deterrence in the Shadow of Shifting Power." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2021): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa095.

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AbstractTwelve of twenty-six war-winning coalitions since 1815 have seen at least two members go to war against one another after victory. What separates durable and fragile war-winning coalitions? To answer this question, we analyze a game-theoretic model of shifting intra-coalition power and collective deterrence. We show that (1) shifting power within war-winning coalitions can undermine commitments to the postwar settlement, but (2) revisionist threats from a powerful defeated side can enhance the credibility of commitments within the winning coalition, securing peace when intra-coalition

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Ahn, Jeongeun. "Formation and Prospects of the Coalition of North Korea, China, and Russia: Is It an Inevitable Consequence of the New Cold War? Is It a Temporary Adhesion?" East and West Studies 36, no. 1 (2024): 147–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.29274/ews.2024.36.1.147.

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This study analyzes the North Korea, China, and Russia coalition amidst complex global crises like the US-China strategic competition, the US-Russia crisis, and the North Korean nuclear issue, using coordination games and problems as analytical tools. In the ‘New Cold War’ context, they identify a focal point, form coalitions, and coordinate strategies based on reactive anti-US policies and confrontations with coalitions involving ROK, the US, and Japan. However, differing perspectives on the ‘New Cold War’ and external factors leading to divergent focal points resulted in strategic uncertaint

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3

Morey, Daniel S. "Centralized command and coalition victory." Conflict Management and Peace Science 37, no. 6 (2020): 716–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894220934884.

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Building upon research that found that coalitions are more likely to win wars, recent work has sought to differentiate effective from ineffective coalitions. Much of this work focuses on characteristics of member states and not the coalition itself. This paper takes a first step in exploring how the structure of a coalition contributes to its performance. Specifically, coalitions vary in how much control members must transfer to the coalition. Some coalitions form weak command structures with states maintaining primary control while other coalitions form a strong centralized command. The impac

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Graham, Benjamin A. T., Erik Gartzke, and Christopher J. Fariss. "The Bar Fight Theory of International Conflict: Regime Type, Coalition Size, and Victory." Political Science Research and Methods 5, no. 4 (2015): 613–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.52.

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Studies of regime type and war show that democracies tend to win the wars they fight, but questions remain about why this is the case. A simple, if underappreciated, explanation for democratic success is that democracies fight alongside larger and more powerful coalitions. Coalition partners bring additional material capabilities and may also provide intangible benefits to the war effort, such as increased legitimacy or confidence. Democracies may also find it less costly to join coalitions, as democratic war aims may be easier to apportion among the victors without diluting the spoils. Evalua

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Cappella Zielinski, Rosella, and Ryan Grauer. "Organizing for performance: coalition effectiveness on the battlefield." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 4 (2020): 953–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066120903369.

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States often fight side-by-side on the battlefield. As detailed in our new dataset, Belligerents in Battle, 178 of the 480 major land battles fought during interstate wars waged between 1900 and 2003 involved at least one multinational coalition. Though coalition partners fight battles together to increase their odds of securing specific objectives, they vary significantly in their capacity to do so. Why? Drawing on organization theory insights, we argue that coalitions’ variable battlefield effectiveness is a function of interactions between their command structures and the resources each par

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Henke, Marina E. "Buying Allies: Payment Practices in Multilateral Military Coalition-Building." International Security 43, no. 4 (2019): 128–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00345.

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Many countries serving in multilateral military coalitions are “paid” to do so, either in cash or in concessions relating to other international issues. An examination of hundreds of declassified archival sources as well as elite interviews relating to the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Gulf War, the Iraq War, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization operation in Afghanistan, the United Nations–African Union operation in Darfur, and the African Union operation in Somalia reveals that these payment practices follow a systematic pattern: pivotal states provide the means to cover such payments. T

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Kegler, Michelle C., Ana Dekanosidze, Arevik Torosyan, et al. "Community coalitions for smoke-free environments in Armenia and Georgia: A mixed methods analysis of coalition formation, implementation and perceived effectiveness." PLOS ONE 18, no. 8 (2023): e0289149. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0289149.

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Effective models for aligning public health and civil society at the local level have the potential to impact various global health issues, including tobacco. Georgia and Armenia Teams for Healthy Environments and Research (GATHER) is a collaboration between Armenia, Georgia and U.S. researchers involving a community randomized trial testing the impact of community coalitions to promote smoke-free policy adoption and compliance in various settings. Community Coalition Action Theory (CCAT) was used to guide and describe coalition formation, implementation and effectiveness. Mixed methods were u

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Stanley, Elizabeth A. "Ending the Korean War: The Role of Domestic Coalition Shifts in Overcoming Obstacles to Peace." International Security 34, no. 1 (2009): 42–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.34.1.42.

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Bargaining models of war suggest that war ends after two sides develop an overlapping bargaining space. Domestic mechanisms—domestic governing coalitions, a state's elite foreign policy decisionmaking group, and their role in ending interstate war—are critical in explaining how, when, and why that bargaining space develops. Through preference, information, and entrapment obstacles, wars can become “stuck” and require a change in expectations to produce a war-terminating bargaining space. A major source of such change is a shift in belligerents' governing coalitions. Events in the United States

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Saylor, Ryan, and Nicholas C. Wheeler. "Paying for War and Building States." World Politics 69, no. 2 (2017): 366–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000319.

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Many scholars believe that intense warfare propelled state formation in early modern Europe because rulers built tax institutions to pay for wars. Scholars likewise cite milder geopolitical pressures to explain the lackluster state building in the developing world. The authors analyze episodes of ferocious warfare in and beyond Europe and find that despite similar fiscal strains, not all governments built strong tax institutions to service wartime debt. When net creditors in a country's credit market were part of the ruling political coalition, they pressed governments to diversify taxes and s

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10

Meyer, David, and Catherine Corrigall-Brown. "Coalitions and Political Context: U.S. Movements Against Wars in Iraq." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 3 (2005): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.3.f8u6t4u2708kw442.

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Although social movements in the United States are staged by coalitions, the politics of movement coalitions and the internal and external factors that affect their formation, maintenance, and dissolution are understudied. Here, we use the 2002-2003 movement against the impending war in Iraq to refocus analytical attention and sharpen theory on social movement coalitions. We contend that external circumstances, or political opportunities, are critically important factors that affect the propensity of social movement organizations to cooperate in common cause. Further, we contend that cooperati

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Khaliullin, Karim Rishatovich. "ANTI-NAPOLEONIC CAMPAIGNS OF 1805–1807 AND THE MILITARY THEME IN RUSSIAN POETRY." Russkaya literatura 3 (2021): 142–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31860/0131-6095-2021-3-142-155.

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The article analyzes the connections between the offi cial rhetoric and the poetry on Napoleonic War of 1805–1807 in the Russian Empire. During the fi rst period of the war (War of the Third Coalition), only a handful of poems was published, whereas the second period (War of the Fourth Coalition) produced a much bigger volume of verse. The author suggests that the quantitative difference in the poetical output between these two phases of the War is directly related to the strategy of the offi cial rhetoric, since in the beginning of the War of the Third Coalition Emperor Alexander I did not pu

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Schweizer, Karl. "The Perils of Coalition War." European Legacy 17, no. 7 (2012): 940–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2012.724010.

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Suprun, M. N. "Svalbard in the Strategy of the Great Powers During the Second World War (1939– 1945)." Modern History of Russia 13, no. 1 (2023): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.101.

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The article deals with the place of Svalbard in the strategy of opposing coalitions during the Second World War in the various stages of the war. Since 1939 until the Tehran Conference, the main strategy of the Anti-Hitler Coalition had been the British strategy of “tightening the ring”. Therefore, the Arctic in the frame of this strategy was considered to be an important segment of the “ring”, and Svalbard — as the ice shore of the “channel” through which the route of the northern convoys ran, and the main battles of the war at sea took place. With the adoption of the new coalition strategy o

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14

Weisiger, Alex. "Exiting the Coalition: When Do States Abandon Coalition Partners during War?" International Studies Quarterly 60, no. 4 (2016): 753–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqw029.

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15

de Mesquita, Bruce Bueno, James D. Morrow, Randolph M. Siverson, and Alastair Smith. "Testing Novel Implications from the Selectorate Theory of War." World Politics 56, no. 3 (2004): 363–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2004.0017.

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The authors tested five novel hypotheses derived from the selectorate theory of war with data for up to about 140 states and spanning the years 1816–1993. The hypotheses point to subtle differences in selection effects across regime types that should operate during crises that fall short of war and also during wars. Leaders who rely on a large coalition (such as democrats) to remain in office are shown to be more selective than their small-coalition counterparts in their willingness to fight wars when the odds of victory are not overwhelming. They are also more selective than their small-coali

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Balogh, Péter. "Cooperation in conflict." Belvedere Meridionale 30, no. 4 (2018): 108–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2018.4.7.

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Social embeddedness may ensure a facilitating context for cooperation and the opportunity of individual actors to harmonize their interests. In a corresponding social setting coalitions can be formed that have the potential to support goal-attainment. By outlining a brief theoretical frame we intend to apply the concept of social embeddedness and cooperation in the rather specific field of international conflicts. We introduce two case studies investigating the structure of the global coalition of the war on terrorism, and the long-term trends of terrorist attacks and the international coopera

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Miller, Rory, and Sarah Cardaun. "Foreign Policy Agendas and Participation in Locally Led Informal Security Coalitions: Pakistan, Sudan, and the Yemen War Coalition." Middle East Journal 78, no. 2 (2025): 153–74. https://doi.org/10.3751/78.23.12.

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Informal multinational security coalitions are established frameworks for temporary military missions. There is an extensive scholarship on the motives of partners in coalitions led by the United States, but such choices by states in locally led coalitions in the Middle East have barely been studied. This article examines the decisions of Pakistan and Sudan to participate in the coalition in Yemen led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, established in March 2015. The findings demonstrate that Pakistan’s and Sudan’s decisions reflected national foreign policy priorities over and above

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18

GOODIN, ROBERT E., WERNER GÜTH, and RUPERT SAUSGRUBER. "When to Coalesce: Early Versus Late Coalition Announcement in an Experimental Democracy." British Journal of Political Science 38, no. 1 (2007): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000094.

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In multi-party democracies, several parties usually have to join together in coalition to form government. Many aspects of that process have been fairly fully investigated, others less so. Among the latter is the timing of the formation and announcement of coalitions.While the dominant popular image may be one of parties meeting together after the election to hammer out a coalition agreement, pre-election coalitions of one sort or another are actually quite common. In almost half of the elections in OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries since the Second World

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19

Jarrett, Nathaniel W. "False Start: Britain and Coalition Warfare in 1794." War in History 24, no. 2 (2017): 134–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515624459.

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This article analyses Britain’s struggle to conduct warfare as a member of a coalition during the first war against Revolutionary France. It focuses on Anglo-Austrian planning in the winter of 1793–4 and the effort to implement these plans in the spring of 1794. Scholars have attributed the coalition’s defeat in Flanders to Austro-Prussian distractions in Poland and the botched British attempt to supersede this through subsidies. In contrast, this article illustrates that delays in planning, preparations, and operations hamstrung the coalition’s 1794 campaign in Flanders in the spring, before

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20

Boston, Jonathan. "Assessing Aotearoa's latest 'war on nature' or 'Goodbye Freddy'." Policy Quarterly 20, no. 4 (2024): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/pq.v20i4.9627.

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Since taking office in late November 2023, the National/ACT/New Zealand First coalition government in Aotearoa New Zealand has made rapid, comprehensive and far-reaching changes to environmental laws, regulations and policies. Further significant policy reforms are pending. This article outlines the main policy changes and summarises the many concerns that they have generated.It then discusses the coalition’s apparent rationale for the changes, focusing particularly on resource management reform. Followingthis, the article outlines the ecological values and principles that ought to inform envi

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21

Haxha, Elsa. "American Misions in Albania during World War II." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (2017): 322–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n1p322.

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Abstract As is known historically, part of the World Anti-Fascist Grand Coalition was also another great ally, United States. Even the allies had issued the Declaration of December 1942, for recognition of the anti-fascist resistance of the Albanian people, as well as Great Britain and the Soviet Union, making it part of the International Coalition and part of his war against the common enemies nazi and fascists. Nevertheless, beyond the lack of these interests, the Americans under the World Anti-Fascist Grand Coalition few months after the british began in the tiny Balkan military missions, a

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Heibach, Jens, and Tereza Jermanová. "Coalition Maintenance during Democratization: Comparative Insights from Tunisia and Yemen." Middle East Law and Governance 15, no. 3 (2023): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231398.

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Abstract In light of the oft-cited benefits of power sharing, this paper compares two cases of coalition governments that emerged from domestically initiated transition processes in the Arab world: the Tunisian Troika (2011–2014) and the Yemeni Coalition Government (1993–1994). While the former facilitated Tunisia’s democratization, the latter’s disintegration contributed to the 1994 war and Yemen’s authoritarian backsliding. It asks why coalition cooperation endured in Tunisia but not in Yemen, exploring intra-elite relations, the power dynamics at play, as well as elites’ motivations in laun

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Böhmelt, Tobias. "Disaggregating Mediations: The Impact of Multiparty Mediation." British Journal of Political Science 41, no. 4 (2011): 859–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000135.

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This article disaggregates coalitions of third-party mediators and examines their effectiveness in interventions. First, it is argued that there is an inverted U-shaped relationship between the size of a mediating coalition and mediation effectiveness. Secondly, mediators sharing a history of conflict and distrust will transfer their past relationships to a mediation attempt, making it less effective. Consequently, states sharing friendly and co-operative ties with each other are more successful in managing conflicts. Finally, a coalition of mediators that is largely democratic should be more

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Hrenchir, M. J. "Coalition Defection: The Dissolution of Arab Anti-Israeli Coalitions in War and Peace." History: Reviews of New Books 32, no. 1 (2003): 28–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2003.10527688.

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Tolstov, S. "The Political and Military Alliances and Coalition Relations Before and During the Second World War: Nature, Modality and Peculiarities." Problems of World History, no. 1 (March 24, 2016): 79–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-1-5.

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The problem of allied cooperation and formation of multilateral coalitions takes an important place in the diplomatic history of 1920-1940s’. This article presents an attempt to analyze the structural and motivational factors that influenced the establishment and functioning of the alliance and coalition relations between the leading powers of the time. In the context of multipolar international system peace and stability could be preserved by arrangements of collective security against aggression and hegemonism, or by the balance of power and effective alliances. None of these structural mech

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Partridge, Hilary. "The Italian General Elections: Something New or More of the Same Thing?" Politics 14, no. 3 (1994): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1994.tb00010.x.

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Since the Second World War, Italy has been ruled by shifting coalitions dominated by the Christian Democrat Party to the exclusion of the main opposition, the Communist Party. The continuity in power of the government coalitions and inter party/faction negotiations created the conditions for the abuses of state resources which came to light with the investigations of the Milan magistrates. Electoral reforms intended to break the stranglehold of the ‘partyocracy’ by encouraging the formation of two main alternative political blocs have been implemented. However, the 1994 elections have returned

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Warwick, Paul V. "Coalition Government Membership in West European Parliamentary Democracies." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 4 (1996): 471–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007572.

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The results of a quantitative investigation into the factors affecting coalition government membership in West European parliamentary democracies are reported in this article. Using a new data set covering the post-war era to 1990, separate logistic regression analyses are performed to determine what influences the odds of becoming the government ‘formateur’ and the odds of becoming a coalition partner. In addition, Laver and Shepsle's portfolio allocation theory is subjected to testing. Among the independent variables considered are a party's size, its previous experience in government, its w

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Terraine, John. "Lessons of coalition war: 1914 and 1939." RUSI Journal 134, no. 2 (1989): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071848908445368.

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Lesser, Ian O. "Coalition dynamics in the war against terrorism." International Spectator 37, no. 2 (2002): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720208456974.

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Berg, Carla J., Regine Haardörfer, Arevik Torosyan, et al. "Examining local smoke-free coalitions in Armenia and Georgia: context and outcomes of a matched-pairs community-randomised controlled trial." BMJ Global Health 9, no. 2 (2024): e013282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2023-013282.

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IntroductionLocal coalitions can advance public health initiatives such as smoke-free air but have not been widely used or well-studied in low-income and middle-income countries.MethodsWe conducted a matched-pairs community-randomised controlled trial in 28 communities in Armenia and Georgia (N=14/country) in which we helped establish local coalitions in 2019 and provided training and technical assistance for coalition activity promoting smoke-free policy development and enforcement (2019–2021). Surveys of ~1450 households (Fall 2018, May–June 2022) were conducted to evaluate coalition impact

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Phillips, Richard. "Standing together: the Muslim Association of Britain and the anti-war movement." Race & Class 50, no. 2 (2008): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396808096396.

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One of the main groups involved in organising the mobilisation of millions of people in opposition to the Iraq war of 2003 was the Muslim Association of Britain (MAB). Much recent commentary has focused on the involvement of MAB (an offshoot of the Arab Muslim Brotherhood) in the coalition of organisations that led the anti-war movement. Less attention has been paid to how MAB activists themselves understood their working relationship with the other organised groups in the Stop the War coalition. Based mainly on interviews with MAB activists, this article examines their perspectives and experi

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Brown, Chris. "Moral Agency and International Society." Ethics & International Affairs 15, no. 2 (2001): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2001.tb00360.x.

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There is no body that has the legal right to exercise agency on behalf of international society (IS), even though the notion of “society” encapsulated in IS is, in principle, close to that conveyed by bodies such as clubs and associations that can be represented by, for example, a board of directors or governing committee. Some have argued that the UN or the Security Council can exercise agency on behalf of IS, but in view of the “underinstitutionalization” of IS in the UN, a more interesting possibility is that groups of states may authorize themselves to act on the behalf of IS as “coalition

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Fiszer, Józef M. "Kto wygrał II wojnę światową, a kto przegrał pokój? Refleksje na kanwie 70. rocznicy zakończenia II wojny światowej." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 24/1 (April 29, 2016): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2016.24.02.

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This article is an attempt to answer the questions that have long been bothering historians, political scientists, sociologists and lawyers, as well as ordinary people, nationals of the former anti-Hitler coalition and members of the fascist Berlin-Rome-Tokyo coalition: namely, who really won World War II and who lost the peace that put an end to the war in Europe and the world? Who had reasons to celebrate victory, and who suffered a bitter defeat and enslavement?The main thesis of this article is the observation that, in military terms, World War II was won by the states belonging to the ant

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QiQuan, Ye. "Mathematical Model to Predict Wars." Saudi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 10, no. 05 (2025): 243–56. https://doi.org/10.36348/sjhss.2025.v10i05.005.

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The three-year course of the Ukrainian war suggests one possibility. Mathematical models can be used to calculate or predict complex and large-scale coalition wars. A mathematical model created in 2022 suggests that the Ukrainian war will be a long-term struggle in the area between the L1 and the L2 line. This model also assumes a high-risk scenario. In the future of 2026, if there is a full-scale war between the US alliance and the Chinese alliance in East Asia, it will be difficult for the US alliance to win. If this model is verified again in 2026, the mathematical model can be used to pred

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Beeber, Matthew. "Nancy Cunard and the 1930s Coalitional Anthology." Comparative Literature 74, no. 4 (2022): 448–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00104124-9989243.

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Abstract This essay addresses Pablo Neruda and Nancy Cunard’s Spanish Civil War poetry anthology Los poetas del mundo defienden al pueblo espanol alongside Cunard’s earlier anthology, her massive and eclectic Negro: Anthology (1934). I argue that when read alongside Cunard’s later, lesser-known collaboration with Neruda, Negro can be seen as one part of Cunard’s larger trajectory as an editor of coalitional anthologies. Los poetas, an understudied collection of modernist poetry deserving of recovery in its own right, also allows greater perspective of Cunard’s earlier anthology. Reading Negro

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Chung, Kuyoun. "Competitive Coexistence and Institutional Balancing of the US: Analyzing the formation of the US-led bespoke and ad hoc coalition and regional architecture." Korean Association of Area Studies 40, no. 3 (2022): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.40.3.1.

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This study analyzes the nature of US-China competition which is conceptualized as competitive coexistence in its attempt to examine the condition under which the US-led bespoke and ad hoc coalitions are established. The current US-China competition, which is characterized by changing balance of power and deepening interdependence, is allowing hedging behavior among regional countries. The US, which seek to form a favorable balance of power vis-a-vis China, attempts institutional balancing, building a multi-layered regional architecture with its through engaging regional countries. However, the

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Barnard-Wills, David. ""This is not a cyber war, it's a...?"." International Journal of Cyber Warfare and Terrorism 1, no. 1 (2011): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcwt.2011010102.

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This paper is a political theory analysis using the conflict, attacks, and ‘hactivism’ surrounding the WikiLeaks organisations following diplomatic cable releases as a case study to demonstrate the complexity of contemporary cyber conflict. This complexity is reflected in the motivations, identities, and values of a multiplicity of (often non-state) actors. Termed ‘the first visible cyber war’ this conflict (having already drawn in states, media organisations, banks and payments companies, and loose coalitions of individuals) is one where traditional metaphors of war occlude as much as they re

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Mello, Patrick A. "Paths towards coalition defection: Democracies and withdrawal from the Iraq War." European Journal of International Security 5, no. 1 (2019): 45–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2019.10.

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AbstractDespite widespread public opposition to the Iraq War, numerous democracies joined the US-led multinational force. However, while some stayed until the end of coalition operations, and several increased their deployments over time, others left unilaterally. How to explain this variation? While some studies suggest that democratic defection from security commitments is primarily motivated by electoral incentives or leadership change, scholars have not reached a consensus on this issue. To account for the complex interplay between causal factors, this article develops an integrative theor

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Newnham, Randall. ""Coalition of the Bribed and Bullied?" U.S. Economic Linkage and the Iraq War Coalition." International Studies Perspectives 9, no. 2 (2008): 183–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1528-3585.2008.00326.x.

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GARST, W. DANIEL. "From Factor Endowments to Class Struggle." Comparative Political Studies 31, no. 1 (1998): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031001002.

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Ronald Rogowski's recent and important work, Commerce and Coalitions, sets forth a farranging and parsimonious theory of trade and political cleavages. This article closely investigates its validity in the case of pre-World War I Germany, where trade has long been seen as a critical factor determining coalition formation and Rogowski's argument appears at first glance to be especially compelling. Close investigation, however, reveals that the key variable in Rogowski's theory, relative factor endowments, fails to account for the political alignment of capital and labor in Germany following 189

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Jefferys, Kevin. "British Politics and Social Policy during the Second World War." Historical Journal 30, no. 1 (1987): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021944.

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This article sets out to examine the relationship between party politics and social reform in the Second World War. The issue of government policy towards reform was raised initially by Richard Titmuss, who argued in his official history of social policy that the experience of total war and the arrival of Churchill's coalition in 1940 led to a fundamentally new attitude on welfare issues. The exposure of widespread social deprivation, Titmuss claimed, made central government fully conscious for the first time of the need for reconstruction; the reforms subsequently proposed or enacted by the c

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de Oliveira, Andre Rossi, and Emilson Caputo Delfino Silva. "Self-Enforcing Collective Counterterror Retaliation." Games 13, no. 1 (2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/g13010001.

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Motivated by recent examples of collective effort on the war on terror, we examine the incentives that retaliation may produce for the endogenous formation of an international counterterror coalition. We show that there are quite reasonable circumstances under which any nation that is a target of a terrorist attack finds it desirable to be a member of the international counterterror coalition, holding the choices of all other nations as given. The incentives to join the coalition are the group-specific benefits from retaliation enjoyed by each coalition member, the relatively lower spillover b

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Pechatnov, V. O. "Exploring Lessons from Soviet Diplomacy and Western Allied Cooperation in World War II." MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, no. 6 (2024): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-13-36.

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Based on an analysis of documentary sources from Russian, American, and British archives, this article delves into the intricacies of coalition diplomacy among the Allies during World War II. It places special emphasis on the adherence to obligations and coalition behavior norms, encompassing respect for partners' interests, maintaining unity amidst divergences, coordinating actions towards shared objectives, and avoiding actions that risk coalition breakdown. The comparative analysis of Soviet and Anglo-American diplomacy reveals that the principal members of the anti-Hitler coalition general

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Iber, Patrick. "Cold War Liberalism Returns." Dissent 70, no. 3 (2023): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2023.a906665.

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Abstract: Because of the echoes in our times of the conditions that produced Cold War liberalism, it should not surprise us that recent years have brought a renewed interest in the tradition. Today, its inheritors warn ominously of the growing threats from the authoritarian right. But they are also concerned about the left’s drift toward a rejection of liberalism. The war in Ukraine has further enlivened their coalition. What should be made of this revival?

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Hakim, Amri. "Neostructural Realism’s Explanation on Russia-Ukraine War." JOELS: Journal of Election and Leadership 4, no. 2 (2023): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/joels.v4i2.15523.

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This article aims to explain why NATO keeps expanse on Ukraine, and why Russia responses it through invasion now. By using qualitative methode, library research, and the neostructural realism theory founded that since the dissolution of Soviet Union, NATO has been no longer appropriate abstracted as an alliance but an unipole security coalition, then the NATO expansion on Ukraine can be seen as the continuity of U.S.’ containment policy to Russia, and adding its coalition partners for unilateral action legitimacy in order to maintain its hegemon position which undermine Russia’s Eurasia great

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Lewandowsky, Stephan, Werner G. K. Stritzke, Klaus Oberauer, and Michael Morales. "Memory for Fact, Fiction, and Misinformation." Psychological Science 16, no. 3 (2005): 190–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0956-7976.2005.00802.x.

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Media coverage of the 2003 Iraq War frequently contained corrections and retractions of earlier information. For example, claims that Iraqi forces executed coalition prisoners of war after they surrendered were retracted the day after the claims were made. Similarly, tentative initial reports about the discovery of weapons of mass destruction were all later disconfirmed. We investigated the effects of these retractions and disconfirmations on people's memory for and beliefs about war-related events in two coalition countries (Australia and the United States) and one country that opposed the wa

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Opeyeoluwa, Rotimi Olajide. "THE GULF WAR REVISITED: ISSUES AND CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ART OF WAR." Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy 2, no. 1 (2021): 263–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2021.0201.07-j.

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This paper examines the 1991 Gulf War and how it contributed to the development of the art of war since the dawn of the post-Cold War realities. The 1991 Gulf War was a war waged by a coalition force of 40 nations led by the United States of America (USA) against Iraq in response to Iraq’s invasion and subsequent annexation of Kuwait, arising from oil pricing and production disputes. This article seeks an explanation for how the Gulf War has contributed to the art of war by explaining how the Napoleonic strategy of quick and decisive victory was used in the operation. This strategy contrast sh

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Shi, Huafei. "Issue Coalition: A Burgeoning Strategy in U.S. Foreign Policy." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 5, no. 1 (2023): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/5/20220392.

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As one of the most important phenomena in international relations, alliance has long been widely valued and widely studied. In fact, there are great differences in the form and degree of alliance. There are not only offensive or defensive alliances for military security, but also possible alliances for a specific issue to achieve their own strategic goals, which are defined as Issue Coalition. Throughout the development process of the international community, the phenomenon of Issue Coalition has both internal and external generation logic and existence reasons, especially after the end of the

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Kelly, Michael J. "Iraq and the law of occupation: new tests for an old law." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 6 (December 2003): 127–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900001318.

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When deciding to go to war against Iraq in 2003 it had been intended by the Coalition states from the outset that the regime of Saddam Hussein would be deposed. It was believed, however, that there would be close engagement with a surviving Iraqi administrative capacity and perhaps a successor government. Consequently, it was expected that there would not be a need for much ‘post conflict’ administrative effort beyond the provision of support to a largely intact infrastructure, remaining functionaries and perhaps some humanitarian relief. Instead, Coalition forces faced the greatest post-confl

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Sussman, Gerald. "Reheating the Cold War: us, Russia, and the Revival of Rollback." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 16, no. 6 (2017): 736–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341459.

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Abstract A neoconservative coalition of oppositional forces, comprised of the Clinton wing of the Democratic Party and their allies in the Republican Party, the liberal mainstream media, and the deep state have promoted a new Cold War against Russia. This is intended as a mobilizing strategy to overturn the Trump presidency, weaken the Russian state, and reconstruct state legitimacy following years of decline in the quality of life and democracy in America. The coalition reconstructed the Cold War as an ideological tool in the interest of continuing to pursue domestic and global neoliberal pol

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